UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT  LOS  ANGELES 


ilfc 


- 


THE  LIFE 

OF 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 

COMMANDER  IN  CHIEF  OF  THE 

AMERICAN  FORCES, 

DURING  THE  WAR  WHICH  ESTABLISHED  THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  HIS  COUNTRY, 

AND  FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE 

JJ  SHIP  IB  SB  SfflAfflfflSo 

COMPILED   UNDER   THE   INSPECTION   OP 

THE  HONOURABLE  BUSHROD  WASHINGTON, 

jFrom  <®tfgfnal  papers 

BEQUEATHED  TO  fflM  BY  HIS  DECEASED  RELATIVE, 


BY  JOHN  MARSHALL. 

SECOND  EDITION,  REVISED  AND  CORRECTED  BY  THE  AUTHOR. 

IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 
VOL.  I. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLISHED  BY  JAMES  CR1SSY, 

AND  THOMAS,  COWPERTHWAIT  AND  CO 

1840. 


146514 


•  -.••.;    ".  ".'  :'.*<;•':  •"•.  V.  v* 
•.>..:..:  •  "••  •'  •.    •    '       • 


Entered  according  to  act  of  congress,  in  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and  thirty-one, 
by  Carey  &  Lea,  in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of 
Pennsylvania. 


STEREOTYPED  BY  J.  CRISSY  AND  G.  GOODMAN. 


•£310- 

• 


PREFACE 

TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


THE  author  persuades  himself  that  no  apology  will  be  required  for 
offering  to  his  fellow-citizens  a  revised  edition  of  the  LIFE  OF  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON. 

&*  The  period  during  which  he  lived,  and  acted  a  conspicuous  part  in 

c\j 

^         American  affairs,  was  the  most  interesting  of  American  history.     The 

•— i          war  of  our  revolution,  the  very  instructive  interval  between  its  termina- 
03 

tion  and  the  adoption  of  our  present  constitution,  the  organization  of  the 

new  government,  and  the  principles  which  were  developed  in  its  first 
operation,  form  great  epochs,  claiming  the  attention  not  only  of  every 
statesman,  but  of  every  American  unwilling  to  remain  ignorant  of  the 
history  of  his  country,  and  the  character  of  his  countrymen. 

The  transactions  of  this  period  constitute  the  subject  of  the  following 
pages.  In  compiling  them,  the  Author  has  relied  chiefly  on  the  manu- 
script papers  of  General  Washington.  These  have  supplied  the  requi- 
site information  respecting  all  facts  immediately  connected  with  himself. 
But  as  many  occurrences  are  unavoidably  introduced  in  which  he  acted 
no  direct  part,  it  has  been  drawn  occasionally  from  other  sources. 

The  history  of  General  Washington,  from  the  time  of  his  appointment 
to  the  command  of  the  American  armies,  is  the  history  of  his  country. 
Yet  the  peculiar  character  of  biography  seemed  to  require  that  his  pri- 
vate opinions,  and  his  various  plans,  whether  carried  into  execution  or 
neglected,  should  be  given  more  in  detail  than  might  be  deemed  proper  in 
a  general  history.  Copious  extracts  have,  therefore,  been  made  from  his 
correspondence.  Many  political  events,  too.  especially  during  the  war, 
while  his  particular  duties  were  of  a  military  character,  seem  less  appro- 


iv  PREFACE. 

priate  to  his  biography,  than  to  a  professed  history  of  the  United  States. 

These  are  alluded  to  incidentally. 

The  great  questions  which  were  debated  in  Congress  during  the  first 
operations  of  the  government,  have  not  yet  lost  their  interest.  Deep 
impressions  were  then  made  respecting  the  subjects  themselves,  and  the 
persons  by  whom  the  various  important  propositions  then  discussed  were 
supported  or  opposed,  which  are  not  yet  entirely  effaced^ Justice  to  the 
patriot  statesmen,  who  then  devoted  their  time  and  talents  to  the  public 
service,  requires  that  the  reasons  on  which  they  acted  should  be  known. 
The  arguments,  therefore,  for  and  against  those  measures  which  had 
most  influence  over  the  opinion  of  the  nation,  are  substantially  stated. 
They  are  necessarily  collected  from  the  papers  of  the  day.x>. 

s   J  fir 

&Qi\\et  transactions  of  immense  importance  at  the  time,  conveying  les- 
sons as  instructive  as  experience  can  give,  in  which  almost  every  indi- 
vidual took  some  part,  passed  under  the  view  of  the  nation,  and  are  de- 
tailed, in  some  degree,  from  the  observation  of  the  author  himself.  In 
stating  these,  which  belong  equally  to  history  and  biography,  his  endea- 
vour has  been  to  represent  sentiments  and  actions,  leaving  it  to  the  read- 
er to  draw  his  own  conclusions  from  them^"" 

The  work  was  originally  composed  under  circumstances  which  might 
afford  some  apology  for  its  being  finished  with  less  care  than  its  import- 
ance demanded.  The  immense  mass  of  papers  which  it  was  necessary 
to  read,  many  of  them  interesting  when  written,  but  no  longer  so,  occu- 
pied great  part  of  that  time  which  the  impatience  of  the  public  could 
,  allow  for  the  appearance  of  the  book  itself.  It  was  therefore  hurried  to 
the  press  without  that  previous  careful  examination,  which  would  have 
resulted  in  the  correction  of  some  faults  that  have  been  since  perceived. 
In  the  hope  of  presenting  the  work  to  the  public  in  a  form  more  worthy 
of  its  acceptance,  and  more  satisfactory  to  himself,  the  author  has  given 
it  a  careful  revision.  The  language  has  been,  in  some  instances,  alter- 
ed— he  trusts  improved ;  and  the  narrative,  especially  that  part  of  it 
which  details  the  distresses  of  the  army  during  the  war,  relieved  from 
tedious  repetitions  of  the  same  suffering.  The  work  is  reduced  in  its 
volume,  without  discarding  any  essential  information. 


THE   LIFE 

OP 

GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  I.      -» 

Birth  of  Mr.  Washington. — His  mission  to  the  French  on  the  Ohio. — Appointed 
Lieutenant  Colonel  of  a  regiment  of  regular  troops. — Surprises  Monsieur  Jumon- 
ville. — Capitulation  of  fort  Necessity. — Is  appointed  aid-de-camp  to  Genejpl  Brad- 
dock. — Defeat  and  death  of  that  general. — Is  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  regi- 
ment.— Extreme  distress  of  the  frontiers,  and  exertions  of  Colonel  Washington  to 
augment  the  regular  forces  of  the  colony. — Expedition  against  fort  Du  GLuesne. — 
Defeat  of  Major  Grant. — Fort  Du  Q,uesne  evacuated  by  the  French,  and  taken 
possession  of  by  the  English. — Resignation  of  Colonel  Washington. — His  mar- 
riage. 

GEOKGE  WASHINGTON,  the  third  son  of  Augustine  Washington,  was 
born  on  the  22d  of  February,  1732,  near  the  banks  of  the  Po- 
towmac,  in  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  in  Virginia.   His  father 
first  married  Miss  Butler,  who  died  in  1728 ;  leaving  two  sons,  Lawrence 
and  Augustine.     In  1730,  he  intermarried  with  Miss  Mary  Ball,  by 
whom  he  had  four  sons,  George,  John,  Samuel  and  Charles ;  and  one 
daughter,  Betty,  who  intermarried  with  Colonel  Fielding  Lewis,  of  Frede- 
ricksburg. 

His  great  grand-father,  John  Washington,  a  gentleman  of  a  respecta- 
ble family,  had  emigrated  from  the  north  of  England  about  the  year 
1657,  and  settled  on  the  place  where  Mr.  Washington  was  born. 

At  the  age  of  ten  years  he  lost  his  father.     Deprived  of  one  parent,  he 
became  an  object  of  more  assiduous  attention  to  the  other ;  who 
continued  to  impress  those  principles  of  religion  and  virtue 
on  his  tender  mind,  which  constituted  the  solid  basis  of  a  character 
that  was  maintained  through  all  the  trying  vicissitudes  of  an  eventful  life. 
But  his  education  was  limited  to  those  subjects,  in  which  alone  the  sons 
of  gentlemen,  of  moderate  fortune,  were,  at  that  time,  generally  instruct- 
ed.    It  was  confined  to  acquisitions  strictly  useful,  not  even  extending 
to  foreign  languages. 

In  1743,  his  eldest  brother  intermarried  with  the  daughter  of  the 


2  THE  LIFE  OF 

Honourable  George  William  Fairfax,  then  a  member  of  the  council ;  and 
this  connexion  introduced  Mr.  Washington  to  Lord  Fairfax,  the  propri- 
etor of  the  Northern  Neck  of  Virginia,  who  offered  him,  when 
in  his  eighteenth  year,  an  appointment  as  surveyor,  in  the 
western  part  of  that  territory.     His  patrimonial  estate  being  inconsider- 
able, this  appointment  was  readily  accepted ;  and  in  the  performance  of 
its  duties,  he  acquired  that  information  respecting  vacant  lands,  and 
formed  those  opinions  concerning  their  future  value,  which  afterwards 
contributed  greatly  to  the  increase  of  his  private  fortune. 

Those  powerful  attractions  which  the  profession  of  arms  presents  to 
young  and  ardent  minds,  possessed  their  full  influence  over  Mr.  Wash- 
ington.     Stimulated   by  the   enthusiasm   of  military  genius,  to  take 
part  in  the  war  in  which  Great  Britain  was  then  engaged,  he  had 
pressed  so  earnestly  to  enter  into  the  navy,  that,  at  the  age  of 
'•    fifteen,  a  midshipman's  warrant  was  obtained  for  him.     The 
interference  of  a  timid  and  affectionate  mother  deferred  the  commence- 
ment, and  changed  the  direction  of  his  military  career.     Four 
years  afterwards,  at  a  time  when  the  militia  were  to  be  trained 
for  actual  service,  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  Adjutants  General  of 
Virginia,  with  the  rank  of  Major.    The  duties  annexed  to  this  office  soon 
yielded  to  others  of  a  more  interesting  character. 

France  was  beginning  to  develop  the  vast  plan  of  connecting  her 
extensive  dominions  in  America,  by  uniting  Canada  with  Louisiana. 
The  troops  of  that  nation  had  taken  possession  of  a  tract  of  country 
claimed  by  Virginia,  and  had  commenced  a  line  of  posts,  to  be  extended 
from  the  Lakes  to  the  Ohio.  The  attention  of  Mr.  Dinwiddie,  Lieute- 
nant Governor  of  that  Province,  was  attracted  to  these  supposed  en- 
croachments ;  and  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  demand,  in  the  name  of  the 
King  his  master,  that  they  should  be  suspended. 

This  mission  was  toilsome  and  hazardous.     The  Envoy  would  be 
under  the  necessity  of  passing  through  an  extensive  and  almost  unex- 
plored wilderness,  intersected  with  rugged  mountains  and  considerable 
rivers,  and  inhabited  by  fierce  savages,  who  were  either  hostile  to  the 
English,  or  of  doubtful  attachment.     While  the  dangers  and  fatigues  of 
this  service  deterred  others  from  undertaking  it,  they  seem  to  have  pos- 
sessed attractions  for  Mr.  Washington,  and  he  engaged  in  it  with  alacrity. 
On  receiving  his  commission,  he  left  Williamsburg  and  arrived,  on 
1753      the  14th  °f  November>  at  Wills'  creek,  then  the  extreme  fron- 
tier settlement  of  the  English,  where  guides  were  engaged  to 
conduct  him  over  the  Alleghany  mountains.   After  surmounting  the  im- 
pediments occasioned  by  the  snow'and  high  waters,  he  reached  the  mouth 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  3 

ol  Turtle  creek,  where  he  was  informed  that  the  French  General  was  dead, 
and  that  the  greater  part  of  the  army  had  retired  into  winter  quarters.  Pur- 
suing his  route,  he  examined  the  country  through  which  he  passed  with 
a  military  eye,  and  selected  the  confluence  of  the  Monongahela  and 
Alleghany  rivers,  the  place  where  fort  Du  Quesne  was  afterwards 
erected  by  the  French,  as  an  advantageous  position,  which  it  would  be 
adviseable  to  seize  and  to  fortify  immediately. 

After  employing  a  few  days  among  the  Indians  in  that  neighbourhood, 
and  procuring  some  of  their  chiefs  to  accompany  him,  whose  fidelity  he 
took  the  mos(  judicious  means  to  secure,  he  ascended  the  Alleghany 
river.  Passing  one  fort  at  the  mouth  of  French  creek,  he  proceeded  up 
the  stream  to  a  second,  where  he  was  received  by  Monsieur  Le  Gardeur 
de  St.  Pierre,  the  commanding  officer  on  the  Ohio,  to  whom  he  delivered 
the  letter  of  Mr.  Dinwiddie,  and  from  whom  he  received  an  answer  with 
which  he  returned  to  Williamsburg.  The  exertions  made  by  Mr. 
Washington  on  this  occasion,  the  perseverance  with  which  he  sur- 
mounted the  difficulties  of  the  journey,  and  the  judgment  displayed  in 
his  conduct  towards  the  Indians,  raised  him  in  the  public 
opinion,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor.  His 
journal,*  drawn  up  for  the  inspection  of  Mr.  Dinwiddie,  was  published, 
and  impressed  his  countrymen  with  very  favourable  sentiments  of  his  un- 
derstanding and  fortitude. 

As  the  answer  from  the  commandant  of  the  French  forces  on  the  Ohio 
indicated  no  disposition  to  withdraw  from  that  country,  it  was  deemed 
necessary  to  make  some  preparations  to  maintain  the  right  asserted  over 
it  by  the  British  crown ;  and  the  assembly  of  Virginia  authorized  the 
executive  to  raise  a  regiment  for  that  purpose,  to  consist  of  three  hun- 
dred men.  The  command  of  this  regiment  was  given  to  Mr.  Fry  ;f  and 

*  See  note,  No.  I,  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

t  With  an  unaffected  modesty  which  the  accumulated  honours  of  his  after  life 
could  never  impair,  Major  Washington,  though  the  most  distinguished  military  man 
then  in  Virginia,  declined  being  a  candidate  for  the  command  of  this  regiment.  The 
following  letter  written  on  the  occasion  to  Colonel  Richard  Corbin,  a  member  of  the 
council,  with  whom  his  family  was  connected  by  the  ties  of  friendship  and  of  affinity, 
was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  author  by  Mr.  Francis  Corbin,  a  son  of  that  gen- 
tleman. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — In  a  conversation  at  Green  Spring  you  gave  me  some  room  to  hope 
for  a  commission  above  that  of  a  Major,  and  to  be  ranked  among  the  chief  officers  of 
this  expedition.  The  command  of  the  whole  forces  is  what  I  neither  look  for,  expect, 
or  desire  ;  for  I  must  be  impartial  enough  to  confess,  it  is  a  charge  too  great  for  my 
youth  and  inexperience  to  be  intrusted  with.  Knowing  this,  I  have  too  sincere  a  love 
for  my  country,  to  undertake  that  which  may  tend  to  the  prejudice  of  it.  But  if  I 
could  entertain  hopes  that  you  thought  me  worthy  of  the  post  of(  Lieu  tenant-colonel, 


4  THE  LIFE  OF 

Major  Washington  was  appointed  Lieutenant  Colonel.  Anxious  to  be 
engaged  in  active  service,  he  obtained  permission,  about  the  beginning 
of  April,  to  advance  with  two  companies  to  the  Great  Meadows  in  the 
Alleghany  mountains.  By  this  movement  he  hoped  to  cover  that  fron- 
tier, to  make  himself  more  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  country,  to  gain 
some  information  respecting  the  situation  and  designs  of  the  French,  and 
to  preserve  the  friendship  of  the  savages.  Soon  after  his  arrival  at  that 
place,  he  was  visited  by  some  friendly  Indians,  who  informed  him  that 
the  French,  having  dispersed  a  party  of  workmen  employed  by  the  Ohio 
company  to  erect  a  fort  on  the  south-eastern  branch  of  the  Ohio,  were 
themselves  engaged  in  completing  a  fortification  at  the  confluence  of  the 
Alleghany  and  Monongahela  rivers :  a  detachment  from  which  place 
was  then  on  its  march  towards  his  camp.  Open  hostilities  had  not  yet 
commenced ;  but  the  country  was  considered  as  invaded :  and  several 
circumstances  were  related,  confirming  the  opinion  that  this  party  was 
approaching  with  hostile  views.  Among  others,  it  had  withdrawn  itself 
some  distance  from  the  path,  and  had  encamped  for  the  night  in  a  bot- 
tom, as  if  to  ensure  concealment.  Entertaining  no  doubt  of  the  unfriendly 
designs  with  which  these  troops  were  advancing,  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Washington  resolved  to  anticipate  them.  Availing  himself  of  the  offer 
made  by  the  Indians  to  serve  him  as  guides,  he  proceeded  through  a 
dark  and  rainy  night  to  the  French  encampment,  which  he  completely 
surrounded.  At  daybreak,  his  troops  fired  and  rushed  upon  the  party, 
which  immediately  surrendered.  One  man  only  escaped  capture ;  and 
M.  Jumonville  alone,  the  commanding  officer,  was  killed. 

While  the  regiment  was  on  its  march  to  join  the  detachment  advanced 
in  front,  the  command  devolved  on  Lieutenant  Colonel  Washington  by 
the  death  of  Colonel  Fry.  Soon  after  its  arrival,  it  was  reinforced  by 
two  independent  companies  of  regulars.  After  erecting  a  small  stockade 
at  the  Great  Meadows,  Colonel  Washington  commenced  his  march  to- 
wards  fort  Du  Quesne,  with  the  intention  of  dislodging  the  French  from 
that  place.  He  had  proceeded  about  thirteen  miles,  when  he  was  met  by 

and  would  favour  me  so  far  as  to  mention  it  at  the  appointment  of  officers,  I  could  not 
but  entertain  a  true  sense  of  the  kindness. 

I  flatter  myself  that  under  a  skilful  commander,  or  man  of  sense,  (which  I  most 
sincerely  wish  to  serve  under,)  with  my  own  application  and  diligent  study  of  my 
duty,  1  shall  be  able  to  conduct  my  steps  without  censure,  and  in  time,  render  my- 
self worthy  of  the  promotion  that  I  shall  be  favoured  with  now." 

The  com  mission  he  solicited  was  transmitted  to  him  by  Mr.  Corbin,  in  the  follow- 
ing laconic  letter : 

'  DEAR  GEORGE, — I  inclose  you  your  commission.    God  prosper  you  with  it. 

Your  friend,  RICHARD  CORBIN." 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  li 

some  friendly  Indians,  who  informed  him  that  the  French  and  their 
savage  allies,  "  as  numerous  as  the  pigeons  in  the  woods,"  were  advan- 
cing rapidly  to  meet  him.  Among  those  who  brought  this  information, 
was  a  trusty  chief,  only  two  days  from  the  fort  on  the  Ohio,  who  had 
observed  the  arrival  of  a  considerable  reinforcement  at  that  place,  and 
had  heard  their  intention  of  marching  immediately  to  attack  the  English, 
with  a  corps  composed  of  eight  hundred  French  and  four  hundred  In- 
dians. This  intelligence  was  corroborated  by  information  previously 
received  from  deserters,  who  had  reported  that  a  reinforcement  was  ex- 
pected. 

The  troops  commanded  by  Colonel  Washington  were  almost  destitute 
of  provisions ;  and  the  ground  he  occupied  was  not  adapted  to  military 
purposes.  A  road  at  some  distance,  leading  through  other  defiles  in  the 
mountains,  would  enable  the  French  to  pass  into  his  rear,  intercept  his 
supplies,  and  starve  him  into  a  surrender,  or  fight  him  with  a  superiority 
of  three  to  one. 

In  this  hazardous  situation,  a  council  of  war  unanimously  advised  a 
retreat  to  the  fort  at  the  Great  Meadows,  now  termed  fort  Necessity 
where  the  two  roads  united,  and  where  the  face  of  the  country  was  such 
as  not  to  permit  an  enemy  to  pass  unperceived.  At  that  place,  it  was 
intended  to  remain,  until  reinforcements  of  men,  and  supplies  of  provi- 
sions, should  arrive. 

In  pursuance  of  this  advice,  Colonel  Washington  returned  to  fort 
Necessity,  and  began  a  ditch  around  the  stockade.     Before  it 
was  completed,  the  French,  amounting  to  about  fifteen  hun- 
dred men,  commanded  by  Monsieur  de  Villier,  appeared  be- 
fore the  fort,  and  immediately  commenced  a  furious  attack  upon 
it.     They  were  received  with  great  intrepidity  by  the  Americans,  who 
fought  partly  within  the  stockade,  and  partly  in  the  surrounding  ditch, 
which  was  nearly  filled  with  mud  and  water.    Colonel  Washington  con- 
tinued the  whole  day  on  the  outside  of  the  fort,  encouraging  the  soldiers 
by  his  countenance  and  example.     The  assailants  fought  under  cover 
of  the  trees  and  high  grass,  with  which  the  country  abounds.     The  en- 
gagement was  continued  with  great  resolution  from  ten  in  the  morning 
until  dark ;  when  Monsieur  de  Villier  demanded  a  parley,  and  offered 
terms  of  capitulation.     The  proposals  first  made  were  rejected ;  but,  in 
the  course  of  the  night,  articles  were  signed,  by  which  the  fort 
was  surrendered,  on  condition  that  its  garrison  should  be  allow- 
ed the  honours  of  war — should  be  permitted  to  retain  their  arms  and  bag- 
gage, and  be  suffered  to  march  without  molestation  into  the  inhabited  parts 
of  Virginia.     The  capitulation  being  in  French — a  language  not  under- 


6  THE  LIFE  OF 

gtood  by  any  person  in  the  garrison,  and  being  drawn  up  hastily  in  the 
night,  contains  an  expression  which  was  inaccurately  translated  at  the 
time,  and  of  which  advantage  has  been  since  taken,  by  the  enemies  of  Mr. 
Washington,  to  imply  an  admission  on  his  part,  that  Monsieur  Jumon- 
ville  was  assassinated.  An  account  of  the  transaction  was  published  by 
Monsieur  de  Villier,  which  drew  from  Colonel  Washington,  a  letter  to  a 
friend,  completely  disproving  the  calumny.  Though  entirely  discredited 
at  the  time,  it  was  revived  at  a  subsequent  period,  when  circumstances, 
well  understood  at  the  date  of  the  transaction,  were  supposed  to  be  for- 
gotten.* 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  affair  is  not  ascertained.  From  a 
return  made  on  the  9th  of  July,  at  Wills'  Creek,  it  appears  that  the 
killed  and  wounded,  of  the  Virginia  regiment,  amounted  to  fifty-eight  ; 
but  the  loss  sustained  by  the  two  independent  companies  is  not  stated. 
That  of  the  assailants  was  supposed  to  be  more  considerable. 

Great  credit  was  given  to  Colonel  Washington  by  his  countrymen, 
for  the  courage  displayed  on  this  occasion.  The  legislature  evinced  its 
satisfaction  with  the  conduct  of  the  whole  party,  by  passing  a  vote  of 
thanksf  to  him,  and  the  officers  under  his  command ;  and  by  giving 
three  hundred  pistoles,  to  be  distributed  among  the  soldiers  engaged  in 
the  action. 

The  regiment  returned  to  Winchester,  to  be  recruited;  soon  after 
which  it  was  joined  by  a  few  companies  from  North  Carolina  and  Ma- 
ryland. On  the  arrival  of  this  reinforcement,  the  Lieutenant  Governor, 
with  the  advice  of  council,  regardless  of  the  condition  or  number  of  the 
forces,  ordered  them  immediately  to  march  over  the  Alleghany  moun- 
tains, and  to  expel  the  French  from  fort  Du  Quesne,  or  to  build  one  in 
its  vicinity. 

The  little  army  in  Virginia,  which  was  placed  under  the  corn- 
August,   mand  of  Colonel  Innes,  from  North  Carolina,  did  not,  as 

*  See  note,  No.  II,  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

t  To  the  vote  of  thanks,  the  officers  made  the  following  reply : 

"We,  the  officers  of  the  Virginia  regiment,  are  highly  sensible  of  the  particular 
mark  of  distinction  with  which  you  have  honoured  us,  in  returning  your  thanks  foi 
our  behaviour  in  the  late  action;  and  can  not  help  testifying  our  grateful  acknow- 
ledgments, for  your  "high  sense"  of  what  we  shall  always  esteem  a  duty  to  oui 
country  and  the  best  of  kings. 

"  Favoured  with  your  regard,  we  yhall  zealously  endeavour  to  deserve  your  ap- 
plause, and,  by  our  future  actions,  strive  to  convince  the  worshipful  house  of  bur- 
gesses, how  much  we  esteem  their  approbation,  and,  as  it  ought  to  be,  regard  it  a» 
the  voice  of  our  country. 

Signed  for  the  whole  corps, 

GEO:  WASHINGTON." 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  7 

now  reinforced,  exceed  half  the  number  of  the  enemy,  and  was  neither 
provided  with  the  means  of  moving,  nor  with  supplies  for  a  \vinter  cam- 
paign. With  as  little  consideration,  directions  had  been  given  for  the 
immediate  completion  of  the  regiment,  without  furnishing  a  single  shil- 
ling for  the  recruiting  service.  Although  a  long  peace  may  account  for 
many  errors  at  the  commencement  of  war,  some  surprise  will  be  felt  at 

such  ill-considered  and  ill-judged  measures.     Colonel  Wash- 
September. 

ington  remonstrated  strongly  against  these  orders,  but  pre- 
pared to  execute  them.     The  assembly,  however,  having  risen  without 
making  any  provision   for  the  farther  prosecution  of  the  war,  this  wild 
expedition  was  laid  aside,  and  the  Virginia  regiment  was  reduced  to  in- 
dependent companies. 

In  the  course  of  the  winter,  orders  were  received  "  for  settling  the  rank 
of  the  officers  of  his  majesty's  forces  when  serving  with  the  provincials 
in  North  America."  These  orders  directed  "  that  all  officers  commis- 
sioned by  the  King,  or  by  his  General  fa  North  America,  should  take 
rank  of  all  officers  commissioned  by  the  Governors  of  the  respective  pro- 
vinces :  and  farther,  that  the  general  and  field  officers  of  the  provincial 
troops  should  have  no  rank  when  serving  with  the  general  and  field 
officers  commissioned  by  the  crown ;  but  that  all  captains,  and  other 
inferior  officers  of  the  royal  troops,  should  take  rank  over  provincial 
officers  of  the  same  grade,  having  senior  commissions." 

Strong  as  was  his  attachment  to  a  military  life,  Colonel  Washington 
possessed  in  too  eminent  a  degree  the  proud  and  punctilious  feelings  of 
a  soldier,  to  submit  to  a  degradation  so  humiliating  as  was  produced  by 
his  loss  of  rank.  Professing  his  unabated  inclination  to  continue  in  the 
service,  if  permitted  to  do  so  without  a  sacrifice  too  great  to  be  made, 
he  retired  indignantly  from  the  station  assigned  him,  and  answered  the 
various  letters  which  he  received,  pressing  him  still  to  hold  his  commis- 
sion, with  assurances  that  he  would  serve  with  pleasure,  when  he  should 
be  enabled  to  do  so  without  dishonour. 

His  eldest  brother  had  lately  died,  and  left  him  a  considerable  estate 
on  the  Potowmac.  This  gentleman  had  served  in  the  expedition  against 
Carthagena;  and,  in  compliment  to  the  admiral  who  commanded  the 
fleet  engaged  in  that  enterprise,  had  named  his  seat  Mount  Vernon.  To 
this  delightful  spot  Colonel  Washington  withdrew,  resolving  to  devote 
his  future  attention  to  the  avocations  of  private  life.  This  resolution 
vas  not  long  maintained. 

General  Braddock,  being  informed  of  his  merit,  his  knowledge  f ' 
the  country  which  was  to  be  the  theatre  of  action,  and  his      175* 
motives  for  retiring  from  the  service,  gratified  his  desire  to  make 


8  THE  LIFE  OF 

one  campaign  under  a  person  supposed  to  possess  some  knowledge  of 
war,  by  inviting  him  to  enter  his  family  as  a  volunteer  aid-de-camp. 

Having  determined  to  accept  this  invitation,  he  joined  the  commander- 
in-chief,  immediately  after  his  departure  from  Alexandria,  and  proceeded 
with  him  to  Wills'  Creek.  The  army,  consisting  of  two  European 
regiments  and  a  few  corps  of  provincials,  was  detained  at  that 
place  until  the  12th  of  June,  by  the  difficulty  of  procuring  wagons, 
horses,  and  provisions;  Colonel  Washington,  impatient  under  these 
delays,  suggested  the  propriety  of  using  pack  horses  instead  of  wagons, 
for  conveying  the  baggage.  The  commander-in -chief,  although  solicit- 
ous to  hasten  the  expedition,  was  so  attached  to  the  usages  of  regular 
war,  that  this  salutary  advice  was  at  first  rejected ;  but,  soon  after  the 
commencement  of  the  march,  its  propriety  became  too  obvious  to  be 
longer  neglected. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  army  had  moved  from  its  ground,  Colonel 
Washington  was  seized  with  a  violent  fever,  which  disabled 
him  from  riding  on  horseback,  and  was  conveyed  in  a  covered 
wagon.  General  Braddock,  who  found  the  difficulties  of  the  march 
greater  than  had  been  expected,  continuing  to  consult  him  privately,  he 
strenuously  urged  that  officer  to  leave  his  heavy  artillery  and  baggage 
with  the  rear  division  of  the  army ;  and  with  a  chosen  body  of  troops 
and  some  pieces  of  light  artillery,  to  press  forward  with  the  utmost  expe- 
dition to  fort  Du  Quesne.  In  support  of  this  advice,  he  stated  that  the 
French  were  then  weak  on  the  Ohio,  but  hourly  expected  reinforcements. 
During  the  excessive  drought  which  prevailed  at  that  time,  these  could 
not  arrive ;  because  the  river  Le  Boeuf,  on  which  their  supplies  must  be 
brought  to  Venango,  did  not  then  afford  a  sufficient  quantity  of  water  for 
the  purpose.  A  rapid  movement  therefore  might  enable  him  to  carry 
the  fort,  before  the  arrival  of  the  expected  aid ;  but  if  this  measure  should 
not  be  adopted,  such  were  the  delays  attendant  on  the  march  of  the 
whole  army,  that  rains  sufficient  to  raise  the  waters  might  reasonably  be 
expected,  and  the  whole  force  of  the  French  would  probably  be  collected 
for  their  reception ;  a  circumstance  which  would  render  the  success  of 
the  expedition  doubtful. 

This  advice  according  well  with  the  temper  of  the  commander  in 
chief,  it  was  determined  in  a  council  of  war,  held  at  the  Little  Meadows, 
that  twelve  hundred  select  men,  to  be  commanded  by  General  Braddock 
in  person,  should  advance  with  the  utmost  expedition  against  fort  Du 
Quesne.  Colonel  Dunbar  was  to  remain  with  the  residue  of  the  two 
regiments,  and  all  the  heavy  baggage. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  9 

Although  this  select  corps  commenced  its  march  with  only  thirty 
carriages,  including  ammunition  wagons,  the  hopes  which  had 
been  entertained  of  the  celerity  of  its  movements  were  not 
fulfilled.     "  I  found,"  said  Colonel  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother, 
written  during  the  march,  "  that  instoad  of  pushing  on  with  vigour,  with- 
out regarding  a  little  rough  road,  they  were  halting  to  level  every  mole- 
hill, and  to  erect  bridges  over  every  brook."     By  these  means  they  em 
ployed  four  days  in  reaching  the  great  crossings  of  the  Yohiogany,  only 
nineteen  miles  from  the  Little  Meadows. 

Colonel  Washington  was  obliged  to  stop  at  that  place ; — the  physician 
having  declared  that  his  life  would  be  endangered  by  continuing  with 
the  army.  He  obeyed,  with  reluctance,  the  positive  orders  of  the  general 
to  remain  at  this  camp,  under  the  protection  of  a  small  guard,  until  the 
arrival  of  Colonel  Dunbar ;  having  first  received  a  promise  that  means 
should  be  used  to  bring  him  up  with  the  army  before  it  reached  fort  Du 
Quesne. 

The  day  before  the  action  of  the  Monongahela  he  rejoined  the  general 
in  a  covered  wagon;  and,  though  weak,  entered  on  the  duties  of  his  sta- 
tion. 

In  a  short  time  after  the  action  had  commenced,  Colonel  Washing- 
ton was  the  only  aid  remaining  alive,  and  unwounded.  The  whole  duty 
of  carrying  the  orders  of  the  commander  in  chief,  in  an  engagement 
with  marksmen  who  selected  officers,  and  especially  those  on 
horseback,  for  their  objects,  devolved  on  him  alone.  Under 
these  difficult  circumstances  he  manifested  that  coolness,  that  self  pos- 
session, that  fearlessness  of  danger  which  ever  distinguished  him,  and 
which  are  so  necessary  to  the  character  of  a  consummate  soldier.  Two 
horses  were  killed  under  him,  and  four  balls  passed  through  his  coat; 
but,  to  the  astonishment  of  all,  he  escaped  unhurt, — while  every  other 
officer  on  horseback  was  either  killed  or  wounded.  "  I  expected  every 
moment,"  says  an  eye-witness,*  "  to  see  him  fall.  His  duty  and  situa- 
tion exposed  him  to  every  danger.  Nothing  but  the  superintending  cane 
of  Providence  could  have  saved  him  from  the  fate  of  all  around  him." 

At  length,  after  an  action  of  nearly  three  hours,  General  Braddock, 
under  whom  three  horses  had  been  killed,  received  a  mortal  wound ;  and 
his  troops  fled  in  great  disorder.  Every  effort  to  rally  them  was  inef- 
fectual until  they  had  crossed  the  Monongahela,  when,  being  no  longer 
pursued,  they  were  again  formed.  The  general  was  brought  off  in  a 
small  tumbril  by  Colonel  Washington,  Captain  Stewart  of  the  guards, 

B  *  Dr.  Craik. 


10  THE  LIFE  OF 

and  his  servant.     The  defeated  detachment  retreated  with  the  utmost 
precipitation  to  the  rear  division  of  the  army;  soon  after  which,  Brad- 
dock  expired.     In  the  first  moments  of  alarm,  all  the  stores  were  destroy- 
ed, except  those  necessary  for  immediate  use;  and  not  long 
August.   afterwardS)  Colonel  Dunbar  marched  the  remaining  European 
troops  to  Philadelphia,  in  order  to  place  them  in,  what  he  termed,  winter 
quarters. 

Colonel  Washington  was  greatly  disappointed  and  disgusted  by  the 
conduct  of  the  regular  troops  in  this  action.  In  his  letter  to  Lieutenant 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  giving  an  account  of  it,  he  said,  "  They  were 
struck  with  such  an  inconceivable  panic,  that  nothing  but  confusion  and 
disobedience  of  orders  prevailed  among  them.  The  officers  in  general 
behaved  with  incomparable  bravery,  for  which  they  greatly  suffered ; 
there  being  upwards  of  sixty  killed  and  wounded — a  large  proportion 
out  of  what  we  had. 

"  The  Virginia  companies  behaved  like  men,  and  died  like  soldiers ; 
for,  I  believe,  out  of  three  companies  on  the  ground  that  day,  scarce 
thirty  men  were  left  alive.  Captain  Peronny,  and  all  his  officers  down 
to  a  corporal,  were  killed.  Captain  Poulson  had  almost  as  hard  a  fate 
for  only  one  of  his  escaped.  In  short,  the  dastardly  behaviour  of  the 
regular  troops,  (so  called,)  exposed  those  who  were  inclined  to  do  their 
duty,  to  almost  certain  death;  and,  at  length,  in  spite  of  every  effort  to 
the  contrary,  they  broke,  and  ran  as  sheep  before  hounds ;  leaving  the 
artillery,  ammunition,  provisions,  baggage,  and  in  short  every  thing,  a 
prey  to  the  enemy :  and  when  we  endeavoured  to  rally  them,  in  hopes 
of  regaining  the  ground,  and  what  we  had  left  upon  it,  it  was  with  as 
little  success  as  if  we  had  attempted  to  have  stopped  the  wild  bears  of 
the  mountains,  or  the  rivulets  with  our  feet :  for  they  would  break  bv,  in 
spite  of  every  effort  to  prevent  it."* 

Colonel  Washington  had  long  been  the  favourite  soldier  of  Virginia  ; 
and  his  reputation  grew  with  every  occasion  for  exertion.  His  conduct 
in  this  battle  had  been  universally  extolled  ;f  and  the  common  opinion 

*  In  another  letter,  he  says,  "  We  have  been  beaten,  shamefully  beaten — shamefully 
beaten  by  a  handful  of  men,  who  only  intended  to  molest  and  disturb  our  march !  Vic- 
tory was  their  smallest  expectation!  But  see  the  wondrous  works  of  Providence  the 
uncertainty  of  human  things!  We,  but  a  few  moments  before,  believed  our  numbers 
almost  equal  to  the  force  of  Canada;  they  only  expected  to  annoy  us.  Yet,  contrary 
to  all  expectation  and  human  probability,  and  even  to  the  common  course  of  things, 
we  were  totally  defeated,  and  have  sustained  the  loss  of  every  thing." 

t  In  a  sermon  preached  not  long  after  the  defeat  of  General  Braddock,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Davies,  speaking  of  that  disaster,  and  of  the  preservation  of  Colonel  Washington,  said : 
"  I  can  not  but  hope  that  Providence  has  preserved  that  youth  to  be  the  saviour  of  this 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  11 

of  his  countrymen  was,  that,  had  his  advice  been  pursued,  the  disaster 
had  been  avoided.  The  assembly  was  in  session,  when  intelligence  was 
received  of  this  defeat,  and  of  the  abandonment  of  the  colony  by  Colonel 
Dunbar.  The  legislature,  perceiving  the  necessity  of  levying  troops  for 
the  defence  of  the  province,  determined  to  raise  a  regiment,  to  consist 
of  sixteen  companies,  the  command  of  which  was  offered  to  Colonel 
Washington ;  who  was  also  designated,  in  his  commission,  as  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  all  the  forces  raised  and  to  be  raised  in  the  colony  of 
Virginia.  The  uncommon  privilege  of  naming  his  Field  Officers  was 
added  to  this  honourable  manifestation  of  the  public  confidence. 

Retaining  still  his  prepossessions  in  favour  of  a  military  life,  he 
cheerfully  embraced  this  opportunity  of  re-entering  the  army.  After 
making  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  recruiting  service,  and  vi'sit- 
ing  the  posts  on  the  frontiers,  which  he  placed  in  the  best  state  of  defence 
of  which  they  were  susceptible ;  he  set  out  for  the  seat  of  government, 
where  objects  of  the  first  importance  required  his  attention;  but  was 
overtaken  below  Fredericksburg  by  an  express,  carrying  the  intelligence, 
that  a  large  number  of  French  and  Indians,  divided  into  several  parties, 
had  broken  up  the  frontier  settlements ;  were  murdering  and  capturing 
men,  women,  and  children;  burning  their  houses,  and  destroying  their 
crops.  The  troops  stationed  among  them  for  their  protection,  were  un- 
equal to  that  duty ;  and,  instead  of  being  able  to  afford  aid  to  the  inha- 
bitants, were  themselves  blocked  up  in  their  forts. 

Colonel  Washington  hastened  back  to  Winchester,  where  the  utmost 
confusion  and  ^arm  prevailed.  His  efforts  to  raise  the  militia  were  un- 
availing. Ajfcentive  only  to  individual  security,  and  regardless  of  the 
common  danger,  they  could  not  be  drawn  from  their  families.  Instead 
of  assembling  in  arms,  and  obtaining  safety  by  meeting  their  invaders, 
the  inhabitants  fled  into  the  lower  country,  and  increased  the  general 
terror.  In  this  state  of  things,  he  endeavoured  to  collect  and  arm  the 
men  who  had  abandoned  their  houses,  and  to  remove  their  wives  and 
children  to  a  distance  from  this  scene  of  desolation  and  carnage.  Press- 
ing orders  were  at  the  same  time  despatched  to  the  newly  appointed 
officers,  to  forward  their  recruits;  and  to  the  county  lieutenants,  east  of 
the  Blue  Ridge,  to  hasten  their  militia  to  Winchester :  but  before  these 
orders  could  be  executed,  the  party  which  had  done  so  much  mischief, 
and  excited  such  alarm,  had  re-crossed  the  Alleghany  mountains. 

country."  These  words  were  afterwards  considered  as  prophetic ;  and  were  applied 
by  his  countrymen  to  an  event  very  opposite  to  that  which  was  contemplated  by  the 
person  who  uttered  them. 


12  THE  LIFE  OF 

Early  in  the  following  spring,  the  enemy  made  another  irruption 
1756.  into  the  inhabited  country,  and  did  great  mischief.  The  num- 
April.  ber  Of  troops  on  the  regular  establishment  was  totally  insuffi- 
cient for  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  and  effective  services  from  the 
militia  was  found  to  be  unattainable.  The  Indians,  who  were  divided 
into  small  parties,  concealed  themselves  with  so  much  dexterity,  as  sel- 
dom to  be  perceived  until  the  blow  was  struck.  Their  murders  were 
frequently  committed  in  the  very  neighbourhood  of  the  forts ;  and  the 
detachments  from  the  garrisons,  employed  in  scouring  the  country,  were 
generally  eluded,  or  attacked  to  advantage.  In  one  of  these  skirmishes, 
the  Americans  were  routed,  and  Captain  Mercer  was  killed.  The  peo- 
ple either  abandoned  the  country,  or  attempted  to  secure  themselves  in 
small  stockade  forts,  where  they  were  in  great  distress  for  provisions, 
arms,  and  ammunition ;  were  often"  surrounded,  and  sometimes  cut  off. 
Colonel  Washington  was  deeply  affected  by  this  state  of  things.  "  I 
see  their  situation,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  "I 
know  their  danger,  and  participate  their  sufferings,  without  having  it  in 
my  power  to  give  them  farther  relief  than  uncertain  promises.  In  short, 
I  see  inevitable  destruction  in  so  clear  a  light,  that  unless  vigorous  mea- 
sures are  taken  by  the  assembly,  and  speedy  assistance  sent  from  below, 
the  poor  inhabitants  now  in  forts  must  unavoidably  fall,  while  the  re- 
mainder are  flying  before  the  barbarous  foe.  In  fine,  the  melancholy 
situation  of  the  people ;  the  little  prospect  of  assistance ;  the  gross  and 
scandalous  abuses  cast  upon  the  officers  in  general,  which  is  reflecting 
upon  me  in  particular  for  suffering  misconduct  of  such  extraordinary 
kind;  and  the  distant  prospect,  if  any,  of  gaining  reputation  in  the  ser- 
vice, cause  me  to  lament  the  hour  that  gave  me  a  commission,  and  would 
induce  me,  at  any  other  tim3  than  this  of  imminent  danger,  to  resign, 
without  one  hesitating  moment,  a  command  from  which  I  never  expect 
to  reap  either  honour  or  benefit;  but,  on  the  contrary,  have  almost  an 
absolute  certainty  of  incurring  displeasure  below,  while  the  murder  of 
helpless  families  may  be  laid  to  my  account  here." 

Colonel  Washington  had  been  prevented  from  taking  post  at  fort  Cum- 
berland by  an  unfortunate  and  extraordinary  difficulty,  growing  out  of 
an  obscurity  in  the  royal  orders,  respecting  the  relative  rank  of  officers 
commissioned  by  the  king,  and  those  commissioned  by  the  governor.  A 
Captain  Dagworthy,  who  was  at  that  place,  and  of  the  former  descrip- 
tion, insisted  on  taking  the  command,  although  it  had  been  committed  to 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Stevens ;  and,  on  the  same  principle,  he  contested  the 
rank  of  Colonel  Washington  also.  This  circumstance  had  retained  that 
officer  at  Winchester,  where  public  stores  to  a  considerable  amount  were 


\ 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  13 

deposited,  with  only  about  fifty  men  to  guard  them.  In  the  deep  distress 
of  the  moment,  a  council  of  war  was  called,  to  determine  whether  he 
should  march  this  small  body  to  some  of  the  nearest  forts,  and,  uniting 
with  their  petty  garrisons,  risk  an  action;  or  wait  until  the  militia  could 
be  raised.  The  council  unanimously  advised  a  continuance  at  Win- 
chester. Lord  Fairfax,  who  commanded  the  militia  of  that  and  the  ad- 
jacent counties,  had  ordered  them  to  his  assistance ;  but  they  were  slow 
in  assembling.  The  unremitting  exertion  of  three  days,  in  the  county 
of  Frederick,  could  produce  only  twenty  men. 

The  incompetency  of  the  military  force  to  the  defence  of  the  country 
having  become  obvious,  the  assembly  determined  to  augment  the  regi- 
ment to  fifteen  hundred  men.  In  a  letter  addressed  to  the  house  of 
burgesses,  Colonel  Washington  urged  the  necessity  of  increasing  it  still 
farther,  to  two  thousand  men ;  a  less  number  than  which  could  not  pos- 
sibly, in  his  opinion,  be  sufficient  to  cover  the  extensive  frontier  of  Vir- 
ginia, should  the  defensive  system  be  continued.  In  support  of  this 
demand,  he  stated,  in  detail,  the  forts  which  must  be  garrisoned;  and 
observed,  that,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  inhabitants  in  forts  on  the 
south  branch  of  the  Potowmac,  the  north  mountain  near  Winchester 
had  become  the  frontier ;  and  that,  without  effectual  aid,  the  inhabitants 
would  even  pass  the  Blue  Ridge.  He  farther  observed  that  the  woods 
seemed  "  alive  with  French  and  Indians ;"  and  again  described  so  feel- 
ingly the  situation  of  the  inhabitants,  that  the  assembly  requested  the 
governor  to  order  half  the  militia  of  the  adjoining  counties  to  their  re- 
lief; and  the  attorney  general,  Mr.  Peyton  Randolph,  formed  a  com- 
pany of  one  hundred  gentlemen,  who  engaged  to  make  the  campaign, 
as  volunteers.  Ten  well  trained  woodsmen,  or  Indians,  would  have 
rendered  more  service. 

The  distress  of  the  country  increased.  As  had  been  foreseen,  Win- 
chester became  almost  the  only  settlement  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  on 
the  northern  frontier;  and  fears  were  entertained  that  the  enemy  would 
soon  pass  even  that  barrier,  and  ravage  the  country  below.  Express 
after  express  was  sent  to  hasten  the  militia,  but  sent  in  vain.  At  length, 
about  the  last  of  April,  the  French  and  their  savage  allies,  laden  with 
plunder,  prisoners,  and  scalps,  returned  to  fort  Du  Quesne. 

Some  short  time  after  their  retreat,  the  militia  appeared.  This  tem- 
porary increase  of  strength  was  employed  in  searching  the  country  for 
small  parties  of  Indians,  who  lingered  behind  the  main  body,  and  in 
making  dispositions  to  repel  another  invasion.  A  fort  was  commenced 
at  Winchester,  which,  in  honour  of  the  general  who  had  been  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  British  troops  in  America,  was  called  fort  Lou- 

VOL.  i.  2 


14  THE  LIFE  OF 

done;  and  the  perpetual  remonstrances  of  Colonel  Washington  at  length 
effected  some  improvement  in  the  laws  for  the  government  of  the  troops. 

Instead  of  adopting,  in  the  first  instance,  that  military  code  which 
experience  had  matured,  the  assembly  passed  occasional  acts  to  remedy 
particular  evils  as  they  occurred ;  in  consequence  of  which,  a  state  of 
insubordination  was  protracted,  and  the  difficulties  of  the  commanding 
officer  increased.  Slight  penalties  were  at  first  annexed  to  serious  mi- 
litary offences ;  and  when  an  act  was  obtained  to  punish  mutiny  and 
desertion  with  death,  such  crimes  as  cowardice  in  action,  and  sleeping 
on  a  post,  were  pretermitted.  It  was  left  impossible  to  hold  a  general 
court  martial,  without  an  order  from  the  governor ;  and  the  commanding 
officer  was  not  at  liberty  to  make  those  arrangements  in  other  respects 
which  his  own  observation  suggested,  but  shackled  by  the  control  of 
others,  who  could  neither  judge  so  correctly,  nor  be  so  well  informed 
as  himself. 

These  errors  of  a  government  unused  to  war,  though  continually  re- 
marked by  the  officer  commanding  the  troops,  were  slowly  perceived  by 
those  in  power,  and  were  never  entirely  corrected. 

Successive  incursions  continued  to  be  made  into  the  country  by  small 
predatory  parties  of  French  and  Indians,  who  kept  up  a  perpetual  alarm, 
and  murdered  the  defenceless,  wherever  found.  In  Pennsylvania,  the 
inhabitants  were  driven  as  far  as  Carlisle ;  and  in  Maryland,  Frederick- 
town,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  became  a  frontier.  With 
the  Virginia  regiment,  which  did  not  yet  amount  to  one  thousand  men, 
aided  occasionally  by  militia,  Colonel  Washington  was  to  defend  a 
frontier  of  near  four  hundred  miles  in  extent,  and  to  complete  a  chain 
of  forts.  He  repeatedly  urged  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  abandon- 
ing fort  Cumberland,  which  was  too  far  in  advance  of  the  settlements, 
and  too  far  north,  to  be  useful,  while  it  required  for  its  defence  a  larger 
portion  of  his  force  than  could  be  spared  with  a  proper  regard  to  the 
safety  of  other  and  more  advantageous  positions.  The  governor,  how- 
ever, thought  the  abandonment  of  it  improper,  since  it  was  a  "  king's 
fort;"  and  Lord  Loudoun,  on  being  consulted,  gave  the  same  opinion. 

Among  the  subjects  of  extreme  chagrin  to  the  commander  of  the 
Virginia  troops,  was  the  practice  of  desertion.  The  prevalence  of  this 
crime  was  ascribed,  in  a  considerable  degree,  to  the  ill-judged  parsimony 
of  the  assembly.  The  daily  pay  of  a  soldier  was  only  eight  pence,  out 
of  which  two  pence  were  stopped  for  his  clothes.  This  pay  was  inferior 
to  what  was  received  in  every  other  part  of  the  continent ;  and,  as  ought 
to  have  been  foreseen,  great  discontents  were  excited  by  a  distinction  so 
invidious.  The  remonstrances  of  the  commanding  officer,  in  some  de- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  15 

gree,  corrected  this  mischief;  and  a  full  suit  of  regimentals  was  allowed 
to  each  soldier,  without  deducting  its  price  from  his  pay. 

This  campaign  furnishes  no  event  which  can  interest  the  reader,  yet 
the  duties  of  the  officer,  though  minute,  were  arduous;  and  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  people,  beyond  measure  afflicting.  It  adds  one  to  the  many 
proofs  which  have  been  afforded,  of  the  miseries  to  be  expected  by  those 
who  defer  preparing  the  means  of  defence,  until  the  moment  when  they 
ought  to  be  used ;  and  then,  rely  almost  entirely,  on  a  force  neither 
adequate  to  the  danger,  nor  of  equal  continuance. 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  to  those  who  know  the  present  situation  of 
Virginia,  that,  so  late  as  the  year  1756,  the  Blue  Ridge  was  the  north- 
western frontier ;  and  that  she  found  immense  difficulty  in  completing  a 
single  regiment  to  protect  the  inhabitants  from  the  horrors  of  the  scalp- 
ing knife,  and  the  still  greater  horrors  of  being  led  into  captivity  by  sa- 
vages who  added  terrors  to  death  by  the  manner  of  inflicting  it. 

As  soon  as  the  main  body  -of  the  enemy  had  withdrawn  from  the  set- 
tlements, a  tour  was  made  by  Colonel  Washington  to  the  south-western 
frontier.  There,  as  well  as  to  the  north,  continued  incursions  had  been 
made ;  and  there  too,  the  principal  defence  of  the  country  was  entrusted 
to  an  ill-regulated  militia.  The  fatal  consequences  of  this  system  are 
thus  stated  by  him,  in  a  letter  to  the  lieutenant  governor :  "  The  inha- 
bitants are  so  sensible  of  their  danger,  if  left  to  the  protection  of  these 
people,  that  not  a  man  will  stay  at  his  place.  This  I  have  from  their 
own  mouths,  and  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Augusta  county.  The 
militia  are  under  such  bad  order  and  discipline,  that  they  will  come  and 
go,  when  and  where  they  please,  without  regarding  time,  their  officers, 
or  the  safety  of  the  inhabitants,  but  consulting  solely  their  own  inclina- 
tions. There  should  be,  according  to  your  honour's  orders,  one-third 
of  the  militia  of  these  parts  on  duty  at  a  time ;  instead  of  that,  scarce 
one-thirtieth  is  out.  They  are  to  be  relieved  every  month,  and  they  are 
a  great  part  of  that  time  marching  to  and  from  their  stations ;  and  they 
will  not  wait  one  day  longer  than  the  limited  time,  whether  relieved  or 
not,  however  urgent  the  necessity  for  their  continuance  may  be."  Some 
instances  of  this,  and  of  gross  misbehaviour,  were  then  enumerated ; 
after  which,  he  pressed  the  necessity  of  increasing  the  number  of  regu- 
lars to  two  thousand  men. 

After  returning  from  this  tour,  to  Winchester,  he  gave  the  Lieutenant 
Governor,  in  curious  detail,  a  statement  of  the  situation  in  which  he 
found  the  country,  urging,  but  urging  in  vain,  arguments  which  will 
always  be  suggested  by  experience,  against  relying  chiefly  on  militia  for 
defence. 


16  THE  LIFE  OF 

Sensible  of  the  impracticability  of  defending  such  an  extensive  fron- 
tier, Colonel  Washington  continued  to  press  the  policy  of  enabling  him 
to  act  on  the  offensive.  The  people  of  Virginia,  he  thought,  could  be 
protected  only  by  entering  the  country  of  the  enemy ;  giving  him  em- 
ployment at  home,  and  removing  the  source  of  all  their  calamities  by 
taking  possession  of  fort  Du  Quesne. 

"  As  defensive  measures,"  he  observed  in  a  letter  to  the  Lieutenant 
Governor,  "  are  evidently  insufficient  for  the  security  and  safety  of  the 
country,  I  hope  no  arguments  are  necessary  to  evince  the  necessity  of 
altering  them  to  a  vigorous  offensive  war,  in  order  to  remove  the  cause." 
But  in  the  event,  that  the  assembly  should  still  indulge  their  favourite 
scheme  of  protecting  the  inhabitants  by  forts  along  the  frontiers,  he  pre- 
sented a  plan,  which,  in  its  execution,  would  require  two  thousand  men 
— these  were  to  be  distributed  in  twenty-two  forts,  extending  from  the 
river  Mayo  to  the  Potowmac,  in  a  line  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  miles. 
In  a  letter  written  about  the  same  time  to  the  speaker  of  the  assembly, 
he  said,  "  The  certainty  of  advantage,  by  an  offensive  scheme  of  action, 
renders  it,  beyond  any  doubt,  preferable  to  our  defensive  measures.  Our 
scattered  force,  so  separated  and  dispersed  in  weak  parties,  avails  little 
to  stop  the  secret  incursions  of  the  savages.  We  can  only  perhaps  put 
them  to  flight,  or  frighten  them  to  some  other  part  of  the  country,  which 
answers  not  the  end  proposed.  Whereas,  had  we  strength  enough  to 
invade  their  lands,  we  should  restrain  them  from  coming  abroad,  and 
leaving  their  families  exposed.  We  should  then  remove  the  principal 
cause,  and  have  stronger  probability  of  success ;  we  should  be  free  from 
the  many  alarms,  mischiefs,  and  murders,  that  now  attend  us ;  we  should 
inspirit  the  hearts  of  our  few  Indian  friends,  and  gain  more  esteem  with 
them.  In  short,  could  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  be  induced  to  join 
us  in  an  expedition  of  this  nature,  and  to  petition  his  Excellency  Lord 
Loudoun  for  a  small  train  of  artillery,  with  some  engineers,  we  should 
then  be  able,  in  all  human  probability,  to  subdue  the  terror  of  fort  Du 
Quesne ;  retrieve  our  character  with  the  Indians ;  and  restore  peace  to 
our  unhappy  frontiers." 

His  total  inability  to  act  offensively,  or  even  to  afford  protection  to  the 
frontiers  of  Virginia,  was  not  the  only  distressing  and  vexatious  circum- 
stance to  which  he  was  exposed.  The  Lieutenant  Governor,  to  whose 
commands  he  was  subjected  in  every  minute  particular,  and  who  seems 
to  have  been  unequal  to  the  difficulties  of  his  station,  frequently  deranged 
his  system  by  orders  which  could  not  be  executed  without  considerable 
hazard  and  inconvenience.  Colonel  Washington  could  not  always  re- 
strain his  chagrin  on  such  occasions ;  and,  on  one  of  them,  observed  in 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  17 

a  letter  to  an  intimate  friend,  who  possessed  great  influence  in  the  coun- 
try, "  whence  it  arises,  or  why,  I  am  truly  ignorant,  but  my  strongest 
representations  of  matters  relative  to  the  peace  of  the  frontiers  are  dis- 
regarded, as  idle  and  frivolous;  my  propositions  and  measures,  as  par- 
tial and  selfish ;  and  all  my  sincerest  endeavours  for  the  service  of  my 
country,  perverted  to  the  worst  purposes.  My  orders  are  dark,  doubtful, 
and  uncertain:  to-day  approved,  to-morrow  condemned,'  left  to  act  and 
proceed  at  hazard;  accountable  for  the  consequences,  and  blamed  with- 
out the  benefit  of  defence.  If  you  can  think  my  situation  capable  of 
exciting  the  smallest  degree  of  envy,  or  of  affording  the  least  satisfaction, 
the  truth  is  yet  hid  from  you,  and  you  entertain  notions  very  different 
from  the  reality  of  the  case.  However,  I  am  determined  to  bear  up  un- 
der all  these  embarrassments  some  time  longer,  in  the  hope  of  better 
regulations  under  Lord  Loudoun,  to  whom  I  look  for  the  future  fate  of 
Virginia." 

Not  long  after  this  letter  was  written,  Lord  Loudoun,  in  whose  per- 
son the  offices  of  Governor  and  Commander-in-chief  were  united,  arrived 
in  Virginia.  A  comprehensive  statement  of  the  situation  of  the  colony, 
in  a  military  point  of  view,  and  of  the  regiment  in  particular,  was  drawn 
up  and  submitted  to  him  by  Colonel  Washington.  In  this  he  enume- 
rated the  errors  which  had  prevented  the  completion  of  his  regiment, 
showed  the  insufficiency  of  the  militia  for  any  military  purpose,  and 
demonstrated  the  superiority  of  an  offensive  system  over  that  which  had 
been  pursued. 

This  statement  was  probably  presented  by  Colonel  Washington  in 
person,  who  was  permitted,  during  the  winter,  to  visit  Lord  Loudoun  in 
Philadelphia,  where  that  nobleman  met  the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  North  Carolina,  and  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, in  order  to  consult  with  them  on  the  measures  to  be  taken,  in  their 
respective  Provinces,  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  He  was,  however,  dis- 
appointed in  his  favourite  hope  of  being  able  to  act  offensively  against  the 
French  on  the  Ohio.  Lord  Loudoun  had  determined  to  direct  all  his 
efforts  against  Canada,  and  to  leave  only  twelve  hundred  men  in  the 
middle  and  southern  colonies.  Instead  of  receiving  assistance,  Virginia 
was  required  to  send  four  hundred  men  to  South  Carolina.  Not  dis- 
couraged by  these  disappointments,  Colonel  Washington  continued  inde- 
fatigable in  his  endeavours  to  impress  on  Mr.  Dinwiddie,  and  on  the 
assembly,  the  importance  of  reviving,  and  properly  modifying  their  mili- 
ary  code,  which  had  now  expired,  of  making  a  more  effective  militia 
law,  and  of  increasing  their  number  of  regular  troops. 

So  far  from  succeeding  on  the  last  subject,  he  had  the  mortification  to 


18  THE  LIFE  OF 

witness  a  measure  which  crushed  his  hopes  of  an  adequate  regular  force. 
Being  unable  to  complete  the  regiment  by  voluntary  enlistment,  the 
assembly  changed  its  organization,  and  reduced  it  to  ten  companies ; 
each  to  consist  of  one  hundred  men.  Yet  his  anxious  wishes 
continued  to  be  directed  towards  fort  Du  Quesne.  In  a 
letter  written  about  this  time  to  Colonel  Stanwix,  who  commanded  in 
the  middle  colonies,  he  said,  "  You  will  excuse  me,  sir,  for  saying,  that 
I  think  there  never  was,  and  perhaps  never  again  will  be,  so  favourable 
an  opportunity  as  the  present  for  reducing  fort  Du  Quesne.  Several 
prisoners  have  made  their  escape  from  the  Ohio  this  spring,  and  agree 
in  their  accounts,  that  there  are  but  three  hundred  men  left  in  the  garri- 
son ;  and  I  do  not  conceive  that  the  French  are  so  strong  in  Canada,  as 
to  reinforce  this  place,  and  defend  themselves  at  home  this  campaign: 
surely  then  this  is  too  precious  an  opportunity  to  be  lost." 

But  Mr.  Pitt  did  not  yet  direct  the  councils  of  Britain ;  and  a  spirit  ot 
enterprise  and  heroism  did  not  yet  animate  her  generals.  The  campaign 
to  the  north  was  inglorious ;  and  to  the  west,  nothing  was  even  attempt- 
ed, which  might  relieve  the  middle  colonies. 

Large  bodies  of  savages,  in  the  service  of  France,  once  more  spread 
desolation  and  murder  over  the  whole  country,  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge. 
The  regular  troops  were  inadequate  to  the  protection  of  the  inhabitants ; 
and  the  ;ncompetency  of  the  defensive  system  to  their  security  became 
every  day  more  apparent.  "  I  exert  every  means,"  said 
Colonel  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Lieutenant  Governor  Din- 
widdie,  "  to  protect  a  much  distressed  country;  but  it  is  a  task  too  ardu- 
ous. To  think  of  defending  a  frontier  of  more  than  three  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  extent,  as  ours  is,  with  only  seven  hundred  men,  is  vain  and 
idle ;  especially  when  that  frontier  lies  more  contiguous  to  the  enemy  than 
any  other. 

"  I  am,  and  for  a  long  time  have  been,  fully  convinced,  that  if  we  con- 
tinue to  pursue  a  defensive  plan,  the  country  must  be  inevitably  lost." 

In  another  letter  he  said,  "  The  raising  a  company  of  rangers,  or  aug 

o  „.  menting  our  strength  in  some  other  manner,  is  so  far  neces- 
sary, that,  without  it,  the  remaining  inhabitants  of  this  once  fer 
tile  and  populous  valley  will  scarcely  be  detained  at  their  dwellings  until 
the  spring.  And  if  there  is  no  expedition  to  the  westward  then,  nor  a 
force  more  considerable  than  Virginia  can  support,  posted  on  our  fron 
tiers ;  if  we  still  adhere,  for  the  next  campaign,  to  our  destructive  defen- 
sive schemes,  there  will  not,  I  dare  affirm,  be  one  soul  living  on  this  side 
the  Blue  Ridge  the  ensuing  autumn,  if  we  except  the  troops  in  garrison, 
and  a  few  inhabitants  of  this  town,  who  may  shelter  themselves  under 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  19 

the  protection  of  this  fort.     This  I  know  to  be  the  immoveable  determi- 
nation of  all  the  settlers  of  this  country." 

To  the  Speaker  of  the  assembly  he  gave  the  same  opinion ;  and  add- 
ed, "  I  do  not  know  on  whom  these  miserable  undone  people  are  to  rely 
for  protection.  If  the  assembly  are  to  give  it  to  them,  it  is  time  that 
measures  were  at  least  concerting,  and  not  when  they  ought  to  be  going 
into  execution,  as  has  always  been  the  case.  If  they  are  to  seek  it  from 
the  Commander-in-chief,  it  is  time  their  condition  was  made  known  to 
him.  For  I  can  not  forbear  repeating  again,  that,  while  we  pursue  de- 
fensive measures,  we  pursue  inevitable  ruin." 

It  was  impossible  for  Colonel  Washington,  zealous  in  the  service  of  his 
country,  and  ambitious  of  military  fame,  to  observe  the  errors  committed 
in  the  conduct  of  the  war,  without  censuring  them.  These  errors  were 
not  confined  to  the  military  affairs  of  the  colony.  The  Chero- 
kee and  Catawba  Indians,  had  hitherto  remained  faithful  to 
the  English,  and  it  was  very  desirable  to  engage  the  warriors  of  those 
tribes  heartily  in  their  service ;  but  so  miserably  was  the  intercourse  with 
them  conducted,  that,  though  a  considerable  expense  was  incurred,  not 
much  assistance  was  obtained,  and  great  disgust  was  excited  among 
them.  The  freedom  with  which  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Vir- 
ginia forces  censured  public  measures,  gave  offence  to  the  Lieutenant 
Governor,  who  considered  these  censures  as  manifesting  a  want  of  re- 
spect for  himself.  Sometimes  he  coarsely  termed  them  impertinent; 
and  at  other  times,  charged  him  with  looseness  in  his  information,  and 
inattention  to  his  duty.  On  .one  of  these  occasions,  Colonel 
Washington  thus  concluded  a  letter  of  detail,  "  Nothing  re- 
markable has  happened,  and  therefore  I  have  nothing  to  add.  I  must 
beg  leave,  however,  before  I  conclude,  to  observe,  in  justification  of  my 
own  conduct,  that  it  is  with  pleasure  I  receive  reproof  when  reproof  is 
due,  because  no  person  can  be  readier  to  accuse  me,  than  I  am  to  ac- 
knowledge an  error,  when  I  have  committed  it;  nor  more  desirous  of 
atoning  for  a  crime,  when  I  am  sensible  of  being  guilty  of  one.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  it  is  with  concern  I  remark,  that  my  best  endeavours  lose 
their  reward;  and  that  my  conduct,  although  I  have  uniformly  studied 
to  make  it  as  unexceptionable  as  I  could,  does  not  appear  to  you  in  a 
favourable  point  of  light.  Otherwise,  your  honour  would  not  have  ac- 
cused me  of  loose  behaviour,  and  remissness  of  duty,  in  matters  where,  I 
think,  I  have  rather  exceeded  than  fallen  short  of  it.  This,  I  think,  is 
evidently  the  case  in  speaking  of  Indian  affairs  at  all,  after  being  instruct- 
ed in  very  express  terms, '  Not  to  have  any  concern  with,  or 

,.  r   ,.         jr.  .     ,     mi.  •    i       •    j       j  f        October. 

management  of  Indian  affairs.      1  his  has  induced  me  to  for- 


20  THE  LIFE  OF 

bear  mentioning  the  Indians  in  my  letters  to  your  honour  of  late,  and 
to  leave  the  misunderstanding,  which  you  speak  of,  between  Mr. 
Aikin  and  them,  to  be  related  by  him." 

Not  long  after  this,  he  received  a  letter  informing  him  of  some  coarse 
calumny,  reflecting  on  his  veracity  and  honour,  which  had  been  report- 
ed to  the  Lieutenant  Governor.  He  enclosed  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  Mr. 
Dinwiddie,  and  thus  addressed  him,—"  1  should  take  it  infinitely  kind 
if  your  honour  would  please  to  inform  me  whether  a  report  of  this  na- 
ture was  ever  made  to  you;  and,  in  that  case,  who  was  the  author  of  it." 

"  It  is  evident  from  a  variety  of  circumstances,  and  especially  from 
the  change  in  your  honour's  conduct  towards  me,  that  some  person, 
as  well  inclined  to  detract,  but  better  skilled  in  the  art  of  detraction 
than  the  author  of  the  above  stupid  scandal,  has  made  free  with  my 
character.  For  I  cannot  suppose,  that  malice  so  absurd,  so  bare- 
faced, so  diametrically  opposite  to  truth,  to  common  policy,  and,  in 
short,  to  every  thing  but  villany,  as  the  above  is,  could  impress  you 
with  so  ill  an  opinion  of  my  honour  and  honesty." 

"  If  it  be  possible  that  ****,  for  my  belief  is  staggered,  not  being  con- 
scious of  having  given  the  least  cause  to  any  one,  much  less  to  that 
gentleman,  to  reflect  so  grossly ;  I  say,  if  it  be  possible  that  ****  could 
descend  so  low  as  to  be  the  propagator  of  this  story,  he  must  either  be 
vastly  ignorant  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  this  county  at  that  time,  or  else, 
he  must  suppose  that  the  whole  body  of  the  inhabitants  had  combined 
with  me  in  executing  the  deceitful  fraud.  Or  why  did  they,  almost  to  a 
man,  forsake  their  dwellings  in  the  greatest  terror  and  confusion ;  and 
while  one  half  of  them  sought  shelter  in  paltry  forts,  (of  their  own  build- 
ing,) the  other  should  flee  to  the  adjacent  counties  for  refuge ;  numbers 
of  them  even  to  Carolina,  from  whence  they  have  never  returned? 

"  These  are  facts  well  known ;  but  not  better  known  than  that  these 
wretched  people,  while  they  lay  pent  up  in  forts,  destitute  of  the  common 
supports  of  life,  (having  in  their  precipitate  flight  forgotten,  or  rather, 
been  unable  to  secure  any  kind  of  necessaries,)  did  despatch  messengers 
of  their  own,  (thinking  I  had  not  represented  their  miseries  in  the  piteous 
manner  they  deserved,)  with  addresses  to  your  honour  and  the  assembly, 
praying  relief.  And  did  I  ever  send  any  alarming  account,  without 
sending  also  the  original  papers  (or  the  copies)  which  gave  rise  to  it? 

"  That  I  have  foibles,  and  perhaps  many  of  them,  I  shall  not  deny. 
I  should  esteem  myself,  as  the  world  also  would,  vain  and  empty,  were 
I  to  arrogate  perfection. 

"  Knowledge  in  military  matters  is  to  be  acquired  only  by  practice  and 
experience ;  and  if  I  have  erred,  great  allowance  should  be  made  for 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  21 

want  of  them ;  unless  my  errors  should  appear  to  be  wilful ;  ana  then,  I 
conceive,  it  would  be  more  generous  to  charge  me  with  my  faults,  and 
to  let  me  stand  or  fall  according  to  evidence,  than  to  stigmatize  me  be- 
hind my  back. 

"  It  is  uncertain  in  what  light  my  services  may  have  appeared  to  your 
honour :  but  this  I  know,  and  it  is  the  highest  consolation  I  am  capable 
of  feeling,  that  no  man  that  ever  was  employed  in  a  public  capacity,  has 
endeavoured  to  discharge  the  trust  reposed  in  him  with  greater  honesty, 
and  more  zeal  for  the  country's  interest  than  I  have  done ;  and  if  there 
is  any  person  living,  who  can  say  with  justice  that  I  have  offered  any 
intentional  wrong  to  the  public,  I  will  cheerfully  submit  to  the  most  igno- 
minious punishment  that  an  injured  people  ought  to  inflict.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  hard  to  have  my  character  arraigned,  and  my  actions  con- 
demned, without  a  hearing. 

"  I  must  therefore  again  beg  in  more  plain,  and  in  very  earnest  terms, 
to  know  if  *  *  *  *  has  taken  the  liberty  of  representing  my  conduct 
to  your  Honour  with  such  ungentlemanly  freedom  as  the  letter  implies. 
Your  condescension  herein  will  be  acknowledged  a  singular  favour." 

In  a  letter,  some  short  time  after  this,  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  he 
said,  "  I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  gave  your  Honour  cause  to  suspect  me 
of  ingratitude ;  a  crime  I  detest,  and  would  most  carefully  avoid.  If  an 
open,  disinterested  behaviour  carries  offence,  I  may  have  offended ;  for 
I  have  all  along  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim,  to  represent  facts  freely  and 
impartially,  but  not  more  so  to  others  than  to  you,  sir.  If  instances  of 
my  ungrateful  behaviour  had  been  particularized,  I  would  have  answer- 
ed them.  But  I  have  been  long  convinced  that  my  actions  and  their 
motives  have  been  maliciously  aggravated."  A  request  that  he  might 
be  permitted  to  come  to  Williamsburg  for  the  settlement  of  some  ac- 
counts, which  he  was  desirous  of  adjusting  under  the  inspection  of  the 
Lieutenant  Governor,  who  proposed  to  leave  the  province  in  the  follow- 
ing November,  was  refused  in  abrupt  and  disobliging  terms.  In  an- 
swer to  the  letter  containing  the  refusal,  Colonel  Washington,  after 
stating  the  immoveable  disposition  of  the  inhabitants  to  leave  the 
country  unless  more  sufficiently  protected,  added,  "  To  give  a  more 
succinct  account  of  their  affairs  than  I  could  in,  writing,  was  the 
principal,  among  many  other  reasons,  that  induced  me  to  ask  leave  to 
come  down.  It  was  not  to  enjoy  a  party  of  pleasure  that  I  asked  leave 
of  absence.  I  have  indulged  with  few  of  those,  winter  or  summer." 

Mr.  Dinwiddie  soon  afterwards  took  leave  of  Virginia,  and  the  govern- 
ment devolved  on  Mr.  Blair,  the  President  of  the  Council.  Between  him  and 
the  commander  of  the  colonial  troops  the  utmost  cordiality  existed. 
C 


22  THE  LIFE  OF 

After  the  close  of  this  campaign,  Lord  Loudoun  returned  to  England, 
and  General  Abercrombie  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  army.   The 
department  of  the  middle  and  southern  provinces  was  committed  to 
General  Forbes,  who,  to  the  inexpressible  gratification  of  Colonel  Wash- 
ington, determined  to  undertake  an  expedition  against  fort  Du  Quesne. 
He  urged  an  early  campaign,  but  he  urged  it  ineffectually ;  and,  be- 
fore the  troops  were  assembled,  a  large  body  of  French  and 
Indians  broke  into  the  country,  and  renewed  the  horrors  of  the 
tomahawk  and  scalping-knife.     The  county  of  Augusta  was  ravaged, 
and  about  sixty  persons  were  murdered.     The  attempts  made  to  inter- 
cept these  savages  were  unsuccessful ;  and  they  recrossed  the  Allegha- 
ny,  with  their  plunder,  prisoners,  and  scalps. 

At  length,  orders  were  given  to  assemble  the  regiment  at  Winchester, 
and  be  in  readiness  to  march  in  fifteen  days.  On  receiving 
them,  Colonel  Washington  called  in  his  recruiting  parties ;  but 
so  inattentive  had  the  government  been  to  his  representations  that,  pre- 
vious to  marching  his  regiment,  he  was  under  the  necessity  of  repairing 
to  Williamsburg,  personally  to  enforce  his  solicitations  for  arms,  ammu- 
nition, money,  and  clothing.  That  these  preparations  for  an  expedition 
vitally  interesting  to  Virginia,  should  remain  to  be  made  after  the  season 
for  action  had  commenced,  does  not  furnish  stronger  evidence  of  the 
difficulties  encountered  by  the  chief  of  the  military  department,  than  is 
given  by  another  circumstance  of  about  the  same  date.  He  was  under 
the  necessity  of  pointing  out  and  urging  the  propriety  of  allowing  to  his 
regiment,  which  had  performed  much  severe  service,  the  same  pay 
which  had  been  granted  to  a  second  regiment,  voted  the  preceding  ses- 
sion of  Assembly,  to  serve  for  a  single  year. 

Among  other  motives  for  an  early  campaign,  Colonel  Washington 
had  urged  the  impracticability  of  detaining  the  Indians.  His  fears  were 
well  founded.  Before  a  junction  of  the  troops  had  been  made,  these 
savages  became  impatient  to  return  to  their  homes ;  and,  finding  that 
the  expedition  would  yet  be  delayed  a  considerable  time,  they  left  the 
army,  with  promises  to  rejoin  it  at  the  proper  season. 

In  pursuance  of  the  orders  which  had  been  received,  the  Virginia 
troops  moved  in  detachments  from  Winchester  to  fort  Cum- 
berland, where  they  assembled  early  in  July:  after  which, 
they  were  employed  in  opening  a  road  to  Raystown,  where  Colonel  Bou- 
quet was  stationed.     As  the  English  were  continually  harassed  by  small 
parties  of  French  and  Indians,  the  general  had  contemplated  advancing 
a  strong  detachment  over  the  Allegheny  mountains,  for  the  purpose  of 
giving  them  employment  at  home.     By  the  advice  of  Colonel  Washing 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  23 

ton  this  plan  was  relinquished.  In  support  of  his  opinion,  he  stated  the 
probability  that  a  large  force  was  collected  at  fort  Du  Quesne,  and  the 
impracticability  of  moving  a  strong  detachment,  without  such  a  quan- 
tity of  provisions,  as  would  expose  it  to  the  danger  of  being  discovered 
and  cut  to  pieces.  He  advised  to  harass  them  with  small  parties,  prin- 
cipally of  Indians ;  and  this  advice  was  pursued. 

Colonel  Washington  had  expected  that  the  army  would  march  by 
Braddock's  road :  but,  late  in  July,  he  had  the  mortification  to 
receive  a  letter  from  Colonel  Bouquet,  asking  an  interview 
with  him,  in  order  to  consult  on  opening  a  new  road  from  Raystown, 
and  requesting  his  opinion  on  that  route.  "  I  shall,"  says  he,  in  answer 
to  this  letter,  "  most  cheerfully  work  on  any  road,  pursue  any  route, 
or  enter  upon  any  service,  that  the  general  or  yourself  may  think  me 
usefully  employed  in,  or  qualified  for;  and  shall  never  have  a  will  of 
my  own,  when  a  duty  is  required  of  me.  But  since  you  desire  me  to 
speak  my  sentiments  freely,  permit  me  to  observe,  that,  after  having 
conversed  with  all  the  guides,  and  having  been  informed  by  others  ac- 
quainted with  the  country,  I  am  convinced  that  a  road,  to  be  compared 
with  General  Braddock's,  or  indeed  that  will  be  fit  for  transportation 
even  by  pack-horses,  can  not  be  made.  I  own  I  have  no  predilection 
for  the  route  you  have  in  contemplation  for  me." 

A  few  days  after  writing  this  letter,  he  had  an  interview  with  Colonel 
Bouquet,  whom  he  found  decided  in  favour  of  opening  the  new  road. 
After  their  separation,  Colonel  Washington,  with  his  permission,  ad- 
dressed to  him  a  letter  to  be  laid  before  General  Forbes,  then  indisposed 
at  Carlisle,  in  which  he  stated  his  reasons  against  this  measure.  He 
concluded  his  arguments  against  the  new  road:  arguments  which  ap- 
pear to  be  unanswerable,  by  declaring  his  fears  that,  should  the  attempt 
be  made,  they  would  be  able  to  do  nothing  more  than  fortify  some  post 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Alleghany,  and  prepare  for  another  campaign. 
This  he  prayed  Heaven  to  avert. 

He  was  equally  opposed  to  a  scheme  which  had  been  suggested  of 
marching  by  the  two  different  routes,  and  recommended  an  order  of 
march  by  Braddock's  road,  which  would  bring  the  whole  army  before 
fort  Du  Quesne  in  thirty-four  days,  with  a  supply  of  provisions  for 
eighty-six  days. 

In  a  letter  of  the  same  date  addressed  to  Major  Halket,  aid  of  General 
Forbes,  Colonel  Washington  thus  expressed  his  forebodings  of  the  mis- 
chiefs to  be  apprehended  from  the  adoption  of  the  proposed  route.  "  I 
am  just  returned  from  a  conference  held  with  Colonel  Bouquet.  I  find 
him  fixed — I  think  I  may  say  unalterably  fixed — to  lead  you  a  new  way 


24  THE  LIFE  OF 

to  the  Ohio,  through  a  road,  every  inch  of  which  is  to  be  cut  at  this  ad- 
vanced season,  when  we  have  scarcely  time  left  to  tread  the  beaten  track, 
universally  confessed  to  be  the  best  passage  through  the  mountains. 

"  If  Colonel  Bouquet  succeeds  in  this  point  with  the  general,  all  is  lost ! 
all  is  lost  indeed !  our  enterprise  is  ruined !  and  we  shall  be  stopped  at 
the  Laurel  hill  this  winter ;  but  not  to  gather  laurels,  except  of  the  kind 
which  cover  the  mountains.  The  southern  Indjans  will  turn  against  us, 
and  these  colonies  will  be  desolated  by  such  an  accession  to  the  enemy's 
strength.  These  must  be  the  consequences  of  a  miscarriage ;  and  a 
miscarriage,  the  almost  necessary  consequence  of  an  attempt  to  march 
the  army  by  this  route." 

Colonel  Washington's  remonstrances  and  arguments  were  unavail- 
ing ;  and  the  new  route  was  adopted.  His  extreme  chagrin  at  this  mea- 
sure, and  at  the  delays  resulting  from  it,  was  expressed  in  anxious  letters 
to  Mr.  Fauquier,  then  governor  of  Virginia,  and  to  the  speaker  of  the 
house  of  burgesses. 

In  a  letter  to  the  speaker,  written  while  at  fort  Cumberland,  he  said : 
"We  are  still  encamped  here;  very  sickly,  and  dispirited  at 
the  prospect  before  us.  That  appearance  of  glory  which  we 
once  had  in  view — that  hope — that  laudable  ambition  of  serving  our 
country,  and  meriting  its  applause,  are  now  no  more:  all  is  dwindled 
into  ease,  sloth,  and  fatal  inactivity.  In  a  word,  all  is  lost,  if  the  ways 
of  men  in  power,  like  certain  ways  of  Providence,  are  not  inscrutable. 
But  we  who  view  the  actions  of  great  men  at  a  distance  can  only  form 
conjectures  agreeably  to  a  limited  perception ;  and,  being  ignorant  of 
the  comprehensive  schemes  which  may  be  in  contemplation,  might  mis- 
take egregiously  in  judging  of  things  from  appearances,  or  by  the  lump. 
Yet  every  f  **1  will  have  his  notions — will  prattle  and  talk  away ;  and 
why  may  not  I?  We  seem  then,  in  my  opinion,  to  act  under  the  guid- 
ance of  an  evil  genius.  The  conduct  of  our  leaders,  if  not  actuated  by 
superior  orders,  is  tempered  with  something — I  do  not  care  to  give  a 
name  to.  Nothing  now  but  a  miracle  can  bring  this  campaign  to  a 
happy  issue."  He  then  recapitulated  the  arguments  he  had  urged  against 
attempting  a  new  road,  and  added,  "  but  I  spoke  unavailingly.  The 
road  was  immediately  begun ;  and  since  then,  from  one  to  two  thousand 
men  have  constantly  wrought  on  it.  By  the  last  accounts  I  have  re- 
ceived, they  had  cut  it  to  the  foot  of  the  Laurel  hill,  about  thirty-five 
miles ;  and  I  suppose,  by  this  time,  fifteen  hundred  men  have  taken 
post  about  ten  miles  further,  at  a  place  called  Loyal  Hanna,  where  om 
next  fort  is  to  be  constructed. 

"  We  have  certain  intelligence  that  the  French  strength  at  fort  Du 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  25 

Quesne  did  not  exceed  eight  hundred  men,  the  thirteenth  ultimo;  in- 
cluding about  three  or  four  hundred  Indians.  See  how  our  time  has 
been  mispent — behold  how  the  golden  opportunity  is  lost — perhaps, 
never  to  be  regained !  How  is  it  to  be  accounted  for  ?  Can  General 
Forbes  have  orders  for  this  ? — Impossible.  Will  then  our  injured  coun- 
try pass  by  such  abuses  ?  I  hope  not.  Rather  let  a  full  representation 
of  the  matter  go  to  his  majesty ;  let  him  know  how  grossly  his  glory 
and  interests,  and  the  public  money  have  been  prostituted." 

Colonel  Washington  was  soon  afterwards  ordered  to  Raystown.  Ma. 

jor  Grant  had  been  previously  detached  from  the  advanced 

J  J    ,  .   Sept.  21. 

post  at  Loyal  Hanna,  with  a  select  corps  of  eight  hundred 

men,  to  reconnoitre  the  country  about  fort  Du  Quesne.  In  the  night  he 
reached  a  hill  near  the  fort,  and  sent  forward  a  party  for  the  purpose  of 
discovery.  They  burnt  a  log  house,  and  returned.  Next  morning, 
Major  Grant  detached  Major  Lewis,  of  Colonel  Washington's  regiment, 
with  a  baggage  guard,  two  miles  into  his  rear;  and  sent  an  engineer, 
with  a  covering  party,  within  full  view  of  the  fort,  to  take  a  plan  of  the 
works.  In  the  mean  time  he  ordered  the  reveillee  to  be  beaten  in  dif- 
ferent places.  An  action  soon  commenced,  on  which  Major  Lewis, 
leaving  Captain  Bullett,  with  about  fifty  Virginians  to  guard  the  bag- 
gage, advanced  with  the  utmost  celerity  to  support  Major  Grant.  The 
English  were  defeated  with  considerable  loss ;  and  both  Major  Grant 
and  Major  Lewis  were  taken  prisoners.  In  this  action,  the  Virginians 
evidenced  the  spirit  with  which  they  had  been  trained.  Out  of  eight  offi- 
cers, five  were  killed,  a  sixth  wounded,  and  a  seventh  taken  prisoner. 
Captain  Bullett,  who  defended  the  baggage  with  great  resolution,  and 
contributed  to  save  the  remnant  of  the  detachment,  was  the  only  officer 
who  escaped  unhurt.  Of  one  hundred  and  sixty-two  men,  sixty-two 
were  killed  on  the  spot,  and  two  wounded.  This  conduct  reflected  high 
honour  on  the  commanding  officer  of  the  regiment  as  well  as  on  the  troops ; 
and  he  received,  on  the  occasion,  the  compliments  of  the  general.  The 
total  loss  was  two  hundred  and  seventy-three  killed,  and  forty-two 
wounded. 

It  was  at  length  determined  that  the  main  body  of  the  army  should 
move  from  Raystown ;  and  the  general  called  on  the  colonels 
of  regiments,  to  submit  severally  to  his  consideration,  a  plan 
for  his  march.     That  proposed  by  Colonel  Washington  has  been  pre- 
served, and  appears  to  have  been  judiciously  formed. 

They  reached  the  camp  at  Loyal  Hanna,  through  a  road  indescribably 
bad,  about  the  fifth  of  November ;  where,  as  had  been  pre- 
dicted, a  council  of  war  determined  that  it  was  unadviseable  to 


26  THE  LIFE  OF 

proceed  farther  this  campaign.  It  would  have  been  almost  impossible 
to  winter  an  army  in  that  position.  They  must  have  retreated  from  the 
cold  inhospitable  wilderness  into  which  they  had  penetrated,  or  have 
suffered  immensely ;  perhaps  have  perished.  Fortunately,  some  prison- 
ers were  taken,  who  informed  them  of  the  extreme  distress  of  the  fort. 
Deriving  no  support  from  Canada,  the  garrison  was  weak ;  in  great  want 
of  provisions;  and  had  been  deserted  by  the  Indians.  These  encouraging 
circumstances  changed  the  resolution  which  had  been  taken,  and  deter- 
mined the  general  to  prosecute  the  expedition. 

Colonel  Washington  was  advanced  in  front;  and,  with  immense  la- 
bour, opened  a  way  for  the  main  body  of  the  army.  The  troops  moved 
forward  with  slow  and  painful  steps  until  they  reached  fort  Du  Quesne, 
of  which  they  took  peaceable  possession ;  the  garrison  having 
on  the  preceding  night,  after  evacuating  and  setting  it  on  fire, 
proceeded  down  the  Ohio  in  boats. 

To  other  causes  than  the  vigour  of  the  officer  who  conducted  this  en- 
terprise, the  capture  of  this  important  place  is  to  be  ascribed.  The  na- 
val armaments  of  Britain  had  intercepted  the  reinforcements  designed  by 
France  for  her  colonies ;  and  the  pressure  on  Canada  was  such  as  to 
disable  the  governor  of  that  province  from  detaching  troops  to  fort  Du 
Quesne.  Without  the  aid  of  these  causes,  the  extraordinary  and  unac- 
countable delays  of  the  campaign  must  have  defeated  its  object. 

The  works  were  repaired,  and  the  new  fort  received  the  name  of  the 
great  minister,  who,  with  unparalleled  vigour  and  talents,  then  governed 
the  nation. 

After  furnishing  two  hundred  men  from  his  regiment  as  a  garrison 
for  fort  Pitt,  Colonel  Washington  marched  back  to  Winchester;  whence 
he  soon  afterwards  proceeded  to  Williamsburg,  to  take  his  seat  in  the 
General  Assembly,  of  which  he  had  been  elected  a  member  by  the  coun- 
ty of  Frederick,  while  at  fort  Cumberland. 

A  cessation  of  Indian  hostility  being  the  consequence  of  expelling  the 
French  from  the  Ohio,  Virginia  was  relieved  from  the  dangers  with  which 
she  had  been  threatened ;  and  the  object  for  which  alone  he  had  continued 
in  the  service,  after  perceiving  that  he  should  not  be  placed  on  the  per- 
manent establishment,  was  accomplished.  His  health  was  much  im- 
paired, and  his  domestic  affairs  required  his  attention. 

Impelled  by  these  and  other  motives  of  a  private  nature,  he  determined 
to  withdraw  from  a  service,  which  he  might  now  quit  without  dishonour, 
and,  about  the  close  of  the  year,  resigned  his  commission,  as  colonel  of 
the  first  Virginia  regiment,  and  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  troops 
raised  in  the  colony. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  27 

The  officers  whom  he  had  commanded  were  greatly  attached  to  him. 
They  manifested  their  esteem  and  their  regret  at  parting,  by  a  very  af- 
fectionate address,*  expressive  of  the  high  opinion  they  entertained  both 
of  his  military  and  private  character. 

This  opinion  was  not  confined  to  the  officers  of  his  regiment.  It  was 
common  to  Virginia ;  and  had  been  adopted  by  the  British  officers  with 
whom  he  served.  The  duties  he  performed,  though  not  splendid,  were 
arduous ;  and  were  executed  with  zeal,  and  with  judgment.  The  exact 
discipline  he  established  in  his  regiment,  when  the  temper  of  Virginia  was 
extremely  hostile  to  discipline,  does  credit  to  his  military  character,  and 
the  gallantry  the  troops  displayed,  whenever  called  into  action,  manifests 
the  spirit  infused  into  them  by  their  commander. 

The  difficulties  of  his  situation,  while  unable  to  cover  the  frontier  from 
the  French  and  Indians,  who  were  spreading  death  and  desolation  in 
every  quarter,  were  incalculably  great;  and  no  better  evidence  of  his 
exertions,  under  these  distressing  circumstances,  can  be  given,  than  the 
undiminished  confidence  still  placed  in  him,  by  those  whom  he  was  una- 
ble to  protect. 

The  efforts  to  which  he  incessantly  stimulated  his  country  for  the  pur- 
pose of  obtaining  possession  of  the  Ohio ;  the  system  for  the  conduct  of 
the  war  which  he-  continually  recommended;  the  vigorous  and  active 
measures  always  urged  upon  those  by  whom  he  was  commanded ;  mani- 
fest an  ardent  and  enterprising  mind,  tempered  by  judgment,  and  quickly 
improved  by  experience. 

Not  long  after  his  resignation,  he  was  married  to  Mrs.  Custis ;  a  young 
lady  to  whom  he  had  been  for  some  time  attached ;  and  who,  to  a  large 
fortune  and  fine  person,  added  those  amiable  accomplishments  which 
ensure  domestic  happiness,  and  fill,  with  silent  but  unceasing  felicity,  the 
quiet  scenes  of  private  life. 

*  See  note  No.  HI.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


28  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  II. 

Colonel  Washington  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  American  forces. — Arrives 
at  Cambridge. — Strength  and  disjwsition  of  the  two  armies. — Deficiency  of  the 
Americans  in  arms  and  ammunition. — Falmouth  burnt. — Success  of  the  American 
cruisers. — Distress  of  the  British  from  the  want  of  fresh  provisions. — Measures  to 
form  a  continental  army. — Difficulty  of  re-enlisting  the  troops. — Plan  for  attacking 
Boston. — Temporary  governments  formed. — General  Lee  detached  to  New  York. 
— Possession  taken  of  the  heights  of  Dorchester. — Boston  evacuated. — Correspond  • 
ence  respecting  prisoners. 

THE  attention  of  Colonel  Washington,  for  several  years  after  his  mar- 
riage, was  principally  directed  to  the  management  of  his  estate.  Ho 
continued  a  most  respectable  member  of  the  legislature  of  his  country, 
in  which,  he  took  an  early  and  a  decided  part  against  the  claims  of  supre- 
macy asserted  by  the  British  Parliament.  As  hostilities  approached,  he 
was  chosen  by  the  independent  companies,  formed  through  the  northern 
parts  of  Virginia,  to  command  them;  and  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
first  congress  which  met  at  Philadelphia.  The  illustrious  patriots  who 
composed  it,  soon  distinguished  him  as  the  soldier  of  America,  and  pla- 
ced him  on  all  those  committees  whose  duty  it  was  to  make  arrangements 
for  defence.  When  it  became  necessary  to  appoint  a  commander-in- 
chief,  his  military  character,  the  solidity  of  his  judgment,  the  steady  firm- 
ness of  his  temper,  the  dignity  of  his  person  and  deportment,  the  confi- 
dence inspired  by  his  patriotism  and  integrity,  and  the  independence  of 
his  fortune,  combined  to  designate  him,  in  the  opinion  of  all,  for  that  im- 
portant station.  Local  jealousy  was  suppressed,  not  only  by  the  enthu- 
siasm of  the  moment,  but  by  that  policy  which  induced  the  sagacious 
delegation  from  New  England,  to  prefer  a  commander-in-chief  from  the 
south. 

On  the  14th  of  June,  he  was  unanimously  chosen  "  General,  and 

Commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  United  Colonies,  and 
/TfS 

all  the  forces  now  raised,  or  to  be  raised  by  them."*          *' " 

On  the  succeeding  day,  when  the  President  communicated  this  ap- 
pointment to  him,  he  expressed  his  high  sense  of  the  honour  conferred 
upon  him,  and  his  firm  determination  to  exert  every  power  he  possessed 
in  the  service  of  his  country  and  of  her  "  glorious  cause."  At  the  same 
time  he  acknowledged  the  distress  he  felt  from  a  consciousness  that  his 
abilities  and  military  experience  might  not  be  equal  to  the  extensive  and 
important  trust. 

*  See  Note  No.  IV.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  29 

He  declined  all  compensation  for  his  services ;  and  avowed  an  inten 
tion  to  keep  an  exact  account  of  his  expenses,  which  he  should  rely  on 
Congress  to  discharge. 

A  special  commission  was  directed,  and  a  resolution  unanimously 
passed,  declaring  that  "  Congress  would  maintain,  assist,  and  adhere  to 
him,  as  the  General  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  raised,  or  to 
he  raised,  for  the  maintenance  and  preservation  of  American  liberty 
with  their  lives  and  fortunes." 

He  prepared,  without  delay,  to  enter  upon  the  arduous  duties  of  his 
office;  and,  remaining  only  a  few  days  in  New  York,  where  several 
important  arrangements  were  to  be  made,  proceeded  to  the  head  quar- 
ters of  the  American  army. 

As  all  orders  of  men  concurred  in  approving  his  appointment,  all  con- 
curred in  expressing  their  satisfaction  at  that  event,  and  their  determi- 
nation to  afford  him  entire  support.  A  committee  of  the  Congress  of 
Massachusetts  waited  to  receive  him  at  Springfield,  on  the  confines  of 
the  colony,  and  to  escort  him  to  the  army.  On  his  arrival,  an  address 
was  presented  to  him  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  breathing  the 
most  cordial  affection,  and  testifying  the  most  exalted  respect.  His  an- 
swer* was  well  calculated  to  keep  up  impressions  essential  to  the  suc- 
cess of  that  arduous  contest  into  which  the  United  Colonies  had  entered. 

The  first  moments  after  his  arrival  in  camp  were  employed  in  recon- 
noitring the  enemy,  and  examining  the  strength  and  situation 
of  the  American  troops. 

The  main  body  of  the  British  army,  under  the  immediate  command  of 
General  Howe,  was  entrenching  itself  strongly  on  Bunker's  hill.  Three 
floating  batteries  lay  in  Mystic  river,  near  the  camp,  and  a  twenty  gun 
ship  below  the  ferry,  between  Boston  and  Charlestown.  A  strong  battery 
on  the  Boston  side  of  the  water,  on  Cop's  or  Cope's  hill,  served  to  cover 
and  strengthen  the  post  on  Bunker's  hill.  Another  division  was  deeply 
entrenched  on  Roxbury  neck.  The  light  horse,  and  an  inconsiderable 
body  of  infantry,  were  stationed  in  Boston. 

*  It  is  in  the  following  terms : 

"  Gentlemen, — Your  kind  congratulations  on  my  appointment  and  arrival,  demand 
my  warmest  acknowledgments,  and  will  be  ever  retained  in  grateful  remembrance. 
In  exchanging  the  enjoyments  of-domestic  life  for  the  duties  of  my  present  honoura- 
ble but  arduous  situation,  I  only  emulate  the  virtue  and  public  spirit  of  the  whole 
Province  of  Massachusetts,  which,  with  a  firmness  and  patriotism  without  example, 
has  sacrificed  all  the  comforts  of  social  and  political  life,  in  support  of  the  rights  of 
mankind,  and  the  welfare  of  our  common  country.  My  highest  ambition  is  to  be  the 
happy  instrument  of  vindicating  these  rights,  and  to  see  this  devoted  Province  again 
restored  to  peace,  liberty,  and  safety.  "  GEO  :  WASHINGTON." 

VOL.  i.  3 


30  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  American  army  lay  on  both  sides  of  Charles  river.  The  right 
occupied  the  high  grounds  about  Roxbury ;  whence  it  extended  towards 
Dorchester ;  and  the  left  was  covered  by  Mystic  or  Medford  river,  a  space 
of  at  least  twelve  miles.  These  extensive  lines  could  not  be  contracted 
without  opening  to  the  British  general  a  communication  with  the  country. 

For  the  purpose  of  a  more  distinct  arrangement,  the  army  was  thrown 
into  three  grand  divisions.  That  part  of  it  which  lay  about  Roxbury, 
constituted  the  right  wing,  and  was  commanded  by  Major  General  Ward ; 
the  troops  near  Mystic  or  Medford  river  formed  the  left,  which  was  placed 
under  Major  General  Lee.  The  centre,  including  the  reserve,  was  un- 
der the  immediate  command  of  General  Washington,  whose  head  quar- 
ters were  at  Cambridge. 

The  army  consisted  of  fourteen  thousand  five  hundred  men ;  but  se- 
veral circumstances  combined  to  render  this  force  less  effective  than  it? 
numbers  would  indicate. 

So  long  had  the  hope  of  avoiding  open  hostilities  been  indulged,  that 
the  time  for  making  preparations  to  meet  them  had  passed  away  unem- 
ployed, and  the  neglect  could  not  be  remedied.  On  General  Washing- 
ton's arrival  in  camp,  he  had  ordered  a  return  of  the  ammunition  to  be 
made ;  and  the  report  stated  three  hundred  and  three  barrels  of  powder 
to  be  in  store.  A  few  days  after  this  return,  the  alarming  discovery  was 
made,  that  the  actual  quantity  was  not  more  than  sufficient  to  furnish 
each  man  with  nine  cartridges.  This  mistake  had  been  produced  by  a 
misapprehension  of  the  committee  of  supplies,  (for  the  magazines  were 
not  yet  in  possession  of  military  officers,)  who,  instead  of  returning  the 
existing  quantity,  reported  the  whole  which  had  been  originally  furnish- 
ed by  the  Province.  Though  the  utmost  exertions  were  made,  this  cri- 
tical state  of  things  continued  about  a  fortnight,  when  a  small  supply  of 
powder  was  received  from  Elizabethtown,  in  New  Jersey.*  The  utmost 
address  was  used  to  conceal  from  the  enemy  this  alarming  deficiency 
but  when  it  is  recollected,  in  how  many  various  directions,  and  to  what 
various  bodies,  application  for  assistance  was  unavoidably  made,  it  will 
appear  scarcely  possible  that  those  efforts  at  concealment  could  have 
been  completely  successful.  It  is  more  probable  that  the  communications 
which  must  have  been  made  to  the  British  general  were  discredited ;  and 

*  A  circumstance  attending  this  transaction,  will  furnish  some  idea  of  the  difficul- 
ties encountered  by  those  who  then  conducted  the  affairs  of  America.  All-important 
to  the  general  safety  as  was  the  speedy  replenishment  of  the  magazines  of  that  armv 
which  lay  encamped  in  front  of  the  enemy,  the  committee  of  Elizabethtown  was  un- 
der the  necessity  of  transmitting  this  powder  secretly,  lest  the  people  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood should  seize  and  detain  it  for  their  own  security. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  31 

that  he  could  not  permit  himself  to  believe,  that  an  army  without  bayonets, 
would  be  hardy  enough  to  maintain  the  position  occupied  by  the  Provin- 
cials, if  destitute  of  ammunition. 

The  troops  were  also  in  such  need  of  tents,  as  to  be  placed  in  barracks, 
instead  of  being  encamped  in  the  open  field ;  and  were  almost  destitute 
of  clothing.  They  had,  too,  been  raised  by  the  colonial  governments ; 
each  of  which  organized  its  quota  on  different  principles.  From  this 
cause  resulted  not  only  a  want  of  uniformity,  but  other  defects  which  were 
much  more  important.  In  Massachusetts,  the  soldiers  had  chosen  their 
platoon  officers,  and  generally  lived  with  them  as  equals.  This  unmilitary 
practice  was  the  certain  index  of  that  general  insubordination  which  per- 
vaded every  department.  The  difficulty  of  establishing  principles  of 
order  and  obedience,  always  considerable  among  raw  troops,  was  in- 
creased by  the  short  terms  for  which  enlistments  had  been  made.  The 
quotas  of  some  of  the  colonies  would  be  entitled  to  a  discharge  in  No- 
vember ;  and  none  were  engaged  to  continue  in  service  longer  than  the 
last  of  December.  The  early  orders  evidence  a  state  of  things  still  more 
loose  and  unmilitary  than  was  to  be  inferred  from  the  circumstances 
under  which  the  war  had  been  commenced. 

An  additional  inconvenience,  derived  from  this  mixed  agency  of  local 
governments  with  that  of  the  Union,  was  thus  stated  by  General  Wash- 
ington in  a  letter  addressed  to  congress  : — "  I  should  be  extremely  defi- 
cient in  gratitude  as  well  as  justice,  if  I  did  not  take  the  first  opportunity 
to  acknowledge  the  readiness  and  attention  which  the  congress  and  dif- 
ferent committees  have  shown  to  make  every  thing  as  convenient  and 
agreeable  as  possible ;  but  there  is  a  vital  and  inherent  principle  of  de- 
lay, incompatible  with  military  service,  in  transacting  business  through 
such  various  and  different  channels.*  I  esteem  it  my  duty,  therefore, 
to  represent  the  inconvenience  that  must  unavoidably  ensue  from  a  de- 
pendence on  a  number  of  persons  for  supplies ;  and  submit  it  to  the 
consideration  of  congress,  whether  the  public  service  will  not  be  best 
promoted  by  appointing  a  Commissary  General  for  the  purpose."! 

Every  military  operation  was  also  seriously  affected  by  the  total  want 
of  engineers,  and  the  deficiency  of  working  tools. 

To  increase  difficulties  already  so  considerable,  the  appointment  of 
general  officers,  made  by  congress,  gave  extensive  dissatisfaction,  and 

*  The  General  was  tinder  the  necessity  of  carrying  on  a  direct  correspondence,  not 
only  with  the  several  colonial  governments,  but  with  the  committees  of  all  the  import- 
ant towns  and  some  inferior  places. 

t  It  is  strange  that  an  army  should  have  been  formed  without  such  an  officer. 


32  THE  LIFE  OF 

determined  several  of  those  who  thought  themselves  injured,  to  retire 
from  the  service. 

These  disadvantages  deducted  essentially  from  the  capacity  of  the  Ame- 
rican force :  but  under  them  all,  the  General  observed  with  pleasure  "  the 
materials  for  a  good  army."  These  were  "  a  great  number  of  men,  able 
bodied,  active,  zealous  in  the  cause,  and  of  unquestionable  courage."  Pos- 
sessed of  these  materials,  he  employed  himself  indefatigably  in  their  or- 
ganization. The  army  was  arranged  into  divisions  and  brigades ;  and 
congress  was  urged  to  the  appointment  of  a  Paymaster,  Quarter-master 
General,  and  such  other  general  staff  as  are  indispensable  in  the  struc- 
ture of  a  regular  military  establishment. 

The  two  armies  continued  to  work  on  their  respective  fortifications, 
without  seriously  molesting  each  other.  Slight  skirmishes  occasionally 
took  place,  in  which  little  execution  'was  done ;  and,  although  the  Ame- 
ricans made  some  advances,  no  attempt  was  made  to  dislodge  them. 

The  Commander-in-chief  submitted  with  reluctance  to  this  state  of 
apparent  inactivity.  He  ifelt  the  importance  of  destroying  the  army  in 
Boston,  before  it  should  be  strengthened  by  reinforcements  in  the  ensu- 
ing spring ;  and  with  a  view  to  this  object,  frequently  reconnoitred  its 
situation,  and  was  assiduous  in  collecting  every  information  respecting 

its  strength.    The  result  of  his  observations  and  inquiries  seems 
September.     '  ,  ... 

to  have  been,  a  strong  inclination  to  the  opinion,  that  to  carry 

the  works  by  storm,  though  hazardous,  was  not  impracticable.  A  coun- 
cil of  general  officers  being  unanimously  of  opinion,  that  for  the  present 
at  least,  the  attempt  ought  not  to  be  made,  it  was  laid  aside. 

A  rigorous  blockade  being  maintained,  the  British  army  began  to  suf- 
fer considerably  for  fresh  meat  and  vegetables.  The  small  parties  which 
sailed  from  Boston,  in  quest  of  these  articles,  were  frequently  disappointed 
by  the  vigilance  of  the  minute  men.  But  the  continuance  of  active  ex- 
ertion, which  this  service  required  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
sea  coast,  soon  became  burdensome ;  and  the  governors  of  the  several 
colonies  pressed  for  detachments  from  the  main  army.  Although  it  was 
impossible  to  spare  the  troops  required,  without  hazarding  the  cause  of 
the  colonies,  great  irritation  was  excited  by  the  refusal  to  comply  with 
these  demands  of  particular  protection.  They  at  length  became  so  im- 
portunate, and  the  unavoidable  refusal  to  comply  with  them  was  so  ill 
received,  that  congress  was  induced  to  pass  a  resolution,  declaring  that 
the  army  before  Boston  was  designed  only  to  oppose  the  enemy  at  that 
place,  and  ought  not  to  be  weakened  by  detachments  for  the  security  of 
other  parts  of  the  country.  At  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island,  the  commit- 
tee sought  to  secure  the  place,  by  entering  into  a  compromise  with  Cap- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  33 

tain  Wallace,  who  commanded  the  ships  of  war  on  that  station,  stipulating 
that  he  should  be  furnished  with  provisions  on  condition  of  his  sparing 
the  town,  and  committing  no  depredations  on  the  country.  This  com- 
promise contravened  so  essentially  the  general  plan  of  distressing  the 
British  forces,  that  General  Washington  deemed  it  necessary  to  inter- 
pose, and  represent  to  the  Governor  of  that  province,  the  mischief  to  be 
apprehended  from  so  dangerous  a  practice. 

While  the  blockade  of  Boston  was  thus  perseveringly  maintained,  other 
events  of  considerable  importance  took  place  elsewhere. 

In  July,  Georgia  joined  her  sister  colonies,  and  chose  delegates  to  re- 
present her  in  congress  :  after  which,  the  style  of  '  The  thirteen  United 
Colonies '  was  assumed ;  and  by  that  title,  the  English  Provinces,  confe- 
derated and  in  arms,  were  thenceforward  designated. 

After  a  recess  of  one  month,  congress  again  assembled  at  Philadelphia. 

The  state  of  the  colonies,  and  the  letters  of  the  Commander-in- 

Sept.  5. 
chief  being  immediately  taken  into  consideration,  the  scarcity 

of  arms  and  ammunition  engaged  their  most  serious  attention.  Great 
exertions*  had  been  made,  by  importation  and  by  domestic  manufacture, 
to  extricate  the  country  from  this  perilous  situation ;  but  the  supplies  were 
unequal  to  the  necessities  of  the  army ;  and  the  danger  resulting  from 
the  want  of  articles,  so  vitally  essential  in  war,  still  continued  to  be  great. 

The  importance  of  a  maritime  force  to  the  military  operations  of  a 
country  possessing  an  immense  extent  of  sea  coast  must  always  be  sen- 
sibly felt ;  and,  in  an  early  stage  of  the  contest,  the  particular  attention 
of  the  United  Colonies  was  directed  more  immediately  to  this  interesting 
object,  by  an  event  not  very  unusual  in  war,  but  which,  at  this  time,  ex- 
cited no  ordinary  degree  of  resentment. 

Orders  had  been  issued  to  the  commanders  of  the  British  ships  of  war 
to  proceed,  as  in  the  case  of  actual  rebellion,  against  those  seaport  towns 
which  were  accessible,  and  in  which  any  troops  should  be  raised,  or 
military  works  erected. 

Falmouth,  a  flourishing  village  on  the  sea  coast  of  Massachusetts, 
having  given  some  particular  ofience,  a  small  naval  force,  commanded 
by  Captain  Mowat.  was,  under  colour  of  these  orders,  detached  for  its 
destruction.  After  making  an  ineffectual  effort  to  induce  the  inhabitants 
to  deliver  up  their  arms  and  ammunition,  and  four  of  the  principal  citi- 

*  The  agents  of  congress  had  the  address  to  purchase  all  the  powder  on  the  coast 
of  Africa,  and  that  within  the  British  forts,  without  attracting  notice;  and  to  seize  the 
magnzine  in  the  island  of  Bermuda.  Great  exertions  were  also  made  in  the  interior 
to  obtain  saltpetre  and  sulphur,  for  the  manufacture  of  that  important  article. 

D 


34  THE  LIFE  OF 

zens  as  hostages,  he  commenced  a  furious  cannonade  and  bombardment, 
by  which  the  town  was  reduced  to  ashes.  An  attempt  was  then  made 
to  penetrate  into  the  country ;  but  the  militia  and  minute  men,  rather 
irritated  than  intimidated  by  this  wanton  act  of  unavailing  devastation, 
drove  the  party,  which  had  landed,  back  to  their  ships. 

This  measure  was  loudly  reprobated  throughout  America,  and  con- 
tributed, not  a  little,  to  turn  the  attention  of  the  United  Colonies  to  their 
marine.  It  was  one  immediate  motive  with  the  convention  of  Massa- 
chusetts, for  granting  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  and  was  assigned 
by  congress,  in  addition  to  the  capture  of  American  merchantmen  on 
the  high  seas,  as  an  inducement  for  fitting  out  some  ships  of  war ;  to 
man  which  they  directed  two  battalions  of  marines  to  be  recruited. 

Though  congress  deferred  granting  general  letters  of  reprisal,  they 
adopted  a  measure  of  equal  efficacy,  but  less  hostile  in  appearance.  Their 
ships  of  war  were  authorized  to  capture  all  vessels  employed  in  giving 
assistance  to  the  enemy ;  the  terms  used  in  their  resolution  were  such  as 
comprehended  every  possible  capture.  A  few  small  cruisers  had  already 
been  fitted  out  by  the  directions  of  General  Washington ;  and  the  coasts, 
soon  swarmed  with  the  privateers  of  New  England.  These  naval  exer- 
tions were  attended  with  valuable  consequences.  Many  captures  were 
made ;  and  important  supplies  of  ammunition  were  thus  obtained. 

Although  the  British  army  had  manifested  no  intention  to  evacuate 
Boston,  fears  were  continually  entertained  for  New  York.  Mr.  Tryon, 
who  was  popular  in  that  province,  had  been  lately  recalled  from  North 
Carolina,  and  appointed  its  governor.  His  utmost  influence  was  em- 
ployed in  detaching  that  colony  from  the  union ;  and  his  exertions  were 
seconded  by  the  Asia  man  of  war,  whose  guns  commanded  the  town. 
The  consequence  of  these  intrigues  and  of  this  terror  was,  that  even  in 
the  convention,  disaffection  to  the  American  cause  began  openly  to  show 
itself;  and  a  determination  to  join  the  king's  standard  is  said  to  have  been 
expressed  with  impunity.  These  threatening  appearances  were  rendered 
the  more  serious  by  some  confidential  communications  from  England, 
stating  the  intention  of  administration  to  send  a  fleet  into  the  Hudson, 
and  to  occupy  both  New  York  and  Albany.  Under  the  alarm  thus  ex- 
cited, an  effort  was  made  in  Congress  to  obtain  a  resolution  for  seizing 
the  governor.  He  had,  however,  been  artful  enough  to  make  impres- 
sions in  his  favour;  and  he  was  defended  by  a  part  of  the  delegation  from 
New  York  with  so  much  earnestness  that,  for  a  time,  the  advocates  of 
the  proposition  forbore  to  press  it.  Afterwards,  when  the  increasing  de- 

Oct  6  fection  in  that  Provmcc  induced  Congress  to  resume  the  sub- 
ject, the  resolution  was  expressed  in  general  terms;  and 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  35 

assumed  the  form  of  a  recommendation,  to  those  who  exercised  the 
legislative  and  executive  functions  in  the  several  provinces,  "  to  arrest 
and  secure  every  person  in  the  respective  colonies,  whose  going  at  large 
might,  in  their  opinion,  endanger  the  safety  of  the  colony,  or  the  liber- 
ties of  America."  Intelligence  of  this  resolution  is  supposed  to  have 
been  received  by  the  governor,  who,  after  some  correspondence  with  the 
mayor  of  the  city  respecting  his  personal  safety,  retired  for  security  on 
board  the  Halifax  packet,  and  continued  to  carry  on  his  intrigues  with 
nearly  as  much  advantage  as  while  on  shore. 

But  the  subject  which,  next  to  the  supply  of  arms  and  ammunition, 
most  interested  the  American  government,  was  the  re-enlistment  of  the 
army. 

On  the  29th  of  September,  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  General  Wash- 
ington, a  committee  had  been  appointed  by  congress,  with  directions  to 
repair  to  the  camp  at  Cambridge ;  there  to  consult  with  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  and  with  the  chief  magistrates  of  New  Hampshire,  Connecti- 
cut, and  Rhode  Island,  and  the  council  of  Massachusetts,  "  on  the  most 
effectual  method  of  continuing,  supporting,  and  regulating  a  continental 
army."  On  the  return  of  this  committee,  congress  determined  that  the 
new  army  should  consist  of  twenty  thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy- 
two  men,  including  officers ;  to  be  raised  as  far  as  practicable  from  the 
troops  already  in  service.  Unfortunately,  in  constituting  this  first  mili- 
tary establishment  of  the  union,  an  essential  error  was  committed ;  the 
consequences  of  which  ceased  only  with  the  war.  The  soldiers,  instead 
of  being  engaged  for  an  unlimited  time,  were  enlisted  for  the  term  of  only 
one  year,  if  not  sooner  discharged  by  congress.  It  is  not  easy  to  ac- 
count entirely  for  this  fatal  error.  With  their  jealousy  of  a  permanent 
army,  were  probably  intermingled  hopes  that  the  war  would  not  be  of 
long  duration,  and  fears  that  much  difficulty  would  be  encountered  in 
prevailing  on  men  to  enter  into  engagements  of  unlimited  extent.  Per- 
haps the  habits  of  the  northern  colonies,  where  it  had  been  usual  to  raise 
men  for  a  single  campaign,  may  have  contributed  to  this  measure. 
Whatever  may  have  been  its  motives,  its  consequences  were  of  the  most 
serious  nature;  and  it  brought  the  American  cause,  more  than  once,  into 
real  hazard. 

Other  resolutions  accompanied  that  for  raising  and  establishing  the 
new  army,  which  exhibit  the  perilous  condition  of  the  country,  and  its 
want  of  those  means,  which  were  indispensable  to  the  support  of  the  ar- 
duous conflict  in  which  it  was  engaged. 

One  resolution  ordered  the  detention,  at  a  valuation,  of  the  arms  of 
those  soldiers  who  should  refuse  to  re-enlist,  although  they  were  private 


36  THE  LIFE  OF 

property,  and  but  ill  adapted  to  military  purposes ;  another,  offered  two 
dollars  to  every  recruit -w ho  would  supply  himself  with  a  blanket;  a 
third,  ordered  the  purchase  of  any  cloths  which  could  be  procured,  with- 
out regard  to  colour,  to  be  delivered  to  the  soldiers,  after  deducting  the 
price  from  their  pay ;  and  a  fourth,  required  the  soldiers  to  furnish  their 
own  arms,  or  to  pay  for  the  use  of  those  which  might  be  supplied  by 
the  government. 

Before  the  arrangements  made  by  the  committee  were,  confirmed  by 
congress,  General  Washington  proceeded  to  take  the  preparatory  steps 
for  carrying  them  into  execution. 

It  being  understood  that  the  engagements  of  the  officers,  as  well  as  of 
the  soldiers,  would  expire  with  the  year;  the  whole  army  was  to  be 
formed  anew.  The  officers  therefore  were  required  to  signify  in  writing 
to  their  respective  colonels,  their  determination  to  leave,  or  to  continue 
in  the  service ;  that  it  might  be  communicated  to  congress  through  the 
officer  commanding  brigades. 

The  urgency  of  the  case  could  not  produce  a  compliance  with  these 
orders.  Many  disregarded  them ;  and  others  annexed  conditions  to  their 
remaining  in  the  service.  Repetitions  of  them  became  necessary ;  and 
an  unconditional  declaration  was  required.*  But  that  high  spirit  and 
enthusiastic  ardour,  which  had  brought  such  numbers  into  the  field  after 
the  battle  of  Lexington,  was  already  beginning  to  dissipate ;  and  that 
alacrity  for  the  service,  which  had  been  expected,  was  not  displayed. 
The  orders  of  the  clay  contain  the  most  animating  exhortations  to  the 
army,  and  the  strongest  appeals  to  its  patriotism ;  but  there  was  an  omi- 
nous hesitation  in  forming  new  engagements. 

At  length,  with  much  labour,  the  officers  were  arranged,  upon  which, 
recruiting  orders  were  issued.  But  the  sufferings  of  the  army  for  fuel, 
clothes,  and  even  provisions,  had  been  great ;  and  to  this  cause  may  be 
attributed  the  tardiness  with  which  the  soldiers  in  camp  enrolled  them- 
selves. One  officer  from  each  company  was  employed  to  recruit  in  the 
country ;  but  their  progress  was  not  such  as  the  crisis  demanded  ;  and 
the  army  was  dissolving  by  the  expiration  of  the  time  for  which  it  had 
been  enlisted.  The  impatience  of  the  soldiers  to  revisit  their  friends, 
overcame  all  their  solicitude  for  maintaining  the  blockade  of  Boston ; 
and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  those  entitled  to  a  discharge  were  de- 
tained in  camp  even  for  ten  days ;  at  the  end  of  which  time  a  body  of  militia 

*  In  this  state  of  things,  several  officers,  supposing  that  commissions  and  rank  might 
depend  on  recruiting  men,  began,  without  permission,  to  recruit  soldiers,  to  serve  par- 
ticularly unuw  the  officer  enlisting  them.  Every  military  principle  required  that  tl»»« 
practice  should  be  arrested ;  and  it  was  peremptorily  forbidden  in  general  orders. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  37 

was  expected  to  supply  their  places.  This  fact,  however,  did  not  con- 
vince the  governments  of  the  United  Colonies,  that  it  was  possible  to  rely 
too  much  on  individual  patriotism ;  and  that  the  American  cause,  if  de- 
fended entirely  by  temporary  armies,  must  be  often  exposed  to  imminent 
hazard. 

Perceiving  the  difficulty  of  recruiting  the  army,  the  General  earnestly 
recommended  to  congress,  to  try  the  effect  of  a  bounty.    This 
proposition  was  not  adopted  until  late  in  January ;  and,  on  the 
last  day  of  December,  when  all  the  old  troops,  not  engaged  on  the  new 
establishment,  were  disbanded,  only  nine  thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty 
men  had  been  enlisted  for  the  army  of  1776  ;  many  of  whom  were  un- 
avoidably permitted  to  be  absent  on  furlough.    Their  numbers,  however, 
were  considerably  augmented  during  the  winter ;  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
the  militia  cheerfully  complied  with  the  requisitions  made  on  them. 

Notwithstanding  these  complicated  difficulties  and  embarrassments, 
the  General  viewed  with  deep  mortification  the  semblance  of  inactivity 
to  which  his  situation  compelled  him  to  submit.  In  the  commencement 
of  the  contest,  while  the  minds  of  many  were  undetermined,  it  was  of 
vast  importance  to  secure  the  public  confidence,  and  it  was  necessary  to 
pay  some  attention  even  to  the  public  caprice.  The  real  difficulties  un- 
der which  he  laboured,  were  not  generally  known.  His  numbers  were 
exaggerated,  and  his  means  of  carrying  on  offensive  operations  were 
magnified.  The  expulsion  of  the  British  army  from  Boston  had  been 
long  since  anticipated  by  many ;  and  those  were  not  wanting,  who  en- 
deavoured to  spread  discontent  by  insinuating  that  the  Commander-in- 
chief  was  desirous  of  prolonging  the  war,  in  order  to  continue  his  own 
importance.  To  these  symptoms  of  impatience,  and  to  the  consequences 
they  might  produce,  he  could  not  be  insensible ;  but  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  silence  such  complaints,  by  disclosing  to  the  world  his  real 
situation.  His  views  still  continued  to  be  directed  towards  Boston ;  and, 
congress  having  manifested  a  disposition  favourable- to  an  attack  on  that 
place,  the  general  officers  had  been  again  assembled,  and  had  again  ad- 
vised unanimously  against  the  measure.  Supposing  that  fears  for  the 
safety  of  the  town  might  embarrass  the  proceedings  of  the  army,  con- 
gress resolved,  "  that  if  General  Washington  and  his  council 

December, 
of  war  should  be  of  opinion  that  a  successful  attack  might  be 

made  on  the  troops  in  Boston,  he  should  make  it  in  any  manner  he  might 
think  expedient,  notwithstanding  the  town  and  property  in  it  might  be 
thereby  destroyed." 

Whilst  waiting  for  a  favourable  opportunity  to  execute  this  bold  plan, 
the  American  General  availed  himself  of  the  occasional  aids  received 


146544 


38  THE  LIFE  OF 

from  the  militia,  to  make  advances  on  the  besieged,  and  to  seize  posi- 
tions which  would'  favour  ulterior  operations.  Ploughed  Hill,  Cobble 
Hill,  and  Lechmere's  Point,  were  successively  occupied  and  fortified. 
His  approaches  were  carried  within  half  a  mile  of  the  works  on  Bunker's 
Hill ;  and  his  guns  drove  their  floating  batteries  from  their  stations,  and 
protected  others  constructed  under  his  orders. 

Hitherto,  the  object  of  the  war  had  been  a  redress  of  grievances. 
The  language,  that  it  was  a  war  against  a  corrupt  administration,  had 
been  carefully  observed ;  and  allegiance  to  the  British  crown  was  uni- 
versally avowed.  The  progress,  however,  of  the  public  mind  towards 
independence,  though  slow,  was  certain ;  and  measures  were  necessarily 
taken,  which  apparently  tended  to  that  object.  Among  these,  was  the 
act  of  establishing  temporary  governments  in  place  of  that  revolutionary 
system  which  followed  the  suspension  of  the  ancient  institutions. 

The  first  application  on  this  subject  was  made  by  Massachusetts  ;* 
and  her  example  was  soon  followed  by  other  colonies.  These  applica- 
tions could  not  fail  to  draw  forth  the  sentiments  of  members  on  the  very 
interesting  question  of  separation  from  the  mother  country.  They  who 
wished  to  lead  public  opinion  to  independence,  were  desirous  of  esta- 
blishing a  regular  government  in  each  province,  entirely  competent  to 
the  administration  of  its  affairs ;  while  they  who  were  hostile  to  that 
event,  opposed  every  measure  which  might  either  incline  the  colonies 
towards  it,  or  strengthen  the  opinion  in  Great  Britain,  that  it  was  the  real 
object  of  all  who  had  resisted  the  legislative  supremacy  of  parliament. 
A  resolution  was  with  difficulty  obtained  in  the  case  of  New  Hampshire, 
which  formed  a  precedent  for  others  of  the  same  nature,  recommending 
to  the  provincial  convention  to  call  a  full  and  free  representation  of  the 
people,  who  should  establish  such  form  of  government  as  would  best 
promote  the  general  happiness,  and  most  effectually  secure  peace  and 
good  order  in  the  colony,  during  the  continuance  of  the  present  dispute 
with  Great  Britain.  Without  this  last  clause,  which  still  maintained  the 
appearance  of  preserving  the  ancient  connexion  with  the  parent  state, 
the  recommendation  would  not  have  been  made.  About  the  same  time, 
congress  also  resolved  that  it  would  be  extremely  dangerous  to  the  liberties 
and  welfare  of  America,  for  any  colony  separately  to  petition  the  king 
or  either  house  of  parliament. 

Having  taken  into  consideration  a  proclamation,  declaring  certain  per- 

*  On  this  •application  congress  recommended  that  an  assembly  and  council  should 
be  chosen  in  the  usual  way,  who  should  exercise  the  powers  of  government  until  a 
Governor  of  his  Majesty's  appointment  should  consent  to  govern  the  colony  according 
to  its  charter. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  39 

sons  in  the  colonies  to  have  forgotten  their  allegiance,  and  to  be  in  a 
state  of  open  rebellion,  and  threatening  with  punishment  those  who  should 
be  found  carrying  on  correspondence  with  them; — congress  declared, 
"  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  these  United  Colonies,  and  by  the  authority 
according  to  the  purest  maxims  of  representation  derived  from  them,  that 
whatever  punishment  shall  be  inflicted  upon  any  persons  in  the  power  of 
their  enemies,  for  favouring,  aiding,  or  abetting  the  cause  of  American 
liberty,  shall  be  retaliated  in  the  same  kind,  and  in  the  same  degree,  upon 
those  in  their  power,  who  have  favoured,  aided,  or  abetted,  or  shall 
favour,  aid,  or  abet  the  system  of  ministerial  oppression." 

The  British  army,  the  command  of  which,  on  the  recall  of  General 
Gage,  had  devolved  upon  General  Howe,  still  remained  inactive  in  Bos- 
ton ;  and  was  still  closely  blocked  up  on  the  land  side.  The  history  of 
this  winter  campaign,  is  a  history  of  successive  struggles  on  the  part  of 
the  American  general,  with  the  difficulties  imposed  by  the  want  of  arms, 
ammunition,  and  permanent  troops,  on  a  person  extremely  solicitous,  by 
some  grand  and  useful  achievement,  to  prove  himself  worthy  of  the  high 
station  to  which  the  voice  of  his  country  had  called  him. 

Considering  the  resolution  relative  to  the  attack  on  Boston  as  indica- 
ting the  desire  of  congress  on  that  subject,  he  assured  the  pre-  1775. 
sident  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  put  it  in  execution  January, 
the  first  moment  he  should  perceive  a  probability  of  success.  If  this 
should  not  occur,  as  soon  as  might  be  expected  or  wished,  he  prayed 
that  his  situation  might  be  recollected,  and  that  congress  would  do  him 
the  justice  to  believe,  that  circumstances,  not  inclination  on  his  part,  oc- 
casioned the  delay.  "  It  is  not,"  said  he,  "  in  the  pages  of  history  to 
furnish  a  case  like  ours.  To  maintain  a  post  within  musket  shot  of  the 
enemy  for  six  months  together,  withqut  ammunition;  and  at  the  same 
time,  to  disband  one  army  and  recruit  another,  within  that  distance  ot 
twenty -odd  British  regiments,  is  more  than,  probably,  ever  was  attempt- 
ed. But  if  we  succeed  as  well  in  the  latter,  as  we  have  hitherto  done  in 
the  former,  I  shall  think  it  the  most  fortunate  event  of  my  whole  life." 

In  the  month  of  January  a  council  of  war,  at  which  Mr.  John  Adams, 
a  member  of  congress,  and  Mr.  Warren,  president  of  the  provincial  con- 
gress of  Massachusetts,  assisted :  Resolved,  "  that  a  vigorous  attempt 
ought  to  be  made  on  the  ministerial  troops  in  Boston,  before  they  can  be 
reinforced  in  the  spring,  if  the  means  can  be  provided,  and  a  favourable 
opportunity  should  offer."  It  was  farther  advised,  "  that  thirteen  regi- 
ments of  militia  should  be  asked  for  from  Massachusetts  and  the  neigh- 
bouring colonies,  in  order  to  put  the  army  in  a  condition  to  make  tha 
attempt.  The  militia  to  assemble  on  the  first  of  February,  and  to  con- 


40  THE  LIFE  OF 

tinue  in  service,  if  necessary,  until  the  first  of  March."  The  colonies 
readily  complied  with  these  requisitions ;  but  so  mild  had  the  season 
hitherto  been,  that  the  waters  about  Boston  continued  open.  "  Congress 
would  discover  in  my  last,"  said  the  general,  on  the  nineteenth  of  Janu- 
ary, "  my  motives  for  strengthening  these  lines  with  militia.  But 
whether,  as  the  weather  turns  out  exceedingly  mild,  (insomuch  as  to 
promise  nothing  favourable  from  ice,)  and  there  is  no  appearance  of 
powder,  I  shall  be  able  to  attempt  any  thing  decisive,  time  only  can  de- 
termine. No  man  upon  earth  wishes  to  destroy  the  nest  in  Boston  more 
than  I  do ;  no  person  would  be  willing  to  go  greater  lengths  than  I  shall 
to  accomplish  it,  if  it  shall  be  thought  adviseable;  but  if  we  have  no  pow- 
der to  bombard  with,  nor  ice  to  pass  on,  we  shall  be  in  no  better  situa- 
tion than  we  have  been  all  the  year :  we  shall  be  in  a  worse,  as  their 
works  are  stronger." 

Early  in  January,  the  Commander-in-chief  received  unquestionable 
intelligence  that  an  armament  was  equipping  in  Boston,  to  sail  under 
General  Clinton  on  a  secret  expedition.  Many  considerations  induced 
him  to  believe  that  New  York  was  its  destination.  He  thought  the  pos- 
session of  the  Hudson  of  great  importance  to  the  British :  and  that  the 
numerous  adherents  to  the  royal  cause  in  New  York,  furnished  an  addi- 
tional reason  for  transferring  the  seat  of  war  to  that  colony.  Whilst 
deliberating  on  this  subject,  he  received  a  letter  from  General  Lee,  re- 
questing to  be  detached  to  Connecticut,  for  the  purpose  of  assembling  a 
body  of  volunteers,  who  should  march  into  New  York,  and  be  employed 
both  for  the  security  of  that  place,  and  the  expulsion  or  suppression  of  a 
band  of  lories  collecting  on  Long  Island.  Though  inclined  to  the  adop- 
tion of  this  measure,  delicacy  towards  those  who  exercised  the  powers  of 
civil  government  in  the  colony,  suspended  his  decision  on  it.  Mr.  John 
Adams,  who  possessed  great  and  well  merited  influence,  was  then  at 
Watertown,  attending  the  provincial  convention ;  and  with  him,  the 
general  held  some  communications  respecting  his  powers.  That  gen- 
tleman being  decidedly  of  opinion  that  they  extended  to  the  case,  General 
Lee  was  detached,  with  instructions  to  raise  a  body  of  volunteers  in  Con- 
necticut, to  reinforce  the  battalions  of  New  Jersey  and  New  York,  which 
were  placed  undei  his  command.  His  orders  were  to  proceed  to  New 
York;  to  examine  the  fortifications  of  the  city,  and  up  the  river;  to  put 
them  in  the  best  possible  state  of  defence;  to  disarm  all  persons  whose 
conduct  rendered  them  justly  suspected  of  designs  unfriendly  to  the  go- 
vernment, especially  those  on  Long  Island ;  and  to  collect  the  arms  and 
ammunition  in  their  possession,  for  the  use  of  the  army. 

No  difficulty  was  found  in  raising  the  volunteers  required  from  Con 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  41 

necticut.  The  people  of  that  province  were  zealous  and  enterprising, 
and  Governor  Trumbull  having  sanctioned  the  measure,  troops  were 
immediately  embodied,  and  Lee  commenced  his  march  for  New  York  at 
the  head  of  twelve  hundred  men. 

The  inhabitants  of  that  place  were  much  alarmed  at  his  approach. 
Captain  Parker  of  the  Asia  man  of  war  had  threatened  that  he  would 
destroy  the  town  in  the  event  of  its  being  entered  by  any  considerable 
body  of  provincials ;  and  it  was  believed  that  these  threats  would  be  exe- 
cuted. 

A  committee  of  safety,  which  had  been  appointed  to  exercise  the  pow- 
ers of  government  during  the  recess  of  the  provincial  congress,  addressed 
a  letter  to  General  Lee,  expressing  astonishment  at  the  report  that  he 

was  about  to  enter  the  town  without  previously  intimating  his 

,  ,.  February. 

design,  and  pressing  him  earnestly  not  to  pass  the  confines  of 

Connecticut,  until  they  could  have  further  explanations  with  him. 

Holding  in  utter  contempt  the  threats  of  Captain  Parker,  Lee  conti- 
nued his  march ;  and,  in  a  letter*  to  congress,  represented  in  such  strong 
terms  the  impolicy  of  leaving  the  military  arrangements  for  New  York 
under  the  control  of  the  local  government,  that  congress  appointed  three 
of  their  own  body,  to  consult  with  him  and  the  council  of  safely,  respect- 
ing the  defence  of  the  place ;  and  instructed  him  to  obey  the  directions 
of  that  committee. 

Lee  soon  acquired  that  ascendancy  which  is  the  prerogative  of  a  su- 
perior mind,  over  those  who  were  sent  for  his  government,  and  they  di- 
rected him  to  execute  whatever  he  suggested.  A  plan  recommended  by 
him,  for  fortifying  the  city  and  preserving  its  connexion  with  Long  Island, 
was  adopted,  and  prosecuted  with  vigour. 

General  Clinton  arrived  almost  at  the  same  instant  with  General  Lee, 
but  without  troops.  He  said  openly,  that  none  were  coming;  that  no 
hostilities  were  contemplated  against  New  York ;  and  that  he  was,  him- 
self, merely  on  a  visit  to  his  friend  Tryon.  "  If  it  be  really  so,"  added 
Genera!  Lee,  in  his  letter  containing  this  communication,  "it  is  the  most 
whimsical  piece  of  civility  I  ever  heard  of."  General  Clinton  did  not 
affect  to  conceal  that  his  real  object  was  to  proceed  to  North  Carolina, 
where  he  expected  that  five  regiments  from  Europe  would  join  the  small 
force  he  should  carry  with  him. 

About  the  middle  of  February,  the  cold  was  intense,  and  the  ice  be- 
came sufficiently  firm  to  bear  the  troops.  General  Washington  was 
now  disposed  to  execute  the  bold  plan  he  had  formed,  of  attacking  Gene- 

*  See  note  No.  V.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


42  THE  LIFE  OF 

ral  Howe  in  Boston;  but  a  council  of  war  being  almost  unanimous 
against  the  measure,  it  was  abandoned.  The  want  of  ammunition  for 
the  artillery  was  a  principal  inducement  to  this  opinion.. 

The  attempt,  probably,  would  not  have  succeeded,  and  must  certainly 
nave  been  attended  with  considerable  loss.  But  the  advice  of  the  coun- 
cil seems  to  have  been  adopted  with  regret.  In  communicating  their 
opinion  to  congress,  the  general  observed,  "  Perhaps  the  irksomeness  of 
my  situation  may  have  given  different  ideas  to  me,  from  those  which 
influence  the  gentlemen  I  consulted ;  and  might  have  inclined  me  to  put 
more  to  the  hazard  than  was  consistent  with  prudence.  If  it  had  this 
effect,  I  am  not  sensible  of  it,  as  I  endeavoured  to  give  the  subject  all 
the  consideration  a  matter  of  such  importance  required.  True  it  is,  and 
I  can  not  help  acknowledging,  that  I  have  many  disagreeable  sensations 
on  account  of  my  situation ;  for,  to  have  the  eyes  of  the  whole  continent 
fixed  on  me,  with  anxious  expectation  of  hearing  some  great  event,  and 
to  be  restrained  in  every  military  operation  for  want  of  the  necessary 
means  to  carry  it  on,  is  not  very  pleasing;  especially  as  the  means  used 
to  conceal  my  weakness  from  the  enemy,  conceal  it  also  from  our 
friends,  and  add  to  their  wonder." 

Late  in  February,  various  appearances  among  the  British  troops  indi- 
cated an  intention  to  evacuate  Boston ;  but  as  these  appearances  might 
be  deceptive,  and  he  had  now  received  a  small  supply  of  powder,  Gene- 
ral Washington  determined  to  prosecute  vigorously  a  plan  he  had 
formed,  to  force  General  Howe  either  to  come  to  an  action,  or  to  aban- 
don the  town. 

Since  the  allowance  of  a  bounty,  recruiting  had  been  more  successful ; 
and  the  regular  force  had  been  augmented  to  rather  more  than  fourteen 
thousand  men.  In  addition  to  these  troops,  the  Commander-in-chief  had 
called  to  his  aid  about  six  thousand  of  the  militia  of  Massachusetts.  Thus 
reinforced,  he  determined  to  take  possession  of  the  heights  of  Dorches- 
ter, and  to  fortify  them.  As  the  possession  of  this  post  would  enable 
him  to  annoy  the  ships  in  the  harbour  and  the  soldiers  in  the  'own,  he 
was  persuaded  that  a  general  action  would  ensue.  But  if  this  hope 
should  be  disappointed,  his  purpose  was  to  make  the  works  on  the  heights 
of  Dorchester  only  preparatory  to  seizing  and  fortifying  Nook's  Hill,  and 
the  points  opposite  the  south  end  of  Boston,  which  commanded  the  har- 
bour, a  great  part  of  the  town,  and  the  beach  from  which  an  embarka- 
tion must  take  place  in  the  event  of  a  retreat. 

To  facilitate  the  execution  of  this  plan,  a  heavy  bombardment  and 

cannonade  were  commenced  on  the  town  and  on  the  British 
March  2.  ,. 

lines,  which  were  repeated  the  two  succeeding  nights.     On 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  43 

the  last  of  them,  immediately  after  the  firing  had  begun,  a  strong  de- 
tachment, under  the  command  of  General  Thomas,  took  possession  of 
the  heights  without  opposition.  Such  was  their  activity  and  industry 
through  the  night  that,  although  the  ground  was  almost  impenetrable, 
the  works  were  sufficiently  advanced  by  the  morning,  nearly  to  cover 
them.  When  daylight  disclosed  their  operations  to  the  British,  a  con- 
siderable degree  of  embarrassment  appeared,  and  an  ineffectual  fire  was 
commenced  on  the  party  in'possession  of  the  heights,  who  in  turn  opened 
a  battery  on  the  besieged ;  and  continued  with  unremitting  labour  to 
strengthen  their  position. 

It  was  necessary  to  dislodge  the  Americans  from  the  heights,  or  to 
evacuate  the  town;  and  General  Howe,  as  had  been  foreseen,  deter- 
mined to  embrace  the  former  part  of  the  alternative.  Three  thousand 
chosen  men,  to  be  commanded  by  Lord  Percy,  were  ordered  on  this 
service.  These  troops  were  embarked,  and  fell  down  to  the  castle,  in 
order  to  proceed  up  the  river  to  the  intended  scene  of  action ;  but  were 
scattered  by  a  furious  storm,  which  disabled  them  from  immediately 
prosecuting  the  enterprise.  Before  they  could  again  be  in  readiness  for 
the  attack,  the  works  were  made  so  strong,  that  the  attempt  to  storm 
them  was  thought  unadviseable,  and  the  evacuation  of  the  town  became 
inevitable. 

In  the  expectation  that  the  flower  of  the  British  troops  would  be  em- 
ployed against  the  heights  of  Dorchester,  General  Washington  had  con- 
certed a  plan  for  availing  himself  of  that  occasion,  to  attack  Boston  it- 
self. The  storm  which  defeated  the  proposed  attack  on  the  heights  de- 
feated this  enterprise  also. 

The  determination  to  evacuate  Boston  was  soon  communicated.  A 
paper  signed  by  some  of  the  select  men  of  the  town,  and  brought  out 
with  a  flag,  stated  the  fact.  This  paper  was  accompanied  by  proposi- 
tions said  to  be  made  on  the  part  of  General  Howe,  but  not  signed  by 
him,  relative  to  the  security  of  the  town,  and  the  peaceable  embarkation 
of  his  army.  As  these  propositions  were  not  addressed  to  the  Command- 
er-in-chief, and  were  not  authenticated  by  the  signature  of  General 
Howe,  nor  by  any  act  obligatory  on  him,  General  Washington  thought 
it  improper  directly  to  notice  them ;  and  ordered  the  officer  to  whom 
they  were  delivered  to  return  an  answer  stating  the  reasons  why  they 
were  not  treated  with  more  attention.  The  determination,  however,  to 
continue  his  advances  and  to  secure  Nook's  Hill,  was  changed ;  and 
considerable  detachments  were  moved  towards  New  York,  before  the 
actual  evacuation  of  Boston.  This  event  took  place  on  the  17th  of 


44  THE  LIFE  OF 

March;  and,  in  a  few  days,  the  whole  fleet  sailed  out  of  Nantasket  road, 
directing  its  course  eastward. 

The  recovery  of  this  important  town  gave  great  joy  to  the  United 
Colonies.  Congress  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  General  and  his 
army,  "  for  their  wise  and  spirited  conduct  in  the  siege  and  acquisition 
of  Boston  ;"  and  directed  a  medal  of  gold  to  be  struck  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  event. 

As  soon  as  the  British  fleet  had  put  to  sea,  the  American  army  pro- 
ceeded by  divisions  to  New  York,  where  it  arrived  on  the  14th  of  April. 

During  the  siege  of  Boston,  an  altercation  concerning  prisoners  took 
place  between  the  commanders  of  the  respective  armies,  which  was 
viewed  with  great  interest  throughout  America.  The  character  of  the 
war — a  war  between  a  sovereign  and  those  who  professed  to  be  his  sub- 
jects, led  to  a  course  of  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  British  General,  which 
the  actual  state  of  things  did  not  justify. 

General  Gage,  as  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  had  received  all  the 
irritations  of  which  his  mind  was  susceptible — irritations  which  seemed 
to  have  had  no  inconsiderable  influence  over  his  conduct  as  Commander- 
in-chief.  He  regarded  the  Americans  merely  as  rebels;  and  treated 
them  as  if  the  great  national  resistance  they  were  making  on  principle, 
was  to  be  viewed  as  the  act  of  a  few  daring  and  turbulent  individuals, 
rising  against  laws  of  unquestionable  obligation,  who  would  soon  be 
quelled,  and  punished  for  their  disobedience  of  legitimate  authority.  In 
this  spirit,  he  threw  some  distinguished  gentlemen  of  Boston,  and  the 
American  officers  and  soldiers  who  fell  into  his  hands,  into  the  common 
jail  of  felons ;  and  treated  them,  without  respect  to  military  rank  or  con- 
dition, not  as  prisoners  of  war,  but  as  state  criminals. 

General  Washington  remonstrated  very  seriously  against  this  unjus- 
tifiable measure.  Considering  political  opinion  entirely  out  of  the  ques- 
tion, and  "conceiving  the  obligations  of  humanity,  and  the  claims  of 
rank,  to  be  universally  binding,  except  in  the  case  of  retaliation  ;"  he 
expressed  the  hope  he  had  entertained,  "  that  they  would  have  induced, 
on  the  part  of  the  British  General,  a  conduct  more  conformable  to  the 
rights  they  gave."  While  he  claimed  the  benefits  of  these  rights,  he 
declared  his  determination  "  to  be  regulated  entirely,  in  his  conduct  to- 
wards the  prisoners  who  should  fall  into  his  hands,  by  the  treatment 
which  those  in  the  power  of  the  British  General  should  receive." 

To  this  letter,  a  haughty  and  intemperate  answer  was  returned,  re- 
torting the  complaints  concerning  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  and  affect- 
ing to  consider  it  as  an  instance  of  clemency,  that  the  cord  was  not 
applied  to  those  whose  imprisonment  was  complained  of.  To  this  an- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  45 

swer,  General  Washington  gave  a  manly  and  dignified  reply,  which  was, 
he  said,  "  to  close  their  correspondence  perhaps  forever ;"  and  which 
concluded  with  saying,  "  If  your  officers,  our  prisoners,  receive  from  me 
a  treatment  different  from  what  I  wished  to  show  them,  they  and  you 
will  remember  the  occasion  of  it." 

The  result  of  this  correspondence  was  communicated  to  the  council 
of  Massachusetts,*  who  were  requested  to  order  the  British  officers  then 
on  parole  to  be  confined  in  close  jail,  and  the  soldiers  to  be  sent  to  such 
place  of  security  as  the  general  court  should  direct. 

On  the  recall  of  General  Gage,  the  command  devolved  on  General 
Howe,  whose  conduct  was  less  exceptionable ;  and  this  rigorous  treat- 
ment of  prisoners  was  relaxed. 

Not  long  after  this  correspondence  with  General  Gage,  while  Mont- 
gomery was  employed  in  the  siege  of  St.  John's,  Colonel  Ethan  Allen 
was  captured  in  a  bold  and  rash  attempt  on  Montreal.  Under  the  pre- 
text of  his  having  acted  without  authority,  he  was  put  in  irons,  and  sent 
to  England  as  a  traitor. 

While  he  was  yet  in  Canada,  congress  requested  the  Commander-in- 
chief  to  inquire  into  the  fact.  He  addressed  a  letter  to  Sir  William 
Howe,  requiring  explanations  on  it,  and  assuring  him  that  General  Pres- 
cot,  who  had  been  taken  in  Canada,  and  was  understood  to  have  con- 
tributed to  the  severities  inflicted  on  Colonel  Allen,  should  receive  exactly 
the  fate  of  that  officer. 

General  Howe,  not  holding  any  authority  in  Canada,  or  not  choosing 
to  enter  fully  into  this  subject,  General  Schuyler  was  directed  to  make 
particular  inquiries  into  the  conduct  of  Prescot ;  and  congress,  on  being 
informed  of  the  inefficacy  of  the  application  to  General  Howe,  ordered 
that  officer  into  close  jail. 

*  In  the  early  part  of  the  war,  congress  had  appointed  no  commissary  of  prisoners; 
nor  had  the  government  taken  upon  itself  the  custody  of  them.  They  were  entrusted 
for  safe  keeping  to  the  respective  legislatures  and  committees,  to  whom  it  was  necessary 
to  apply  for  the  execution  of  every  order  respecting  them. 

VOL.  i.  E  4 


46  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  III. 

Invasion  of  Canada  meditated. — Siege  of  St.  John's. — Capture  of  fort  Chamblee. — 
Carleton  defeated  at  Longueisle. — St.  John's  capitulated. — Montreal  surrenders. 
Arnold's  expedition. — He  arrives  before  duebec. — Retires  to  Point  Aux  Trembles. 
— Montgomery  lays  siege  to  duebec. — Unsuccessful  attack  on  that  place. — Death 
of  Montgomery. — Blockade  of  GLuebec. — General  Thomas  takes  command  of  the 
army. — The  blockade  raised. — General  Sullivan  takes  the  command. — Battle  of  the 
Three  Rivers. — Canada  evacuated. — General  Carleton  constructs  a  fleet. — Enters 
lake  Champlain. — Defeats  the  American  flotilla. — Takes  possession  of  Crown 
Point. — Retires  into  winter  quarters. 

DURING  these  transactions,  events  of  great  interest  were  passing  still 
further  north. 

Serious  dissatisfaction  prevailed  in  Canada.     The  measures  of  ad- 
ministration had  disquieted  the  British  settlers,  without  con- 
ciliating the  ancient  inhabitants.     At  the  same  time,  the  regu- 
lar troops  had  been  chiefly  ordered  to  Boston,  and  the  province  left  al- 
most entirely  undefended.     These  facts  were  known  in  the  United  Colo- 
nies.    It  was  also  known  that  military  stores  to  an  immense  amount  had 
been  deposited  in  Quebec,  and  that  preparations  were  making  to  invade 
the  colonies  from  that  quarter.     The  possession  of  that  country  was  be- 
lieved to  be  all  important;  and  its  present  temper  countenanced  the 
opinion,  that  its  weight  would  be  thrown  into  the  scale  of  that  party, 
which  should  first  show  a  force  in  it  sufficient  for  the  protec- 
tion of  its  inhabitants.     The  facility  with  which  Crown  Point 
and  Ticonderoga  had  been  taken,  and  the  command  of  the  lakes  George 
and  Champlain  acquired,  added  to  the  motives  already  stated,  inspired 
congress  with  the  daring  design  of  anticipating  the  plans  meditated  in 
Canada,  by  taking  possession  of  that  province. 

In  June,  1775,  a  resolution  passed  that  body,  directing  General  Schuy- 
ler  to  repair  to  Ticonderoga,  and  take  the  proper  measures  for  securing 
that  post  and  Crown  Point,  and  for  retaining  the  command  of  the  lakes. 
He  was,  at  the  same  time  authorized,  if  he  should  find  the  measure  not 
disagreeable  to  the  Canadians,  to  take  possession  of  St.  John's  and  Mon- 
treal, and  to  pursue  any  other  steps  which  might  have  a  tendency  to  pro- 
mote the  peace  and  security  of  the  United  Colonies. 

Near  three  thousand  men  from  New  England  and  New  York  were 
designed  for  this  service.  A  number  of  batteaux  were  directed  to  be 
built  at  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  to  convey  them  along  lake  Cham- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  47 

plain,  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  in  specie  were  voted  for  the  expenses  of 
the  army  in  Canada. 

General  Schuyler,  who  was  at  New  York  when  this  important  com- 
mand was  confided  to  him,  hastened  to  Ticonderoga,  in  order  to  make 
the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  enterprise. 

The  troops  of  that  department,  belonging  to  different  colonies,  stationed 
at  different  places,  and  acknowledging  no  one  commanding  officer,  were 
found  in  a  state  of  entire  disorganization.  The  stores  were  misapplied, 
or  wasted ;  no  subordination  nor  camp  discipline  was  observed ;  and  had 
the  enemy  been  in  a  condition  to  attempt  a  coup  de  main,  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point  would  have  been  lost,  with  as  much  facility  as  they  had 
been  acquired. 

Schuyler  immediately  commenced  the  task  of  preparing  vessels  for  the 
transportation  of  the  troops ;  a  task  the  more  laborious  and  tedious,  as  the 
timber  for  the  batteaux  was  then  to  be  procured  from  the  woods. 
Before  the  preparations  were  complete,  or  the  soldiers  destined 
for  the  expedition  were  assembled,  the  impatience  expressed  by  the  dis- 
contented in   Canada   rendered  an   immediate   movement  adviseable. 
Orders  were  therefore  given  to  General  Montgomery  to  embark  with  the 
troops  then  in  readiness ;  and  General  Schuyler  having  directed  the  ex- 
pected reinforcements  to  rendezvous  at  the  Is!e  Aux  Noix,  followed  and 
joined  him  before  he  reached  that  place. 

Circular  letters  to  the  Canadians,  exhorting  them  to  rouse  and  assert 
their  liberties,  and  declaring,  that  the  Americans  entered  their  country, 
not  as  enemies,  but  as  friends  and  protectors,  were  immediately  dis- 
persed among  them  ;  and  to  improve  the  favourable  impression  which  had 
been  made,  it  was  determined  to  advance  directly  to  St.  John's.  On  the 
sixth  of  September,  the  American  army,  amounting  to  about  one  thou- 
sand men,  entirely  destitute  of  artillery,  embarked  on  the  Sorel,  and  pro- 
ceeding down  that  river,  landed  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  fort.  The 
intelligence  received  during  the  evening,  determined  them  to  return  to 
the  Isle  Aux  Noix,  and  wait  for  their  remaining  troops  and  artillery. 

The  Isle  Aux  Noix  lies  at  the  junction  of  the  Sorel  with  lake  Cham- 
plain  ;  and  to  prevent  the  armed  vessels  at  St.  John's  from  entering  the 
latter,  a  boom  was  drawn  across  the' narrow  channel,  at  the  point  of 
union  between  those  waters. 

While  at  that  place,  General  Schuyler  became  so  ill  as  to  be  confined 
to  his  bed ;  and  the  command  devolved  on  Montgomery. 

Late  in  September  the  artillery  was  brought  up ;  and  reinforcements 

arrived,  which  augmented  the  army  to  nearly  two  thousand 

.  Sept  25. 

men ; — upon  which  Montgomery  again  proceeded  to  the  invest- 


48  THE  LIFE  OF 

ment  of  St.  John's.  This  pto.ce  was  garrisoned  by  five  or  six  hundred 
regulars,  with  about  two  hundred  Canadian  militia,  and  was  well  pro- 
vided with  artillery  and  military  stores.  The  army  of  Canada,  as  well 
as  the  other  armies  of  the  United  Colonies,  was  almost  entirely  without 
powder ;  and,  of  consequence,  the  siege  advanced  slowly.  Its 
necessities  in  this  respect,  were  fortunately  relieved  by  the 
capture  of  fort  Chamblee,  which,  being  supposed  to  be  covered  by  St. 
John's,  was  not  in  a  defensible  condition.  In  this  place,  about  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  barrels  of  gunpowder  were  taken,  after  which  the  siege 
of  St.  John's  was  prosecuted  with  vigour ;  but  the  garrison  made  a  reso- 
lute defence,  and  for  some  time  indulged  the  hope  of  being  relieved.* 

Colonel  M'Clean,  a  veteran  officer,  with  his  regiment  of  royal  high- 
land emigrants,  and  a  few  hundred  Canadians,  was  posted  near  the 
junction  of  the  Sorel  with  the  St.  Lawrence.  General  Carleton  was  at 
Montreal,  where  he  had  collected  about  a  thousand  men,  chiefly  Cana- 
dians. At  the  head  of  these  troops,  he  hoped  to  effect  a  junction  with 
M'Clean,  after  which  he  designed  to  march  with  his  whole  force  against 
Montgomery,  and  endeavour  to  raise  the  siege ;  but,  on  attempting  to 
cross  over  from  Montreal,  he  was  encountered  and  entirely  defeated  at 
Longueisle  by  a  detachment  of  the  American  troops  under  Colonel 
Warner.  Another  party  advanced  on  M'Clean.  Being  entirely  aban- 
doned by  his  Canadians  so  soon  as  they  were  informed  of  the  defeat  of 
the  governor,  and  having  also  received  information  that  Arnold  was  ap- 
proaching Point  Levy,  M'Clean  retreated  to  Quebec.  The  Americans 
occupied  the  post  he  had  abandoned,  and  erected  batteries  on  a  point  of 
land  at  the  junction  of  the  Sorel  with  the  St.  Lawrence ;  where  they  also 
constructed  several  armed  rafts  and  floating  batteries,  in  order  to  prevent 
Carleton  with  the  vessels  at  Montreal  from  escaping  down  the  river. 

Montgomery  was  pressing  the  siege  of  St.  John's  with  great  vigour, 
and  had  advanced  his  works  near  the  fort,  when  the  account  of  the  suc- 
cess at  Longueisle  reached  him.  On  receiving  this  intelligence,  he  sent 
a  flag  by  one  of  the  prisoners,  with  a  letter  to  Major  Preston,  the  com- 
manding officer,  demanding  a  surrender  of  the  place.  All  hopes  of  re- 
„  lief  having  now  vanished,  the  garrison  capitulated,  on  being 

allowed  the  honours  of  war. 

Scarcely  was  this  first  success  obtained,  when  the  consequences  of 
short  enlistments  began  to  be  felt.  The  time  of  service  for  which  the 
troops  had  engaged  being  about  to  expire,  great  difficulty  was  expe- 
rienced in  prevailing  on  them  to  proceed  farther ;  and  before  the  General 

*  Annual  Register. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  49 

could  induce  them  to  march  against  Montreal,  he  was  under  the  neces- 
sity of  stipulating  explicitly,  that  all  who  wished  it  should  be  discharged 
at  that  place.  Having  effected  this  compromise,  he  proceeded  against 
Montreal ;  while  his  floating  batteries,  under  Colonel  Easton,  advanced 
up  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  not  only  prevented  the  armed  vessels  of  the 
enemy  from  escaping  to  Quebec,  but  drove  them  still  higher  up  the 
river. 

Montreal  was  not  in  a  condition  to  be  defended.     After  engaging  to 
allow  the  Canadians  their  own  laws,  the  free  exercise  of  their 
religion,  and  the  privilege  of  governing  themselves,  Montgom- 
ery took  peaceable  possession  of  the  town ;  and  Governor  Carleton  re- 
tired to  his  flotilla.     While  preparations  were  making  to  attack  these 
vessels,  the  Governor  was  conveyed  in  a  boat  with  muffled  oars  down 
the  river,  in  a  dark  night,  and  made  his  escape  to  Quebec.     The  fleet 
soon  afterwards  surrendered,  and  the  General  prepared,  with  the  utmost 
expedition,  to  proceed  with  the  few  troops  who  were  willing  to  follow 
him,  to  the  capital  of  Canada. 

Diminished  as  his  army  was  by  the  discharge  of  those  who  claimed 
the  performance  of  his  engagements  made  at  St.  John's,  it  was  necessary 
to  leave  a  part  of  it  at  Montreal,  St.  John's,  and  Chamblee,  to  garrison 
those  places — keep  open  the  communication  between  Quebec  and  the 
United  Colonies — preserve  the  dependence  of  the  Canadians — overawe 
the  Indians,  and  hold  in  check  the  garrisons  above  him  at  Detroit  and 
Niagara.  These  essential  objects,  though  provided  for  with  the  utmost 
possible  economy  of  men,  formed  such  deductions  from  his  force,  as  to 
leave  little  more  than  three  hundred  soldiers  to  follow  their  General  in 
the  enterprise  against  Quebec. 

Foreseeing  that  the  whole  force  of  Canada  would  be  concentrated 
about  Montreal,  General  Washington  had  planned  an  expedi- 
tion against  Quebec,  to  be  carried  on  by  a  detachment  from 
his  camp  before  Boston,  which  was  to  march  by  the  way  of  Kennebec 
river ;  and,  passing  through  the  dreary  wilderness  lying  between  the 
settled  parts  of  Maine  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  enter  Canada  about 
ninety  miles  below  Montreal. 

The  object  of  this  hardy  enterprise  was  to  compel  Carleton,  either  to 
draw  his  troops  from  the  upper  country  and  leave  the  passage  open  to 
the  army  invading  the  province  by  the  way  of  the  river  Sorel,  or,  if  he 
should  maintain  that  position,  to  take  possession  of  Quebec.  All  his 
accounts  assured  him  that  this  place  was  unable  to  hold  out  against  the 
force  which  would  appear  before  it ;  and,  if  attacked  by  an  American 
army  before  the  return  of  Carleton,  would  surrender  without  firing  a  shot. 


, 

50  THE  LIFE  OF 

This  arduous  enterprise  was  committed  to  Colonel  Arnold.  About  a 
thousand  men,  consisting  of  New  England  infantry,  some  volunteers,*  a 
company  of  artillery  under  Captain  Lamb,  and  three  companies  of  rifle- 
men, were  selected  for  the  service. 

Such  delays  in  expediting  this  detachment  were  occasioned  by  the 
derangements  of  the  army,  that  Arnold  could  not  commence  his  march 
until  the  middle  of  September. 

The  success  of  the  expedition  depending  in  a  great  measure  on  the 
friendly  temper  of  the  province  against  which  it  was  directed,  the  in- 
structions given  to  Arnold  earnestly  inculcated  the  cultivation  of  a  good 
understanding  with  the  Canadians ;  and  even  enjoined  an  abandonment 
of  the  enterprise,  should  this  sudden  invasion  of  their  country  threaten 
to  irritate  them,  and  induce  them  to  take  up  arms  against  the  United 
Colonies.  He  was  furnished  with  about  one  thousand  pounds  in  specie 
to  defray  contingent  expenses,  and  with  a  cargo  of  manifestoes  to  be  dis- 
persed through  Canada. 

The  opinion  which  had  been  formed  of  the  favourable  disposition  of 
the  Canadians  was  not  disproved  by  the  event.  They  gave  essential  aid 
to  the  Americans,  and  cheerfully  facilitated  their  march  through  that 
province.  But  the  previous  difficulties  to  be  surmounted  were  much 
greater  than  had  been  apprehended.  The  intermediate  country,  which 
had  never  been  well  explored,  opposed  obstacles  to  the  march,  which 
only  perseverance  like  that  of  Arnold  and  of  his  brave  and  hardy  follow- 
ers, could  have  conquered.  Colonel  Enos,  who  commanded  the  rear  divi- 
sion, consisting  of  one  third  of  the  detachment,  returned  from  the  Dead 
River,  a  branch  of  the  Kennebec.  At  first,  his  appearance  excited  the 
utmost  indignation  in  the  army ;  yet,  on  being  arrested,  he  was  acquit- 
ted by  a  court  martial,  on  the  principle  that  it  was  absolutely  impracti- 
cable to  obtain  provisions  on  the  route  to  preserve  the  troops  from  perish- 
ing with  famine. 

Arnold,  who  at  the  head  of  the  first  two  divisions,  still  prosecuted  his 
march,  was  thirty-two  days  traversing  a  hideous  wilderness,  without 
seeing  a  house,  or  any  thing  human.  Notwithstanding  the  zealous  and 
wonderfully  persevering  exertions  of  his  men,  the  obstacles  he  encoun- 
tered so  protracted  his  march,  that  he  did  not  reach  the  first  settlements 
on  the  Chaudiere,  which  empties  itself  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  near  Que- 
bec, until  the  3d  of  November. 

On  the  high  grounds  which  separate  the  waters  of  the  Kennebec  from 
those  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  scanty  remnant  of  provisions  was  divided 

*  Colonel  Burr,  since  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  was  of  this  number. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  51 

among  the  companies ;  each  of  which  was  directed,  without  attempting 
to  preserve  any  connexion  with  the  other,  to  march  with  the  utmost 
possible  celerity  into  the  inhabited  country.  Whilst  those  who  gained 
the  front  were  yet  thirty  miles  from  the  first  poor  and  scattered  habita- 
tions which  composed  that  frontier  of  Canada,  their  last  morsel  of  food 
was  consumed.  But,  preceded  by  Arnold,  who  went  forward  for  the 
purpose  of  procuring  for  them  something  which  might  satisfy  the  de- 
mands of  nature,  the  troops  persevered  in  their  labours  with  a  vigour 
unimpaired  by  the  hardships  they  had  encountered,  until  they  once  more 
found  themselves  in  regions  frequented  by  human  beings. 

After  a  march  of  such  unexampled  fatigue,  no  more  time  was  allowed 
for  repose  than  was  barely  sufficient  to  collect  the  rear,  and  to  refresh 
the  men.  During  this  short  respite  from  toil,  the  address  signed  by 
General  Washington  was  published,  and  every  assurance  given  to  the 
people,  that  they  came  to  protect,  and  not  to  plunder  them.  The  line 
of  march  was  resumed ;  and,  on  the  9th  of  November,  this  gallant 
corps  reached  Point  Levi,  opposite  Quebec. 

The  town  was  almost  entirely  without  a  garrison,  and  nothing  could  ex- 
ceed the  astonishment  of  its  inhabitants.  Could  Arnold  have  immediately 
crossed  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  have  availed  himself  of  the  first  conster- 
nation, it  is  believed  that  he  might  have  entered  the  place  without  oppo- 
sition ;  but  a  high  wind,  and  the  want  of  boats,  rendered  the  passage  of 
the  river  impossible. 

One  of  his  Indian  messengers,  despatched  with  letters  to  General 
Schuyler,  had  either  betrayed  him  or  been  intercepted ;  and  thus  in- 
telligence of  his  approach  was  communicated  to  Colonel  M'Clean  who 
was  then  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel.  Trembling  for  the  capital  of  the 
province,  that  gallant  veteran  determined  to  throw  himself  into  it,  and 
endeavour  to  defend  it.  In  the  mean  time,  the  winds  continued  so  high 
for  several  nights  as  to  render  the  passage  of  the  river  hi  the  canoes 
which  had  been  collected,  too  hazardous  to  be  attempted ;  and  it  was 
only  in  the  night  that  the  Americans  could  hope  to  cross,  because  four 
ships  of  war  were  distributed  at  different  stations  in  the  river,  and  armed 
boats  were  employed  to  ply  around  them.  Whilst  the  Americans  were 
thus  unavoidably  detained  on  the  south  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  Colo- 
nel M'Clean,  with  his  corps  of  emigrants,  entered  the  city. 

At  length  the  wind  moderated ;  and  Arnold  determined  to  attempt  the 
river.  Eluding  the  armed  vessels,  and'-  conquering  a  rapid  current,  he, 
with  great  difficulty  and  danger,  crossed  over  in  the  night,  and  landed 

his  little  army  about  a  mile  and  a  half  above  the  place  which  , 

Nov.  14. 
is  rendered  memorable  by  the  disembarkation  of  Wolfe.    The 


52  THE  LIFE  OF 

passage  of  the  rugged  cliffs  which  continue  on  the  northern  bank  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  for  some  distance  above  Quebec,  being  impracticable  at 
this  place,  he  marched  down  on  the  shore  to  Wolfe's  Cove,  and  ascend- 
ing with  his  band  of  hardy  followers  the  same  precipice  which  had  op- 
posed such  obstacles  to  the  British  hero ;  he,  too,  formed  his  small  corps 
on  the  heights  near  the  plains  of  Abraham. 

The  dangerous  and  difficult  operations  of  crossing  the  river  in  canoes, 
whilst  the  passage  was  vigilantly  guarded  by  ships  of  war,  and  of  gain- 
ing the  almost  perpendicular  heights  of  the  opposite  shore,  were  com- 
pleted, soon  after  midnight,  by  the  advance  party,  consisting  of  the  rifle 
companies.  While  waiting  for  the  residue  of  the  detachment,  a  council 
of  all  the  officers  was  held  for  the  purpose  of  determining  on  their  future 
measures.  Although  destitute  of  every  implement  required  for  an  as- 
sault, Arnold  proposed  to  march  immediately  against  Quebec.  He 
counted  on  surprising  the  place,  and  finding  the  gates  open ;  but  this 
opinion,  which  was  not  earnestly  pressed,  was  overruled. 

Though  disappointed  in  the  expectation  of  surprising  Quebec,  Arnold 
did  not  immediately  relinquish  the  hope  of  obtaining  possession  of  that 
important  place.  Not  superior  to  the  garrison  in  point  of  numbers,  and 
without  a  single  piece  of  artillery,  he  was  obviously  incapable  of  acting 
offensively  ;  but  he  flattered  himself  that  a  defection  in  the  town  might 
yet  put  it  in  his  hands.  With  this  view,  he  paraded  on  the  adjacent 
heights  for  some  days,  and  sent  two  flags  to  demand  a  surrender.  But 
the  presence  of  Colonel  M'Clean  restrained  those  measures  which  the 
fears  of  the  inhabitants  dictated.  Deeming  any  communication  with  the 
assailants  dangerous,  he  refused  to  receive  the  flag,  and  fired  on  the  of- 
ficer who  bore  it.  Intelligence  was  soon  obtained,  that  the  first  alarm 
was  visibly  wearing  off,  and  giving  place  to  other  sentiments  unfavour- 
able to  the  hope  of  gaining  Quebec.  Fears  for  the  vast  property  con- 
tained in  the  town  had  united  the  disaffected ;  who  were,  at  their  own 
request,  embodied  and  armed.  The  sailors  too  were  landed,  and  placed 
at  the  batteries ;  and,  by  these  means,  the  garrison  had  become  more 
numerous  than  the  American  army. 

After  collecting  those  who  had  been  left  on  the  south  side  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  Arnold  could  not  parade  more  than  seven  hundred  men,  and 
they  were  in  no  condition  to  risk  an  action.  In  their  laborious  march 
through  the  wilderness,  nearly  one  third  of  their  muskets  had  been  ren- 
dered useless ;  and  their  ammunition  had  sustained  such  damage  thai 
the  riflemen  had  not  more  than  ten,  nor  the  other  troops  more  than  six 
,  rounds  for  each  man.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  was 

INov.  iJ 

thought  most  adviseable  to  retire  to  Point  Aux  Trembles,  twenty 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  53 

miles  above  Quebec,  and  there  await  the  arrival  of  Montgomery.  On  their 
march,  they  saw  the  vessel  which  conveyed  General  Carleton ;  and  af- 
terwards found  he  had  been  on  shore  at  Point  Aux  Trembles,  a  few 
hours  before  they  reached  that  place.* 

In  war,  the  success  of  the  most  judicious  plans  often  depends  on  acci 
dents  not  to  be  foreseen  nor  controlled.  Seldom  has  the  truth  of  this 
proposition  been  more  clearly  demonstrated,  than  in  the  issue  of  the  ex 
pedition  conducted  by  Colonel  Arnold.  The  situation  of  Canada  con- 
formed exactly  to  the  expectations  of  the  American  general.  Not  sus 
pecting  that  so  bold  and  difficult  an  enterprise  could  be  meditated,  its 
.Governor  had  left  Quebec  entirely  defenceless,  and  had  drawn  the 
strength  of  the  province  towards  the  lakes.  Could  Arnold  have  reached 
that  place  a  few  days  sooner — could  he  even  have  crossed  the  river  on 
his  first  arrival  at  Point  Levi — or  had  Colonel  Enos  been  able  to  follow 
the  main  body  with  his  division  of  the  detachment — every  probability 
favours  the  opinion,  that  this  hardy  and  well  conceived  expedition  would 
have  been  crowned  with  the  most  brilliant  success.  Nay,  more — had 
Arnold  been  careful  to  relieve  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  from  all  fears 
respecting  their  property,  there  is  reason  to  believe,  they  would  have 
refused  to  defend  it.  But  although  this  bold  enterprise  was  planned 
with  judgment,  and  executed  with  vigour;  although  the  means  em- 
ployed were  adequate  to  the  object ;  yet  the  concurrence  of  several  mi- 
nute and  unfavourable  incidents  entirely  defeated  it,  and  deprived  it  of 
that  eclat  to  which  it  was  justly  entitled. 

Having  clothed  his  almost  naked  troops  at  Montreal,  General  Mont- 
gomery, at  the  head  of  about  three  hundred  men,  proceeded  with  his 
usual  expedition  to  join  Colonel  Arnold  at  Point  Aux  Trembles,  where 
he  supplied  the  troops  of  that  officer  with  clothes  provided  at  Montreal ; 

and  afterwards  marched  with  their  united  forces  directly  to 

Dec  5 
Quebec.  But,  before  his  arrival,  Governor  Carleton,  who  had 

entered  the  town,  was  making  every  preparation  for  a  vigorous  de- 
fence. The  garrison  now  consisted  of  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  of 
whom  eight  hundred  were  militia,  and  between  four  and  five  hundred 
were  seamen.  Montgomery's  effective  force  was  stated,  by  himself,  at 
only  eight  hundred.  His  situation  would  have  filled  with  despair  a  mind 
less  vigorous,  less  sanguine,  and  less  brave.  His  numbers  were  not 
sufficient  to  render  success  probable,  according  to  any  common  princi- 
ple of  calculation ;  and  the  prospect  of  their  being  diminished  might  be 

*  In  the  account  of  this  expedition  much  use  has  been  made  of  a  journal  kept  by 
Colonel  Heth  who  served  in  it  as  a  Lieutenant  in  Morgan's  company  of  riflemen. 


54  THE  LIFE  OF 

rationally  entertained.  But,  relying  on  their  courage,  on  himself  and 
his  fortune,  and  on  the  fears  of  the  garrison ;  stimulated,  too,  by  the 
high  expectations  formed  throughout  America  of  his  success,  and  by  the 
dread  of  disappointing  those  expectations,  he  determined  to  lay  immedi- 
ate siege  to  the  town. 

In  a  few  days  he  opened  a  six  gun  battery  within  seven  hundred 
yards  of  the  walls ;  but  his  artillery  was  too  light  to  make  a  breach, 
and  he  did  not  calculate  on  any  effect  from  it.  His  object  was  to  amuse 
the  garrison,  and  conceal  his  real  design. 

Although  the  troops  supported  the  excessive  hardships  to  which  they 
were  exposed,  with  constancy  and  firmness,  Montgomery  feared  that 
such  continued  sufferings  would  overcome  them ;  and,  as  he  would  soon 
have  no  legal  authority  to  retain  a  part  of  them,  he  apprehended  that 
he  should  be  abandoned  by  that  part.  Impressed  with  the  real  neces- 
sity of  taking  decisive  steps,  and  impelled  by  his  native  courage,  this 
gallant  officer  determined  to  risk  an  assault. 

Of  such  materials  was  his  little  army  composed,  that  the  most  des- 
perate hardihood  could  not  hope  to  succeed  in  the  purposed  attempt,  un- 
less it  should  receive  the  approbation  of  all  his  troops.  It  was  therefore 
necessary,  not  only  to  consult  the  officers  individually  on  this  delicate 
subject,  but  to  obtain  also  the  cheerful  assent  of  the  soldiers  to  the  medi- 
tated enterprise.  The  proposition  was  at  first  received  coldly  by  a  part 
of  Arnold's  corps,  who  were,  by  some  means,  disgusted  with  their  com- 
manding officer ;  but  the  influence  of  Morgan,  who  was  particularly 
zealous  for  an  assault,  and  who  held  up  as  a  powerful  inducement,  the 
rights  conferred  by  the  usages  of  war  on  those  who  storm  a  fortified 
town,  at  length  prevailed;  and  the  measure  was  almost  unanimously  ap- 
proved. 

Whilst  the  general  was  preparing  for  the  assault,  the  garrison  received 
intelligence  of  his  design  from  a  deserter.  This  circumstance  induced 
him  to  change  the  plan,  which  had  originally  been  to  attack  both  the 
upper  and  lower  towns  at  the  same  time.  That  finally  adopted,  was  to 
divide  the  army  into  four  parts ;  and  while  two  of  them,  consisting  of 
Canadians  under  Major  Livingston,  and  a  small  party  under  Major 
Brown,  were  to  distract  the  garrison  by  making  two  feints  against  the 
upper  town  at  St.  John's  and  Cape  Diamond  ;  the  other  two,  led,  the  one 
by  Montgomery  in  person,  and  the  other  by  Arnold,  were  to  make  real 
attacks  on  opposite  sides  of  the  lower  town.  After  gaining  that,  it  would 
yet  be  extremely  difficult  to  conquer  the  obstacles  to  be  surmounted  in 
forcing  their  way  to  the  upper  town ;  but,  as  all  the  wealth  of  the  city 
would  then  be  in  their  power,  it  was  confidently  expected  that  the  in- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  55 

habitants,  to  secure  their  property,  would  compel  the  governor  to  capitu- 
late. 

Between  four  and  five  in  the  morning,  the  signal  was  given ;  and  the 

several  divisions  moved  to  the  assault  under  a  violent  storm  of 
Dec  31 

snow.  The  plan  was  so  well  concerted,  that  from  the  side  of  the 

river  St.  Lawrence,  along  the  fortified  front  round  to  the  basin,  every  part 
seemed  equally  threatened.*  Montgomery  advanced  at  the  head  of  the 
New  York  troops,  along  the  St.  Lawrence,  by  the  way  of  Aunce  de  Mere, 
under  Cape  Diamond.  The  first  barrier  on  this  side,  at  the  Pot  Ash, 
was  defended  by  a  battery,  in  which  a  few  pieces  of  artillery  were 
mounted ;  about  two  hundred  paces  in  front  of  which  was  a  block-house 
and  picket.  The  guard  placed  at  the  block-house  being  chiefly  Cana 
dians,  after  giving  a  random  and  harmless  fire,  threw  away  their  arms, 
and  fled  in  confusion  to  the  barrier.  Their  terrors  were  communicated 
to  those  who  defended  this  important  pass ;  and  from  the  intelligence 
afterwards  received  by  the  American  prisoners  in  Quebec,  it  appears 
that  the  battery  was  for  a  time  deserted. 

Unfortunately,  the  difficulties  of  the  route  rendered  it  impossible  for 
Montgomery  to  avail  himself  instantly  of  this  first  impression.  Cape 
Diamond,  around  which  he  was  to  make  his  way,  presents  a  precipice, 
the  foot  of  which  is  washed  by  the  river,  where  such  enormous  and  rug- 
ged masses  of  ice  had  been  piled  on  each  other,  as  to  render  the  way 
almost  impassable.f  Along  the  scanty  path  leading  under  the  project- 
ing rocks  of  the  precipice,  the  Americans  pressed  forward  in  a  narrow 
file,  until  they  reached  the  block-house  and  picket.  Montgomery,  who 
was  himself  in  front,  assisted  with  his  own  hand  to  cut  down  or  pull  up 
the  pickets,  and  open  a  passage  for  his  troops :  but  the  roughness  and 
difficulty  of  the  way  had  so  lengthened  his  line  of  march,  that  he  found 
it  absolutely  necessary  to  halt  a  few  minutes.  Having  re-assembled 
about  two  hundred  men,  he  advanced  boldly  and  rapidly  at  their  head, 
to  force  the  barrier.  One  or  two  persons  had  now  ventured  to  return  to 
the  battery,  and  seizing  a  slow-match,  discharged  a  gun,  when  the 
American  front  was  within  forty  paces  of  it.  This  single  and  accident- 
al fire  proved  fatal  to  the  enterprise.  The  general,  with  Captains 
M'Pherson  and  Cheeseman,  the  first  of  whom  was  his  aid,  together  with 
his  orderly  sergeant  and  a  private  were  killed  upon  the  spot.  The  loss 
jf  their  general,  in  whom  their  confidence  had  been  so  justly  placed, 
liscouraged  the  troops ;  and  Colonel  Campbell,  on  whom  the  command 
levolved,  made  no  attempt  to  reanimate  them.  This  whole  division  re. 

*  Letter  of  Governor  Carleton.  t  Annual  Register. 


56  THE  LIFE  OF 

tired  precipitately  from  the  action,  and  left  the  garrison  at  leisure  to 
direct  its  undivided  force  against  Arnold. 

At  the  common  signal  for  the  attack,  the  division  commanded  by  this 
officer  moved  in  files  along  the  street  of  St.  Roques  towards  the  Saut  de 
Matelots,  where  the  first  barrier  had  been  constructed,  and  a  battery  of 
two  twelve  pounders  erected.  In  imitation  of  Montgomery,  he  too  led 
the  forlorn  hope  in  person,  and  was  followed  by  Captain  Lamb  with 
his  company  of  artillery,  and  a  field  piece  mounted  on  a  sled.  Close  in 
the  rear  of  the  artillery  was  the  main  body,  in  front «|f  which  was  Mor- 
gan's company  of  riflemen,  commanded  by  himself.  The  path  along 
which  the  troops  were  to  march  was  so  narrow,  that  the  two  pieces  of 
artillery  in  the  battery  were  capable  of  raking  with  grape  shot  every 
inch  of  the  ground;  whilst  the  whole  right  flank  was  exposed  to  an  in- 
cessant fire  of  musketry  from  the  walls,  and  from  the  pickets  of  the  gar- 
rison. 

In  this  order  Arnold  advanced  along  the  St.  Charles  with  the  utmost 
intrepidity.  The  alarm  was  immediately  given,  and  the  fire  on  his  flank 
commenced.  As  he  approached  the  barrier,  he  received  a  musket  ball 
in  the  leg  which  shattered  the  bone,  and  was  carried  oflf  the  field.  Mor- 
gan rushed  forward  to  the  battery  at  the  head  of  his  company,  and  re- 
ceived from  one  of  the  pieces,  almost  at  its  mouth,  a  discharge  of  grape 
shot,  which  killed  only  one  man.  The  barricade  was  instantly  mounted, 
on  which  the  battery  was  deserted  without  a  discharge  from  another 
gun.  The  captain  of  the  guard,  with  the  greater  number  of  his  men, 
were  made  prisoners. 

Morgan  formed  his  troops  in  the  streets  within  the  barrier,  and  took 
into  custody  several  English  and  Canadian  burghers;  but  his  situation 
soon  became  extremely  critical.  He  was  not  followed  by  the  main  body 
of  the  division — he  had  no  guide — and  was,  himself,  totally  ignorant  of 
the  situation  of  the  town.  It  was  yet  dark — and  he  had  not  the  slight- 
est knowledge  of  the  course  to  be  pursued,  or  of  the  defences  to  be  en- 
countered. Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  thought  unadviseable  to 
advance  farther.  They  were  soon  joined  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Green, 
and  Majors  Bigelow  and  Meigs,  with  several  fragments  of  companies,  so 
as  to  constitute  altogether  about  two  hundred  men. 

As  the  light  of  day  began  to  appear,  this  gallant  party  was  again 
formed,  with  Morgan's  company  in  front ;  and,  with  one  voice,  loudly 
called  on  him  to  lead  them  against  the  second  barrier,  which  was  now 
known  to  be  less  than  forty  paces  from  them,  though  concealed  by  an 
angle  of  the  street  from  their  immediate  view.  Seizing  the  few  ladders 
brought  with  them,  they  again  rushed  forward ;  and  under  an  incessant 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  57 

fire  from  the  battery,  and  from  the  windows  overlooking  it,  applied  their 
ladders  to  the  barricade ;  and  maintained  for  some  time  a  fierce,  and,  on 
their  part,  a  bloody  contest.  Exposed  thus,  in  a  narrow  street,  to  a  gall- 
ing fire,  and  finding  themselves  unable  to  force  the  barrier,  or  to  dis- 
charge more  than  one  in  ten  of  their  fire  arms — the  violence  of  the  storm 
having  unfitted  them  for  service ;  many  of  the  assailants  threw  themselves 
into  the  stone  houses  on  each  side,  which  afforded  them  a  shelter  both 
from  the  storm  and  from  the  enemy.  After  continuing  some  time  in  this 
situation,  Morgan  proposed  to  cut  their  way  back  to  the  American  camp, 
They  were  prevented  from  adopting  this  daring  resolution,  only  by  the 
suggestion  that  the  attack  led  by  Montgomery,  of  whose  fate  they  were 
ignorant,  might  possibly  be  successful ;  and  that,  in  the  event  of  his 
having  entered  the  opposite  part  of  the  town,  their  co-operation  might  be 
useful  to  him.  On  this  account,  they  determined  still  to  maintain  their 
situation.  But  the  force  of  the  enemy  increasing  considerably,  they  soon 
perceived  that  they  were  no  longer  masters  of  their  own  destinies,  and 
surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.* 

In  this  bold  attack  on  Quebec,  the  loss  on  the  part  of  the  garrison  was 
inconsiderable.  That  of  the  Americans  was  about  four  hundred  men, 
three  hundred  and  forty  of  whom  were  prisoners.  It  fell  chiefly  on  Ar- 
nold's division.  Captain  Hendricks  of  the  Pennsylvania  riflemen,  Lieu- 
tenant Humphries  of  Morgan's  company,  and  Lieutenant  Cooper  of 
Connecticut,  were  among  the  slain.  Captains  Lamb  and  Hubbard,  and 
Lieutenants  Steele  and  Tisdale,  were  among  the  wounded.  Every  offi- 
cer at  the  second  barrier  received  several  balls  through  his  clothes,  and 
some  of  them  were  severely  scorched  by  the  powder  from  the  muzzles  of 
the  muskets  discharged  at  them.  But  the  loss  most  deplored,  and  most 
fatal  to  the  hopes  of  the  American  army,  was  that  of  their  general. 

Richard  Montgomery  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  and  had  served  with 
reputation  in  the  late  war.  After  its  conclusion  h£  settled  in  New  York, 
w^ere  he  married  an  American  lady,  and  took  a  decided  part  with  the 
Colonies  in  their  contest  with  Great  Britain.  His  military  reputation  was 
high  throughout  America.  In  the  history  of  his  achievements,  while 
commanding  in  Canada,  we  perceive  the  bold,  skilful,  and  active  parti- 
zan ;  and,  so  far  as  a  judgment  can  be  formed  of  a  capacity  for  conduct- 
ing the  movements  of  a  large  army  from  judicious  management  of  a 
small  one,  we  can  not  hesitate  to  allow  him  the  talents  of  an  able  general. 
At  the  head  of  a  small  body  of  undisciplined  troops,  drawn  from  differ- 
ent colonies,  unwilling  to  be  commanded  by  a  stranger,  jealous  of  him 

*  In  this  account  of  the  attempt  to  storm  Gluebec,  free  use  is  made  of  Colonel  Hith's 
journal. 

F  • 


58  THE  LIFE  OF 

in  the  extreme,  often  disposed  to  disobedience,  and  anxious  for  their 
homes,  he  conquered  difficulties  which  not  many  would  have  ventured 
to  meet ;  and,  until  his  last  fatal  moment,  was  uniformly  successful.  In 
little  more  than  two  months,  he  made  himself  master  of  Canada,  from 
the  lakes  to  Quebec :  and,  as  if  determined  to  triumph  over  the  climate 
itself,  laid  siege,  in  the  depth  of  winter,  to  that  important  fortress.  His 
measures  seem  to  have  been  taken  with  judgment,  and  were  certainly 
executed  with  great  courage  and  unremitting  exertion.  When  he  ap- 
pears to  have  risked  much,  and  to  have  exposed  his  troops  to  excessive 
hardships,  this  line  of  conduct  was  not  inconsiderately  chosen.  The  state 
of  his  aifairs  left  him  only  the  alternative  between  attempting  to  storm 
Quebec,  or  abandoning  the  great  object  of  the  expedition.  Nor  was  his 
attempt  so  hopeless  a  measure  as  the  strength  of  the  place,  and  the 
event  might,  at  first  view,  induce  us  tasuppose.  The  design  was  worthy 
of  the  lofty  spirit  which  formed  it ;  though  hazardous,  it  was  not  des- 
perate ;  and  if  great  courage  was  required  to  crown  it  with  success,  great 
courage  was  employed  in  its  execution.  He  counted,  and  with  reason, 
on  the  fears  of  the  garrison,  and  on  the  immense  extent  of  ground  to  be 
guarded.  Had  he  not  fallen  himself,  or  been  deserted  by  his  troops,  it 
is  even  yet  believed  the  enterprise  would  have  succeeded.  The  progress 
made  by  Arnold's  division  gives  great  countenance  to  this  opinion. 

To  manifest  the  high  sense  entertained  of  his  services,  congress  di- 
rected a  monument,  expressing  the  circumstances  of  his  death  and  the 
gratitude  of  his  country,  to  be  erected  to  his  memory. 

The  Americans,  being  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  continue  the  siege, 
retired  about  three  miles  from  the  city ;  where,  though  in-      jjyg 
ferior  in  numbers  to  the  garrison,  they  maintained  the  block-  January, 
ade.   By  preserving  this  bold  countenance,  they  retained  the  confidence 
of  the  Canadians ;  which  saved  their  affairs,  for  a  time,  from  total  ruin. 

Governor  Carleton  was  content  to  preserve  Quebec,  until  the  rein- 
forcements he  expected  in  the  spring  should  enable  him  to  act  on  the 
offensive.  He  therefore  determined  not  to  hazard  an  attack,  with  a  gar- 
rison on  which  it  was  unsafe  to  rely ;  and  Arnold,  on  whom  the  com- 
mand had  devolved,  remained  undisturbed.  Although  badly  wounded, 
he  retained  his  courage  and  activity;  and,  though  deserted  by  those 
whose  terms  of  service  had  expired,  so  as  to  be  reduced  at  one  time  to 
about  five  hundred  effective  men,  he  discovered  no  disposition  to  sink 
under  the  weight  of  adverse  fortune. 

While  the  affairs  of  the  colonies  wore  this  gloomy  aspect  in  Canada, 
congress  was  indulging  sanguine  hopes  of  annexing  that  province  to  the 
union.  Nine  regiments,  including  one  to  be  raised  in  that  colony,  were 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  59 

voted  for  its  defence  during  the  ensuing  campaign ;  and  General  Schuy- 
!er  was  directed  to  construct  a  number  of  batteaux  at  Ticonderoga,  for 
the  purpose  of  transporting  the  troops  to  the  scene  of  action. 

Whilst  adopting  these  measures,  congress  received  the  melancholy 
intelligence  of  the  disaster  of  the  31st  December.     Far  from 
being  dispirited  by  this  reverse  of  fortune,  that  body  redoubled 
its  exertions  to  hasten  reinforcements  to  the  army  in  Canada,  and  urged 
the  several  conventions  to  collect  for  its  use  all  the  specie  they  could 
obtain.     These  measures  were,  in  some  degree,  accelerated  by  having 
been  anticipated  by  the  Commander-in-chief.*  • 

The  service  in  Canada  being  deemed  of  too  much  importance  to  be 
entrusted  to  Colonel,  now  Brigadier  General  Arnold,  or  to 
General  Wooster ;  and  the  health  of  General  Schuyler  not  ad- 
mitting of  his  proceeding  to  Quebec ;  General  Thomas,  an  officer  who 
had  acquired  reputation  at  Roxbury,  was  ordered  to  take  command  of 
the  army  in  that  province. 

In  the  hope  of  exciting  throughout  Canada  the  sentiments  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  United  Colonies,  and  of  forming  with  it  a  perfect  union, 
three  commissioners,  Mr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Chase,  and  Mr.  Carroll,"f  were 
deputed  with  full  powers  on  this  subject,  and  with  instructions  to  esta- 
blish a  free  press.  These  commissioners  were  directed  to  assure  the 
people  that  they  would  be  permitted  to  adopt  such  form  of  government 
as  should  be  agreeable  to  themselves ;  to  exercise  freely  all  the  rights 
of  conscience ;  and  to  be  considered  as  a  sister  colony,  governed  by  the 
same  general  system  of  mild  and  equal  laws  which  prevailed  in  the 
other  colonies,  with  only  such  local  differences  as  each  might  deem  con- 
ducive to  its  own  happiness.  They  were  also  instructed  to  inquire  into 
the  conduct  of  the  American  army,  and  to  correct  any  irregularities 
which  might  be  offensive  to  the  people. 

Congress  seems  to  have  entertained  the  opinion  expressed  by  General 
Washington  in  a  letter  to  General  Schuyler,  "  that  the  Province  could 
be  secured  only  by  laying  hold  of  the  affections  of  the  people,  and  en- 
gaging them  heartily  in  the  common  cause."  In  pursuance  of  this  opi- 
nion, they  adopted  the  magnanimous  policy  of  compensating  those  indi- 
viduals who  had  suffered  for  their  adherence  to  the  Americans. 

*  On  the  first  intelligence  received  in  the  camp  at  Boston  of  the  fate  of  Montgo- 
mery, General  Washington,  though  extremely  delicate  respecting  the  assumption 
of  power,  without  waiting  for  the  orders  of  congress,  had  immediately  requested  the 
New  England  governments  to  raise  several  regiments  to  reinforce  that  army.  This 
proceeding  was  approved  by  congress. 

t  They  were  accompanied  by  Mr.  Carroll,  a  bishop  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church. 


60  THE  LIFE  OF 

In  the  mean  time  Arnold  maintained  the  blockade  of  Quebec.  But 
reinforcements  were  slow  in  arriving,  notwithstanding  every  exertion  to 
hasten  them,  and  froVn  the  first  of  January  to  the  first  of  March,  the 
effective  force  before  that  place  had  never  exceeded  seven  hundred  men, 
and  had  often  been  as  low  as  five  hundred.  In  March,  reinforcements 
arrived  in  greater  numbers,  and  the  army  was  increased  to  seventeen 
hundred ;  but  this  number  was  soon  reduced  by  the  small-pox,  which 
had  made  its  way  into  camp,  where,  in  contempt  of  orders,  it  was  pro- 
pagated by  inoculation. 

To  rendea  the  blockade  in  any  degree  effectual,  this  small  army, 
which  occupied  the  island  of  Orleans  and  both  sides  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence, was  spread  over  a  circuit  of  twenty-six  miles,  and  divided  by 
three  ferries.  The  establishment  of  discipline  had  been  impracticable, 
if  attempted ;  and  the  Canadians  were  often  injured  and  irritated.  There 
is  reason  to  believe  that  even  General  Arnold  was  disposed  to  think  him- 
self in  the  country  of  an  enemy ;  and  that,  in  repressing  disorders,  he 
did  not  exert  that  energy  which  he  had  always  displayed  conspicuously 
in  the  field. 

Many  causes  combined  to  diminish  the  attachment  originally  mani- 
fested by  the  Canadians  to  the  United  Colonies.  The  necessities  of  his 
situation  compelled  General  Arnold  to  issue  a  proclamation  making  pa- 
per money  current,  under  the  promise  of  redeeming  it  in  four  months, 
and  denouncing  those  as  enemies,  who  should  refuse  to  receive  it.  The 
Canadians  were  unwilling  to  exchange  their  property  or  labour,  for  an 
article  of  such  uncertain  value ;  and  the  discontents  excited  by  the  at- 
tempt to  force  it  on  them  were  very  considerable. 

Another  circumstance,  which  had  great  influence  with  reflecting  men, 
was  the  obvious  incompetence  of  the  American  force  to  its  object.  The 
Canadians  had  expected  a  powerful  army — sufficient  for  the  protection 
of  the  country ;  and  their  disappointment  in  this  respect,  produced  a 
great  change  in  their  opinions  and  conduct. 

The  dissatisfaction  arising  from  these  causes  was  augmented  by  the 
priests.  They,  as  a  body,  were  never  cordial  in  the  American  interest; 
and  having  been,  since  the  death  of  Montgomery,  very  injudiciously 
neglected,  had  become  almost  universally  hostile  to  the  views  of  the 
United  Colonies. 

General  Carleton  was  no  stranger  to  the  revolution  which  was  taking 
place  in  the  minds  of  the  Canadians,  and  entertained  the  hope  of  raising 
the  siege  by  their  assistance.  A  detachment  of  about  sixty  men,  from 
the  garrison  of  Quebec,  landed  twelve  leagues  below  the  town  on  the 
south  side  of  the  river,  and  were  joined  by  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  61 

Canadians,  who  were  rapidly  increasing  in  numbers,  when  they  were 
suddenly  attacked  by  a  detachment  sent  by  Arnold,  which  surprised 
their  advance  guard,  killed  a  few,  took  some  prisoners,  and  dispersed 
the  residue. 

As  the  season  of  the  year  approached  when  reinforcements  frcm  Eng- 
land might  be  expected,  Arnold  deemed  it  necessary  to  recommence 
active  operations,  and  to  resume  the  siege.  His  batteries  were  again 
erected,  and  were  opened  on  the  2d  of  April,  but  without  much  effect. 
He  had  not  weight  of  metal  to  make  a  breach  in  the  wall,  nor  an  engi- 
neer capable  of  directing  a  siege,  nor  artillerists  who  understood  the 
management  of  the  pieces. 

On  the  1st  of  April,  Wooster  had  arrived,  and,  on  the  succeeding  day, 
Arnold's  horse  fell  with  him,  and  so  bruised  one  of  his  legs  as  to  confine 
him  to  his  bed  for  some  time.  Believing  himself  to  be  neglected,  he 
obtained  leave  of  absence  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  move,  and  took  the 
command  at  Montreal. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  army  having  become  entitled  to  a  discharge, 
no  inducement  could  prevail  on  them  to  continue  longer  in  so  severe  a 
service.  This  deduction  from  Wooster's  force  was  the  more  , 

A  DTI  I  1  T 

sensibly  felt,  because  the  present  situation  of  the  roads,  the 

lakes,  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  suspended  the  arrival  of  the  reinforcements 

destined  for  his  aid. 

Among  the  first  who  reached  camp  after  this  state  of  things  took 
place,  was  General  Thomas.  He  arrived  on  the  1st  of  May,  and 
found  an  army  consisting  of  nineteen  hundred  men ;  of  whom,  less 
than  one  thousand,  including  officers,  were  effective.  Among  these 
were  three  hundred  entitled  to  discharge,  who  refused  to  do  duty,  and 
insisted  importunately  on  being  immediately  dismissed.  This  small 
force  was  still  more  enfeebled  by  being  so  divided  that  it  was  impracti- 
cable to  unite  more  than  three  hundred  men  at  any  one  point.  All  the 
magazines  contained  but  one  hundred  and  fifty  batrels  of  powder,  and 
six  days  provisions ;  nor  could  adequate  supplies  from  the  country  peo- 
ple be  obtained,  as  the  Canadians  no  longer  manifested  any  disposition 
to  serve  them. 

The  river  began  to  open  below,  and  it  was  certain,  that  the  British 
would  seize  the  first  moment  of  its  being  practicable,  to  relieve  this  im- 
portant place.  Amidst  these  unpromising  circumstances,  the  hopes  of 
taking  Quebec  appeared  to  General  Thomas  to  be  chimerical,  and  a 
longer  continuance  before  the  town  both  useless  and  dangerous.  It  was 
apparent  that  the  first  reinforcements  which  should  arrive  would  deprive 
him  entirely  of  the  use  of  the  river,  and  consequently  would  embarrass 
VOL.  i.  5 


62  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  removal  of  his  sick,  and  military  stores.    No  object  remained  to  jus 
tify  this  hazard. 

Under  these  impressions,  he  called  a  council  of  war,  which  unani- 
mously determined,  that  the  army  was  not  in  a  condition  to 
Aluv  5 

risk  an  assault — that  the  sick  should  be  removed  to  the  Three 

RiVers,  and  the  artillery  and  other  stores  embarked  in  their  boats,  in 
order  to  move  to  a  more  defensible  position.    On  the  evening  of  the  same 

day,  intelligence  was  received  that  a  British  fleet  was  below ; 

and,  the  next  morning,  five  ships,  which  had,  with  much  la- 
bour and  danger,  made  their  way  up  the  river  through  the  ice,  appeared 
in  sight.  They  soon  entered  the  harbour,  and  landed  some  men  whilst 
the  Americans  were  assiduously  employed  in  the  embarkation  of  their 
sick  and  stores — an  operation  carried  on  the  more  slowly,  because  the 
first  appearance  of  the  ships  deprived  them  of  the  aid  expected  from  the 
teams  and  carriages  of  the  Canadians. 

About  noon,  Carleton  made  a  sortie  at  the  head  of  one  thousand  men, 
formed  in  two  divisions,  and  supported  by  six  field  pieces.  The  Ame- 
ricans had  thrown  up  no  intrenchments,  and  could  not  bring  into  action 
more  than  three  hundred  men.  Under  these  circumstances,  victory 
was  scarcely  possible,  and  could  have  produced  no  important  effect. 
General  Thomas,  therefore,  with  the  advice  of  the  field  officers  about 
him,  determined  not  to  risk  an  action,  and  ordered  his  troops  to  retreat 
up  the  river.  This  was  done  with  much  precipitation,  and  many  of  the 
sick,  with  all  the  military  stores,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The 
army  continued  its  retreat  to  the  Sorel,  where  General  Thomas  was 
seized  with  the  small  pox,  of  which  he  died.* 

*  Whilst  the  troops  of  the  United  Colonies  were  flying  from  the  vicinity  of  Clue- 
bee,  an  unexpected  calamity  befel  them  in  a  different  quarter  of  that  province. 

Colonel  Bedel,  with  three  hundred  and  ninety  continental  troops  and  two  field 
pieces,  had  been  stationed  at  the  Cedars,  a  point  of  land  about  forty  miles  above  Mon- 
treal, which  projected  far  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  could  be  approached  only  on 
one  side.  Early  in  the  spring,  General  Carleton  had  planned  an  expedition  against 
this  post,  the  execution  of  which  was  committed  to  Captain  Forster,  who  commanded 
at  an  English  station  on  Oswegachie.  At  the  head  of  a  company  of  regulars  and 
a  body  of  Indians,  amounting  in  the  whole  to  six  hundred  men,  he  appeared  before 
the  American  works  early  in  May.  Two  days  previous  to  his  appearance,  Colonel 
Bedel  had  received  intelligence  of  his  approach ;  and,  leaving  the  fort  to  be  commanded 
by  Major  Butterfield,  had  proceeded  himself  to  Montreal,  to  solicit  assistance.  Ar- 
nold, who  then  commanded  at  that  place,  immediately  detached  Major  Shcrburne  to 
the  Cedars  with  one  hundred  men ;  and  prepared  to  follow,  in  person,  at  the  head  of 
a  much  larger  force. 

Although  the  place  could  have  been  easily  defended,  the  besiegers  having  no  artil- 
lery— Major  Butterfield,  intimidated  by  the  threat,  that  should  any  Indians  be  killed 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  63 

The  Americans  were  much  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  this  gen- 
tleman. To  him  they,  in  some  degree  attributed  the  disasters  which 
ruined  their  affairs  in  Canada.  But  this  censure  was  unjust.  He  took 
command  of  the  army  when  it  was  too  weak  to  maintain  its  ground,  and 
when  the  time  for  saving^  the  sick  and  the  military  stores  had  passed 
away. 

The  siege  of  Quebec,  instead  of  being  continued  longer,  ought  to  have 
been  abandoned  at  an  earlier  period.  This  was  the  real  fault  of  those 
who  commanded  in  Canada.  It  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  reluctance  al- 
ways felt  by  inexperienced  officers  to  disappoint  the  public  expectation, 
by  relinquishing  an  enterprise  concerning  which  sanguine  hopes  have 
teen  entertained ;  and  to  encounter  the  obloquy  of  giving  up  a  post,  al- 
though it  can  no  longer  with  prudence  be  defended.  In  the  perseverance 
with  which  the  siege  of  Quebec  was  maintained,  these  motives  operated 
with  all  their  force,  and  they  received  an  addition,  from  the  unwilling- 
ness felt  by  the  Americans,  to  abandon  those  of  their  friends  who  had 
taken  so  decisive  a  part  in  their  favour,  as  to  be  incapable  of  remaining 
in  safety  behind  them. 

After  the  death  of  General  Thomas,  reinforcements  assembled  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Sorel,  which  increased  the  army  to  four  or  five 
thousand  men,  who  were  commanded  by  General  Sullivan. 
The  friendly  Canadians  who  had  supposed  themselves  abandoned,  mani- 
fested great  joy  at  the  arrival  of  a  force  which  appeared  to  them  very 
considerable ;  and  offered  every  assistance  in  their  power.     Sullivan 
calculated  on  their  joining  him  in  grea.t  numbers,  and  entertained  san- 
guine hopes  of  recovering  and  maintaining  the  post  of  De  Chambeau. 

during  the  siege,  it  would  be  out  of  the  power  of  Captain  Forster  to  restrain  the  sa- 
vages from  massacreing  every  individual  of  the  garrison,  consented  to  a  capitulation, 
by  which  the  whole  party  became  prisoners  of  war.  The  next  day,  Major  Sherburne 
approached  without  having  received  any  information  that  Butterfield  had  surrender- 
ed. Within  about  four  miles  of  the  Cedars,  he  was  attacked  by  a  considerable  body 
of  Indians ;  and,  after  a  sharp  conflict,  surrendered  at  discretion. 

On  being  informed  of  these  untoward  events,  Arnold,  at  the  head  of  seven  hundred 
men,  marched  against  the  enemy  then  at  Vaudreuil,  in  the  hope  of  recovering  the 
American  prisoners.  When  preparing  for  an  engagement,  he  received  a  flag,  accom- 
panied by  Major  Sherburne,  giving  him  the  most  positive  assurances  that  if  he  per- 
sisted in  his  design,  it  would  be  entirely  out  of  the  power  of  Captain  Forster  to  prevent 
his  savages  from  pursuing  their  horrid  customs,  and  disencumbering  themselves  of 
their  prisoners  by  putting  every  man  to  death.  This  massacre  was  already  threaten- 
ed ;  and  Major  Sherburne  confirmed  the  information.  Under  the  influence  of  this 
threat,  Arnold  desisted  from  his  purpose,  and  consented  to  a  cartel,  by  which  the 
prisoners  were  delivered  up  to  him ;  he  agreeing,  among  other  things,  not  only  to  de- 
liver as  many  British  soldiers  in  exchange  for  them,  but  also,  that  they  should  imme- 
diately return  to  their  homes. 


64  THE  LIFE  OF 

As  a  previous  measure,  it  was  necessary  to  dislodge  the  enemy  at  the 
Three  Rivers. 

Carleton  was  not  immediately  in  a  situation  to  follow  up  the  blow 
given  the  Americans  at  Quebec,  and  to  drive  them  entirely  out  of  the 
province ;  but  the  respite  allowed  them  was  np^t  of  long  duration. 

Towards  the  end  of  May  large  reinforcements  arrived,  which  aug- 
mented the  British  army  in  Canada  to  about  thirteen  thousand  men. 
The  general  rendezvous  appointed  for  these  troops  was  at  the  Three 
Rivers.  The  army  was  greatly  divided.  A  considerable  corps,  com- 
manded by  General  Frazer,  had  reached  the  Three  Rivers,  and  the 
main  body  was  on  its  way  from  Quebec.  The  distance  from  the  Sorel 
was  about  fifty  miles,  and  several  armed  vessels  and  transports,  full  of 
troops,  lay  about  five  miles  higher  up  than  the  Three  Rivers,  full  in  the 
way.* 

General  Thompson,  who  commanded  the  army  after  the  illness  of 
General  Thomas,  understanding  the  party  at  the  Three  Rivers  to  con- 
sist of  about  eight  hundred  men,  partly  Canadians,  had  detached  Colonel 
St.  Clair  with  between  six  and  seven  hundred  men,  to  attack  it,  if  there 
should  be  any  probability  of  doing  so  with  advantage.  Colonel  St. 
Clair  advanced  to  Nicolet,  where,  believing  himself  not  strong  enough 
for  the  service  on  which  he  had  been  ordered,  he  waited  for  further  re- 
inforcements,  or  additional  instructions.  At  this  time  General  Sullivan 
arrived;  and,  understanding  the  enemy  to  be  weak  at  the  Three  Rivers, 
ordered  Gen.  Thompson  to  join  Colonel  St.  Clair  at  Nicolet,  with  a 
reinforcement  of  nearly  fourteen  hundred  men,  to  take  command  of  the 
whole  detachment,  and  to  attack  the  troops  lying  at  the  Three  Rivers, 
provided  there  was  a  favourable  prospect  of  success. 

General  Thompson  joined  Colonel  St.  Clair  at  Nicolet,  and,  believing 
himself  strong  enough  to  perform  the  service  consigned  to  him,  fell  down 
the  river  by  night,  and  passed  to  the  other  side,  with  the  intention  of  sur- 
prising Frazer.  The  plan  was  to  attack  the  village  a  little  before  day- 
break, at  the  same  instant,  at  each  end ;  whilst  two  smaller  corps  were 
drawn  up  to  cover  and  support  the  attack. 

The  troops  passed  the  armed  vessels  without  being  perceived,  but  ar- 
rived at  Three  Rivers  about  an  hour  later  than  had  been  intended ;  in 
consequence  of  which  they  were  discovered,  and  the  alarm  was  given  at 
their  landing.  To  avoid  the  fire  of  some  ships  in  the  river,  they  at- 
tempted to  pass  through  what  appeared  to  be  a  point  of  woods,  but  was 
in  reality  a  deep  morass  three  miles  in  extent.  The  delays  occasioned 

*  Annual  Register. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  65 

oy  their  detention  in  this  morass,  gave  General  Frazer  full  time  to  land 
some  field  pieces,  and  prepare  for  their  reception ;  while  General  Nes- 
bit  fell  into  their  rear,  and  cut  off  their  return  to  the  boats.  They  ad- 
vanced to  the  charge,  but  were  soon  repulsed ;  and  finding  it  impractica- 
ble to  return  the  way  they  came,  were  driven  some  miles  through  a  deep 
swamp,  which  they  traversed  with  inconceivable  toil,  and  every  degree 
of  distress.  The  British  at  length  gave  over  the  pursuit. 

In  this  unfortunate  enterprise,  General  Thompson  and  Colonel  Irwin, 
with  about  two  hundred  men,  were  made  prisoners ;  and  from  twenty  to 
thirty  were  killed.  The  loss  of  the  British  was  inconsiderable. 

The  whole  American  force  in  Canada  now  amounted  to  about  eight 
thousand  men,  not  one  half  of  whom  were  fit  for  duty.  About  two 
thousand  five  hundred  effectives  were  with  General  Sullivan  at  the  Sorel. 
The  whole  were  in  a  state  of  total  insubordination — much  harassed  with 
fatigue — and  dispirited  by  their  late  losses,  by  the,visible  superiority  of 
the  enemy,  and  by  the  apprehension  that  their  retreat  would  be  entirely 
cut  off.  Under  all  these  discouraging  circumstances,  General  Sullivan 
formed  the  rash  determination  of  defending  the  post  at  Sorel ;  and  was 
induced  only  by  the  unanimous  opinion  of  his  officers,  and  a  conviction 

that  the  troops  would  not  support  him,  to  abandon  it  a  few  , 

June  14 
hours  before  the  British  took  possession  of  it.     The  same 

causes  drew  him  reluctantly  from  Chamblee  and  St.  John's ;  but  he  re- 
solved to  remain  at  the  Isle  Aux  Noix,  until  he  should  receive 
orders  to  retreat.    He  had  been  joined  at  St.  John's  by  General 
Arnold,  who  had  crossed  over  at  Longueisle  just  in  time  to  save  the  gar- 
rison of  Montreal. 

The  Isle  Aux  Noix  is  a  low  unhealthy  place,  badly  supplied  with 
water ;  where  the  troops  were  so  universally  seized  with  fevers,  as  to 
compel  General  Sullivan  to  retire  to  the  Isle  Lamotte.  At  that  place  he 
received  the  orders  of  General  Schuyler  to  embark  on  the  lakes  for 
Crown  Point. 

The  armed  vessels  on  the  Sorel  and  St.  Lawrence  were  destroyed, 
and  the  fortifications  of  Chamblee  and  St.  John's  set  on  fire.  All  the 
baggage  of  the  army,  and  nearly  all  the  military  stores  were  saved. 

The  British  army,  during  this  whole  retreat,  followed  close  in  the  rear, 
and  took  possession  of  the  different  posts  which  the  Americans  had  oc- 
cupied, immediately  after  they  were  evacuated. 

On  the  Sorel  the  pursuit  stopped.  The  Americans  had  the  command 
of  the  lake,  and  the  British  general  deemed  it  prudent  to  wrest  it  from 
them  before  he  advanced  farther.  To  effect  this,  it  was  necessary  to 
construct  a  number  of  vessels,  which  required  time  and  labour.  Mean- 


66  THE  LIFE  OF 

while,  General  Gates  was  ordered  to  take  command  of  the  northern 
army,  which  was  directed  to  be  reinforced  with  six  thousand  militia. 

Thus  terminated  the  enterprise  against  Canada.  It  was  a  bold,  and 
at  one  period,  promised  to  be  a  successful  effort  to  annex  that  extensive 
province  to  the  United  Colonies.  The  dispositions  of  the  Canadians  fa- 
voured the  measure ;  and  had  Quebec  fallen,  there  is  reason  to  believe 
the  colony  would  have  entered  cordially  into  the  union.  Had  a  few  inci- 
dents turned  out  fortunately ;  had  Arnold  been  able  to  reach  Quebec  a 
few  days  sooner,  or  to  cross  the  St.  Lawrence  on  his  first  arrival— or 
had  the  gallant  Montgomery  not  fallen  in  the  assault  of  the  31st  De- 
cember, it  is  probable  the  expedition  would  have  been  crowned  with 
complete  success.  But  thej-adical  causes  of  failure,  putting  fortune  out 
of  the  question,  were  to  be  found  in  the  lateness  of  the  season  when  the 
troops  were  assembled,  in  a  defect  of  the  preparations  necessary  for  such 
a  service,  and  still  more  in  the  shortness  of  the  time  for  which  the  men 
were  enlisted.  Had  the  expedition  been  successful,  the  practicability  of 
maintaining  the  country  is  much  to  be  doubted.  Whilst  General  Mont- 
gomery lay  before  Quebec,  and  expected  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
place,  he  extended  his  views  to  its  preservation.  His  plan  required  a 
permanent  army  of  ten  thousand  men ;  strong  fortifications  at  Jacques 
Cartier,  and  the  rapids  of  Richelieu;  and  armed  vessels  in  the  river, 
above  the  last  place.  With  this  army  and  these  precautions,  he  thought 
the  country  might  be  defended ;  but  not  with  an  inferior  force. 

It  seems,  therefore,  to  have  been  an  enterprise  requiring  means  beyond 
the  ability  of  Congress ;  and  the  strength  exhausted  on  it  would  have  been 
more  judiciously  employed  in  securing  the  command  of  the  lakes  George 
and  Champlain,  and  the  fortified  towns  upon  them. 

While  General  Carleton  was  making  preparations  to  enter  the  lakes, 
General  Schuyler  was  using  his  utmost  exertions  to  retain  the  command 
of  them.  But,  so  great  was  the  difficulty  of  procuring  workmen  and 
materials,  that  he  found  it  impossible  to  equip  a  fleet  which  would  be 
equal  to  the  exigency.  It  consisted  of  only  fifteen  small  vessels ;  the 
largest  of  which  was  a  schooner  mounting  twelve  guns,  carrying  six 
and  four  pound  balls.  The  command  of  this  squadron,  at  the  instance 
of  General  Washington,  was  given  to  General  Arnold. 

With  almost  incredible  exertions,  the  British  General  constructed  a 
powerful  fleet ;  and,  afterwards,  dragged  up  the  rapids  of  St. 
Therese  and  St.  John's,  a  vast  number  of  long  boats  and  other 
vessels,  among  which  was  a  gondola  weighing  thirty  tons.     This  im- 
mense work  was  completed  in  little  more  than  three  months ;  and,  as  if 
by  magic,  General  Arnold  saw  on  Lake  Champlain,  early  in  October,  a 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  67 

fleet  consisting  of  near  thirty  vessels ;  the  largest  of  which,  the  In- 
flexible, carried  eighteen  twelve-pounders.  This  formidable  fleet,  hav- 
ing on  board  General  Carleton  himself,  and  navigated  by  seven  hundred 
prime  seamen  under  the  command  of  Captain  Pringle,  proceeded  imme- 
diately in  quest  of  Arnold,  who  was  advantageously  posted  between  the 
island  of  Valicour  and  the  western  main. 

Notwithstanding  the  disparity  of  force,  a  warm  action  ensued.  A 
wind,  unfavourable  to  the  British,  kept  the  Inflexible  and  some  other 
large  vessels  at  too  great  a  distance  to  render  any  service.  This  cir- 
cumstance enabled  Arnold  to  keep  up  the  engagement  until  night,  when 
Captain  Pringle  discontinued  it,  and  anchored  his  whole  fleet  in  a  line, 
as  near  the  vessels  of  his  adversary  as  was  practicable.  In  this  engage- 
ment, the  best  schooner  belonging  to  the  American  flotilla  was  burnt, 
and  a  gondola  was  sunk. 

In  the  night,  Arnold  attempted  to  escape  to  Ticonderoga ;  and,  the 
next  morning,  was  out  of  sight ;  but,  being  immediately  pursued,  was 
overtaken  about  noon,  and  brought  to  action  a  few  leagues  short  of 
Crown  Point.  He  kept  up  a  warm  engagement  for  about  two  hours, 
during  which  the  vessels  that  were  most  ahead  escaped  to  Ticonderoga. 
Two  gallies  and  five  gondolas,  which  remained,  made  a  desperate  re- 
sistance. At  length  one  of  them  struck ;  after  which  Arnold  ran  the 
remaining  vessels  on  shore,  and  blew  them  up ;  having  first  saved  his 
men,  though  great  efforts  were  made  to  take  them. 

On  the  approach  of  the  British  army,  a  small  detachment,  which  had 
occupied  Crown  Point  as  an  out-post,  evacuated  the  place,  and  retired 
to  Ticonderoga,  which  Schuyler  determined  to  defend  to  the  last  extre- 
mity. 

General  Carleton  took  possession  of  Crown  Point,  and  advanced  a 
part  of  his  fleet  into  Lake  George,  within  view  of  Ticonderoga.  His 
army  also  approached  that  place,  as  if  designing  to  invest  it ;  but,  after 
reconnoitring  the  works,  and  observing  the  steady  countenance  of  the 
garrison,  he  thought  it  too  late  to  lay  siege  to  the  fortress.  Re-embark- 
ing his  army,  he  returned  to  Canada,  where  he  placed  it  in  winter  quar- 
ters ;  making  the  Isle  Aux  Noix  his  most  advanced  post. 


68  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Transactions  in  Virginia. — Action  at  Great  Bridge. — Norfolk  evacuated. — Burnt. — 
Transactions  in  North  Carolina. — Action  at  Moore's  Creek  Bridge. — Invasion  of 
South.  Carolina. — British  fleet  repulsed  at  Fort  Moultrie. — Transactions  in  New 
York. — Measures  leading  to  Independence. — Independence  declared. 

WHILST  the  war  was  carried  on  thus  vigorously  in  the  north,  the 
1775.  southern  colonies  were  not  entirely  unemployed.  The  con- 
July,  vention  of  Virginia  determined  to  raise  two  regiments  of  regu- 
lar troops  for  one  year,  and  to  enlist  a  part  of  the  militia  as  minute-men. 

Lord  Dunmore,  the  Governor  of  the  colony,  who  was  joined  by  the 
most  active  of  the  disaffected,  and  by  a  number  of  slaves  whom  he  had 
encouraged  to  run  away  from  their  masters,  was  collecting  a  naval 
force,  which  threatened  to  be  extremely  troublesome  in  a  country  so 
intersected  with  large  navigable  rivers  as  the  colony  of  Virginia.  With 
this  force  he  carried  on  a  slight  predatory  war,  and,  at  length,  attempted 
to  burn  the  town  of  Hampton.  The  inhabitants,  having  received  inti- 
mation of  his  design,  gave  notice  of  it  to  the  commanding  officer  at 
Williamsburg,  where  some  regulars  and  minute-men  were  stationed. 
Two  companies  were  despatched  to  their  assistance,  who  arrived  just 
before  the  assault  was  made;  and  obliged  the  assailants  to  retreat,  with 
some  loss,  to  their  vessels. 

In  consequence  of  this  repulse,  his  Lordship  proclaimed  martial  law ; 
summoned  all  persons  capable  of  bearing  arms  to  repair  to 
the  royal  standard,  or  be  considered  as  traitors ;  and  offered 
freedom  to  all  indented  servants  and  slaves  who  should  join  him.* 

This  proclamation  made  some  impression  about  Norfolk,  where  the 
Governor  collected  such  a  force  of  the  disaffected  and  negroes,  as  gave 
him  an  entire  ascendancy  in  that  part  of  the  colony. 

Intelligence  of  these  transactions  being  received  at  Williamsburg,  a 
regiment  of  regulars  and  about  two  hundred  minute-men,  were  ordered 
down  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Woodford,f  for  the  defence  of  the 
inhabitants.  Hearing  of  their  approach,  Lord  Dunmore  took  a  well 
chosen  position  on  the  north  side  of  Elizabeth  river,  at  the  Great  Bridge, 
where  it  was  necessary  for  the  provincials  to  cross  in  order  to  reach 
Norfolk ;  at  which  place  he  had  established  himself  in  some  force.  Here 
he  erected  a  small  fort  on  a  piece  of  firm  ground  surrounded  by  a  marsh, 

*  Gazette — Remembrancer. 

t  The  author  was  in  this  expedition,  and  relates  the  circumstances  attending  it 
chiefly  from  his  own  observation. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  69 

which  was  accessible,  on  either  side,  only  by  a  long  causeway.  Colonel 
Wood  ford  encamped  within  cannon-shot  of  this  post,  in  a  small  village 
at  the  south  end  of  the  causeway  ;  across  which,  just  at  its  termination, 
he  constructed  a  breast-work ;  but,  being  without  artillery,  was  unable 
to  make  any  attempt  on  the  fort. 

In  this  position  both'  parties  continued  for  a  few  days,  when  Lord 
Dunmore  ordered  Captain  Fordyce,  the  commanding  officer  at  the 
Great  Bridge,  though  inferior  in  numbers,  to  storm  the  works 
of  the  provincials.  Between  day-break  and  sunrise,  this  offi- 
cer, at  the  head  of  about  sixty  grenadiers  of  the  14th  regiment,  who  led 
the  column,  advanced  along  the  causeway  with  fixed  bayonets,  against 
the  breast -work.  The  alarm  was  immediately  given ;  and,  as  is  the 
practice  with  raw  troops,  the  bravest  rushed  to  the  works,  where,  regard- 
less of  order,  they  kept  up  a  heavy  fire  on  the  front  of  the  British  co- 
lumn. Captain  Fordyce,  though  received  so  warmly  in  front,  and  taken 
in  flank  by  a  party  posted  on  a  small  eminence  on  his  right,  marched 
up  with  great  intrepidity,  until  he  fell  dead  within  a  few  steps  of  the 
breast-work.  The  column  immediately  broke  and  retreated ;  but  being 
covered  by  the  artillery  of  the  fort,  was  not  pursued. 

In  this  ill-judged  attack,  every  grenadier  is  said  to  have  been  killed 
or  wounded ;  while  the  Americans  did  not  lose  a  single  man. 

The  following  night,  the  fort  was  evacuated.  The  provincial  troops 
proceeded  to  Norfolk,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Howe  of  North 
Carolina,  and  Lord  Dunmore  took  refuge  on  board  his  vessels. 

After  taking  possession  of  the  town,  the  American  soldiers  frequently 
amused  themselves  by  firing  into  the  vessels  in  the  harbour,  from  the 
buildings  near  the  water.  Irritated  by  this,  Lord  Dunmore  1775. 
determined  to  destroy  the  houses  immediately  on  the  shore ;  January. 
and,  on  the  night  of  the  first  of  January,  under  cover  of  a  heavy  cannon- 
ade, landed  a  body  of  troops,  and  set  fire  to  a  number  of  houses  near  the 
river.  The  provincials,  who  entertained  strong  prejudices  against  this 
station,  saw  the  flames  spread  from  house  to  house  without  making  any 
attempt  to  extinguish  them.  After  the  fire  had  continued  several  weeks, 
in  which  time  it  had  consumed  about  four-fifths  of  the  town,  Colonel 
Howe,  who  had  waited  on  the  convention  to  urge  the  necessity  of  de-- 

stroying  the  place,  returned  with  orders  to  burn  the  remaining 

,  .\  .,.'..  t.  5  February, 

houses  ;  which  were  carried  into  immediate  execution. 

Thus  was  destroyed  the  most  populous  and  flourishing  town  in  Vir- 
ginia. Its  destruction  was  one  of  those  ill-judged  measures,  of  which 
the  consequences  are  felt  long  after  the  motives  are  forgotten. 

After  Norfolk  was  laid  in  ashes,  Lord  Dunmore  continued  a  preda- 
G 


70  THE  LIFE  OF 

tory  war  on  the  rivers — burning  houses,  and  robbing  plantations — 
which  served  only  to  distress  a  few  individuals,  and  to  increase  the  de- 
testation in  which  he  was  held  through  the  country.  At  length,  his 
wretched  followers,  wearied  with  their  miserable  condition,  were  sent  to 
Florida.* 

As  the  war  became  more  serious,  the  convention  deemed  it  necessary 
to  increase  the  number  of  regular  regiments  from  two  to  nine,  which 
were  afterwards  taken  into  the  continental  service. 

In  North  Carolina,  Governor  Martin,  though  obliged  to  take  refuge 
on  board  a  ship  of  war,  in  Cape  Fear  river,  indulged  the  hope  of  being 
able  to  reduce  that  colony. 

A  body  of  ignorant  and  disorderly  men  on  the  western  frontier,  styl- 
ing themselves  regulators,  had  attempted  by  arms,  some  time  before  the 
existing  war,  to  control  and  stop  the  administration  of  justice.  After 
failing  in  this  attempt,  they  became  as  hostile  to  the  colonial,  as  they 
had  been  to  the  royal  government. 

The  province  also  contained  many  families  who  had  lately  emigrated 
from  the  highlands  of  Scotland ;  and  who,  retaining  their  attachment  to 
the  place  of  their  nativity,  transferred  it  to  the  government  under  which 
they  had  been  bred.  From  the  union  of  these  parties,  Governor  Martin 
entertained  sanguine  hopes  of  making  a  successful  struggle  for  North 
Carolina.  His  confidence  was  increased  by  the  assurances  he  had  re- 
ceived, that  a  considerable  land  and  naval  armament  was  destined  for 
the  southern  colonies. 

To  prepare  for  co-operating  with  this  force,  should  it  arrive ;  or,  in 
any  event,  to  make  an  effort  to  give  the  ascendancy  in  North  Carolina 
to  the  royal  cause,  he  sent  several  commissions  to  the  leaders  of  the 
highlanders,  for  raising  and  commanding  regiments;  and  granted  one 
to  a  Mr.  M'Donald,  their  chief,  to  act  as  their  general.  He  also  sent 
them  a  proclamation,  to  be  used  on  a  proper  occasion,  commanding  all 
persons,  on  their  allegiance,  to  repair  to  the  royal  standard.  This  was 
erected  by  General  M'Donald  at  Cross  Creek,  about  the  middle  of  Feb- 
ruary, and  nearly  fifteen  hundred  men  arranged  themselves  under  it. 

Upon  the  first  advice  that  the  loyalists  were  assembling,  Brigadier 
General  Moore  marched  at  the  head  of  a  provincial  regiment,  with  such 
militia  as  he  could  suddenly  collect,  and  some  pieces  of  can- 
non, and  took  a  strong  position  within  a  few  miles  of  them. 
General  M'Donald  soon  approached,  and  sent  a  letter  to  Moore,  enclosing 
the  Governor's  proclamation,  and  recommending  to  him  and 
his  party  to  join  the  King's  standard  by  a  given  hour  the  next 
*  Virginia  Gazette. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  71 

day.  The  negotiation  was  protracted  by  Moore,  in  the  hope  that  the 
numerous  bodies  of  militia  who  were  advancing  to  join  him,  would  soon 
enable  him  to  surround  his  adversary.  M'Donald,  at  length,  perceived 
his  danger,  and,  suddenly  decamping,  endeavoured  by  forced  marches 
to  extricate  himself  from  it,  and  join  Governor  Martin  and  Lord  William 
Campbell,  who  were  encouraged  to  commence  active  operations  by  the 
arrival  of  General  Clinton  in  the  colony. 

The  provincial  parties,  however,  were  so  alert  in  every  part  of  the 
country,  that  he  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of  engaging  Colonels 
Caswell  and  Lillington,  who,  with  about  one  thousand  minute-men  and 
militia,  had  entrenched  themselves  directly  in  his  front,  at  a  place  called 
Moore's  Creek  Bridge.  The  royalists  were  greatly  superior  in  number, 
but  were  under  the  disadvantage  of  being  compelled  to  cross  the  bridge, 
the  planks  of  which  were  partly  taken  up,  in  the  face  of  the  intrench- 
ments  occupied  by  the  provincials.  They  commenced  the  attack  how- 
ever with  great  spirit;  but  Colonel  M'Leod  who  commanded  them,  in 
consequence  of  the  indisposition  of  M'Donald,  and  several  others  of  their 
bravest  officers  and  men,  having  fallen  in  the  first  onset,  their  courage 
deserted  them,  and  they  fled  in  great  disorder,  leaving  behind  them  their 
general  and  several  others  of  their  leaders,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
provincials.* 

This  victory  was  of  eminent  service  to  the  American  cause  in  North 
Carolina.  It  broke  the  spirits  of  a  great  body  of  men,  who  would  have 
constituted  a  formidable  reinforcement  to  an  invading  army;  increased 
the  confidence  of  the  provincials  in  themselves,  and  attached  to  them  the 
timid  and  wavering,  who  form  a  large  portion  of  every  community. 

General  Clinton,  who  was  to  command  in  the  south,  had  left  Boston 
with  a  force  too  inconsiderable  to  attempt  any  thing  until  he  should  be 
reinforced  by  the  troops  expected  from  Europe.  After  parting  with 
Governor  Tryon  in  New  York,  he  had  proceeded  to  Virginia,  where  he 
passed  a  few  days  with  Lord  Dunmore;  but  finding  himself  too  weak  to 
effect  any  thing  in  that  province,  he  repaired  to  North  Carolina,  and  re- 
mained with  Governor  Martin  until  the  arrival  of  Sir  Peter  Parker. 
Fortunately  for  the  province,  the  unsuccessful  insurrection  of  M'Donald 
had  previously  broken  the  strength  and  spirits  of  the  loyalists,  and  de- 
prived them  of  their  most  active  chiefs;  in  consequence  of 
which,  the  operations  which  had  been  meditated  against  North 
Carolina  were  deferred.  Clinton  continued  in  Cape  Fear  until  near  the 
end  of  May,  when,  hearing  nothing  certain  from  General  Howe,  he  deter- 
mined to  make  an  attempt  on  the  capital  of  South  Carolina. 

*  Annual  Register— Gordon — Ramsay — Gazette. 


72  THE  LIFE  OF 

Early  in  the  month  of  April,  a  letter  from  the  secretary  of  state  to 
Mr.  Eden,  the  royal  governor  of  Maryland,  disclosing  the  designs  of 
administration  against  the  southern  colonies,  was  intercepted  in  the 
Chesapeake ;  and  thus,  South  Carolina  became  apprized  of  the  danger 
which  threatened  its  metropolis.  Mr.  Rutledge,  a  gentleman  of  vigour 
and  talents,  who  had  been  chosen  president  of  that  province  on  the  dis- 
solution of  the  regal  government,  adopted  the  most  energetic  means 
for  placing  it  in  a  posture  of  defence. 

In  the  beginning  of  June,  the  British  fleet  came  to  anchor  off  the  har- 
bour of  Charleston.     The  bar  was  crossed  with  some  difficul- 

June  10.  .,,.,.  1-1  • 

ty ;  after  which,  it  was  determined  to  commence  operations  by 

silencing  a  fort  on  Sullivan's  island. 

During  the  interval  between  passing  the  bar  and  attacking  the  fort, 
the  continental  troops  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  arrived  in  Charles- 
ton ;  and  the  American  force  amounted  to  between  five  and  six  thousand 
men,  of  whom  two  thousand  five  hundred  were  regulars.  This  army 
was  commanded  by  General  Lee,  whose  fortune  it  had  been  to  meet 
General  Clinton  at  New  York,  in  Virginia,  and  in  North  Carolina. 
Viewing  with  a  military  eye  the  situation  of  the  post  entrusted  to  his 
care,  Lee  was  disinclined  to  hazard  his  army  by  engaging  it  deeply  in 
the  defence  of  the  town ;  but  the  solicitude  of  the  South  Carolinians  to 
preserve  their  capital,  aided  by  his  confidence  in  his  own  vigilance,  pre- 
vailed over  a  caution  which  was  thought  extreme,  and  determined  him 
to  attempt  to  maintain  the  place. 

Two  regular  regiments  of  South  Carolina,  commanded  by  Colonels 
Gadsden  and  Moultrie,  garrisoned  fort  Johnson  and  fort  Moultrie.  About 
five  hundred  regulars,  and  three  hundred  militia  under  Colonel  Thomp- 
son, were  stationed  in  some  works  which  had  been  thrown  up  on  the 
north-eastern  extremity  of  Sullivan's  island ;  and  the  remaining  troops 
were  arranged  on  Hadrell's  Point,  and  along  the  bay  in  front  of  the 
town.  General  Lee  remained  in  person  with  the  troops  at  Hadrell's 
Point,  in  the  rear  of  Sullivan's  island.  His  position  was  chosen  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  enable  him  to  observe  and  support  the  operations  in  every 
quarter,  and  especially  to  watch  and  oppose  any  attempt  of  the  enemy 
to  pass  from  Long  Island  to  the  continent ;  a  movement  of  which  he  seems 
to  have  been  particularly  apprehensive. 

The  British  ships,  after  taking  their  stations,  commenced  an  incessant 
and  heavy  cannonade  on  the  American  works.  Its  effect,  however,  on 
the  fort,  was  not  such  as  had  been  expected.  This  was  attributable  to 
its  form,  and  to  its  materials.  It  was  very  low,,  with  merlons  of  great 
thickness ;  and  was  constructed  of  earth,  and  a  species  of  soft  wood 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  73 

common  in  that,  country,  called  the  palmetto,  which,  on  being  struck 
with  a  ball,  does  not  splinter,  but  closes  upon  it. 

The  fire  from  the  fort  was  deliberate  ;  and,  being  directed  with  skill, 
did  vast  execution.  The  garrison  united  the  cool  determined  courage 
of  veterans,  with  the  enthusiastic  ardour  of  youth.  General  Lee  crossed 
over  in  a  boat,  to  determine  whether  he  should  withdraw  them ;  and 
was  enraptured  with  the  ardour  they  displayed.  They  assured  him 
they  would  lose  the  fort  only  with  their  lives  ;  and  the  mortally  wound- 
ed breathed  their  last,  exhorting  their  fellow  soldiers  to  the  most  heroic 
defence  of  the  place. 

The  engagement  continued  until  night.  By  that  time,  the  ships  were 
in  such  a  condition,  as  to  be  unfit  to  renew  the  action  on  the  ensuing 
day.  The  Bristol  lost  one  hundred  and  eleven  men,  and  the  Experi- 
ment seventy-nine.  Captain  Scott,  of  the  one,  lost  his  arm  ;  and  Cap- 
tain Morris,  of  the  other,  was  mortally  wounded.  Lord  Campbell,  late 
Governor  of  the  province,  who  served  as  a  volunteer  on  board  one  of 
these  vessels,  was  also  mortally  wounded ;  and  both  ships  were  so  shat- 
tered, as  to  inspire  hopes  that  they  would  be  unable  to  repass  the  bar. 
About  nine,  they  slipped  their  cables  and  moved  off.  A  few  days  after- 
wards, the  troops  were  re-embarked,  and  all  farther  designs  against  the 
southern  colonies  being  for  the  present  relinquished,  the 
squadron  sailed  for  New  York.* 

The  attack  on  fort  Moultrie  was  supported  by  the  British  seamen  with 
their  accustomed  bravery ;  and  the  slaughter  on  board  the  ships  was 
uncommonly  great.  The  loss  of  the  Americans,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
was  only  thirty-five  men. 

Great  and  well  merited  praise  was  bestowed  on  Colonel  Moultrie,  who 
commanded  the  fort,  and  on  the  garrison,  for  the  resolution  displayed 
in  defending  it.  Nor  was  the  glory  acquired  on  this  occasion  confined 
to  them.  All  the  troops  that  had  been  stationed  on  the  island  partook 
of  it :  and  the  thanks  of  the  United  Colonies  were  voted  by  congress 
to  General  Lee,  Colonel  Moultrie,  Colonel  Thompson,  and  the  officers 
and  men  under  their  command. 

This  fortunate  event,  for  such  it  may  well  be  termed,  though  not  of 
much  magnitude  in  itself,  was,  like  many  other  successes  attending  the 
American  arms  in  the  commencement  of  the  war,  of  great  importance 
in  its  consequences.  By  impressing  on  the  colonists  a  conviction  of 
their  ability  to  maintain  the  contest,  it  increased  the  number  of  those 

*  Annual  Register — Gordon — Ramsay — Letters  of  General  Lee. 


74  THE  LIFE  OF 

who  resolved  to  resist  British  authority,  and  assisted  in  paving  the  way 
to  a  declaration  of  independence. 

Even  before  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  it  had  been  foreseen  that  New 
York  must  become  the  seat  of  war ;  and  that  most  important  military 
operations  would  be  carried  on  in  that  colony.  The  fortifications  which 
had  been  commenced  for  the  defence  of  its  capital  were  indefatigably 
prosecuted ;  and,  after  the  arrival  of  General  Washington,  these  works, 
combined  with  those  to  be  erected  in  the  passes  through  the  highlands 
up  the  Hudson,  were  the  objects  of  his  unremitting  atten  ion. 

The  difficulty  which  had  been  experienced  in  expelling  the  British 
from  Boston,  had  demonstrated  the  importance  of  preventing  their  esta- 
blishment in  New  York ;  and  had  contributed  to  the  determination  of 
contesting  with  them,  very  seriously,  the  possession  of  that  important 
place.  The  execution  of  this  determination,  however,  was  difficult  and 
dangerous.  The  defence  of  New  York,  against  an  enemy  commanding 
the  sea,  requires  an  army  capable  of  meeting  him  in  the  open  field,  and 
of  acting  offensively  both  on  Long  and  York  Islands.  Congress  had  not 
adopted  measures  which  might  raise  such  an  army.  The  Commander- 
in-chief,  in  his  letters  to  that  body,  had  long  and  earnestly  urged  the 
policy  of  bringing  the  whole  strength  of  the  country  into  regular  opera- 
tion. The  government  was  not  inattentive  to  his  remonstrances ;  but 
many  circumstances  combined  to  prevent  such  a  military  establishment 
as  the  exigency  required. 

The  congress  which  assembled  in  1775,  had  adjourned  with  strong 
hopes  that  the  differences  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Colonies 
would  soon  be  adjusted  to  their  mutual  satisfaction.  When  the  temper 
manifested  both  by  the  king  and  his  parliament  had  dissipated  these 
hopes,  and  the  immense  preparations  of  Great  Britain  for  war,  evinced 
the  necessity  of  preparations  equally  vigorous  on  the  part  of  America, 
the  resolution  to  make  them  was  finally  taken.  But,  unaccustomed  to 
the  great  duties  of  conducting  a  war  of  vast  extent,  they  could  not  esti- 
mate rightly  the  value  of  the  means  employed,  nor  calculate  the  effects 
which  certain  causes  would  produce.  Opinions  of  the  most  pernicious 
tendency  prevailed ;  from  which  they  receded  slowly,  and  from  which 
they  could  be  ultimately  forced  only  by  melancholy  experience. 

The  most  fatal  among  these  was  the  theory,  that  an  army  could  be 
created  every  campaign  for  the  purposes  of  that  campaign ;  and  that 
such  temporary  means  would  be  adequate  to  the  defence  of  the  country, 
They  relied  confidently  on  being  able  on  any  emergency,  to  call  out  8 
force  suited  to  the  occasion : — they  relied  too  much  on  the  competence 
of  such  a  force  to  the  purposes  of  war,  and  they  depended  too  long  on 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  75 

the  spirit  of  patriotism,  which  was  believed  to  animate  the  mass  of  the 
people. 

Under  these  impressions,  tne  determination  to  form  a  permanent  army 
was  too  long  delayed ;  and  the  measures  ntcessary  to  raise  such  an  army 
were  deferred,  till  their  efficacy  became  doubtful.  It  was  not  until  June, 
1776,  that  the  representations  of  the  Commander-in-chief  could  obtain  a 
resolution,  directing  soldiers  to  be  enlisted  for  three  years,  and  offering 
a  bounty  of  ten  dollars  to  each  recruit.  The  time  when  this  resolution 
could  certainly  have  been  executed,  had  passed  away.  That  zeal  for 
the  service,  which  was  manifested  in  the  first  moments  of  the  war,  had 
long  since  begun  to  abate ;  and  though  the  determination  to  resist  had 
become  more  general,  that  enthusiasm  which  prompts  individuals  to 
expose  themselves  to  more  than  an  equal  share  of  danger  and  hardship, 
was  visibly  declining.  The  progress  of  these  sentiments  seems  to  have 
been  unexpected ;  and  the  causes  producing  such  effects  appear  not  to 
have  been  perceived.  The  regiments  voted  by  congress  were  incom- 
plete ;  and  that  bounty,  which,  if  offered  in  time,  would  have  effected  its 
object,  came  too  late  to  fill  them. 

It  was  not  in  numbers  only  that  the  weakness  of  the  American  army 
consisted.  In  arms,  ammunition,  tents,  and  clothes,  its  deficiency  was 
such  as  to  render  it  unfit  for  the  great  purposes  of  war,  and  inferior,  in 
all  these  respects,  to  the  enemy  which  it  was  destined  to  encounter. 

But,  however  inadequate  to  the  object  the  regular  force  might  be,  both 
the  government  and  the  Commander-in-chief  were  determined  to  defend 
New  York ;  and  congress  passed  a  resolution  to  reinforce  the  army  with 
thirteen  thousand  eight  hundred  militia.  For  the  defence  of  the  middle 
colonies,  and  for  the  purpose  of  repelling  any  attempt  to  land  on  the 
Jersey  shore,  it  was  resolved  to  form  a  flying  camp,  to  be  composed  of 
ten  thousand  men,  to  be  furnished  by  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  Ma- 
ryland. The  militia,  both  of  the  flying  camp  and  of  the  army  at  New 
York,  were  to  be  engaged  to  serve  until  the  first  of  December ;  and  the 
Commander-in-chief  was  empowered  to  call  on  the  neighbouring  colo- 
nies for  such  additional  temporary  aids  of  militia,  as  the  exigencies  of  his 
army  might  render  necessary. 

Great  and  embarrassing  as  were  the  difficulties  already  noticed,  they 
were  augmented  by  the  disaffection  of  the  city  of  New  York,  and  of  the 
adjacent  islands.  Although  Governor  Tryon  had  found  it  necessary  to 
take  refuge  on  board  some  ships  lying  in  the  harbour,  he  had  been  per- 
mitted to  continue  an  open  intercourse  with  the  inhabitants,  which  en- 
abled him  to  communicate  freely  with  the  royalists ;  and  to  concert  plans 
of  future  co-operation.  This  intercourse  was  broken  off  by  the  arrival 


70  THE  LIFE  OF 

of  the  Commander-in-chief; — yet  a  plot  was  formed,  through  the  agency 
of  the  mayor,  to  rise  in  favour  of  the  British  on  their  landing ;  and,  as 
was  understood,  to  seize  and  deliver  up  General  Washington  himself. 
This  plot  had  extended  to  the^merican  army,  and  even  to  the  general's 
guards.  It  was  fortunately  discovered  in  time  to  be  defeated ;  and  some 
of  the  persons  concerned  were  executed.  About  the  same  time  a  similar 
plot  was  discovered  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Albany ;  and  there  too,  exe 
cutions  were  found  necessary. 

Hitherto,  the  sole  avowed  object  of  the  war  had  been  a  redress  of 
grievances.  The  utmost  horror  had  been  expressed  at  the  idea  of  at- 
tempting independence  ;  and  the  most  anxious  desire  of  re-establishing 
the  union  which  had  so  long  subsisted  between  the  two  countries  on  its 
ancient  principles,  was  openly  and  generally  declared.  But  however 
sincere  these  declarations  might  have  been  at  the  commencement  of  the 
conflict,  the  operation  of  hostilities  was  infallible.  To  profess  allegiance 
and  respect  for  a  monarch  with  whom  they  were  at  open  war,  was  an 
absurdity  too  great  to  be  long  continued.  The  human  mind,  when  it 
receives  a  strong  impulse,  does  not,  like  projectiles,  stop  at  the  point  to 
which  the  force  originally  applied  may  have  been  calculated  to  carry  it. 
Various  causes  act  upon  it  in  its  course.  When  the  appeal  was  made  to 
arms,  a  great  majority  of  those  who  guided  the  councils  and  led  the 
forces  of  America,  wished  only  for  a  repeal  of  the  acts  of  parliament 
which  had  occasioned  their  resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  crown ;  and 
would  have  been  truly  unwilling  to  venture  upon  the  unexplored  field  of 
self-government.  For  some  time,  prayers  were  offered  for  the  king,  in 
the  performance  of  divine  service ;  and,  in  the  proclamation  of  a  fast  by 
congress,  in  June,  1775,  one  of  the  motives  for  recommending  it,  was,  to 
beseech  the  Almighty  "  to  bless  our  rightful  sovereign  King  George  III. 
and  inspire  him  with  wisdom." 

The  prejudices  in  favour  of  a  connexion  with  England,  and  of  the 
English  constitution,  gradually,  but  rapidly  yielded  to  republican  princi- 
ples, and  a  desire  for  independence.  New  strength  was  every  day  added 
to  the  opinions,  that  a  cordial  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain  had  be- 
come impossible;  that  mutual  confidence  could  never  be  restored;  that 
reciprocal  jealousy,  suspicion,  and  hate,  would  take  the  place  of  that 
affection,  which  could  alone  render  such  a  connexion  happy  and  benefi- 
cial; that  even  the  commercial  dependence  of  America  upon  Britain,  was 
greatly  injurious  to  the  former,  and  that  incalculable  benefits  must  be 
derived  from  opening  to  themselves  the  markets  of  the  world ;  that  to  be 
governed  by  a  distant  nation  or  sovereign,  unacquainted  with,  and  un- 
mindful of  their  interests,  would,  even  if  reinstated  in  their  former  situa- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  77 

lion,  be  an  evil  too  great  to  be  voluntarily  borne.  But  victory  alone  could 
restore  them  to  that  situation — and  victory  would  give  them  indepen- 
dence. The  hazard  was  the  same ;  and  since  the  risk  of  every  thing 
was  unavoidable,  the  most  valuable  object  ought,  in  common  justice,  and 
common  prudence,  to  be  the  reward  of  success.  With  such  horror,  too, 
did  they  view  the  present  war,  as  to  suppose  it  could  not  possibly  receive 
the  support  of  a  free  people.  The  alacrity  therefore  with  which  the 
English  nation  entered  into  it,  was  ascribed  to  a  secret  and  dangerous 
influence,  which  was,  with  rapid  progress,  undermining  the  liberties  and 
the  morals  of  the  mother  country ;  and  which,  it  was  feared,  would  cross 
the  Atlantic,  and  infect  the  principles  of  the  colonists  likewise,  should  the 
ancient  connexion  be  restored.  The  intercourse  of  America  with  the 
world,  and  her  own  experience,  had  not  then  been  sufficient  to  teach  her 
the  important  truth,  that  the  many,  as  often  as  the  few,  can  abuse  power, 
and  trample  on  the  weak,  without  perceiving  that  they  are  tyrants;  that 
they  too,  not  unfrequently,  close  their  eyes  against  the  light ;  and  shut 
their  ears  against  the  plainest  evidence,  and  the  most  conclusive  reason- 
ing. 

It  was  also  urged,  with  great  effect,  that  the  possibility  of  obtaining 
foreign  aid  would  be  much  increased  by  holding  out  the  dismemberment 
of  the  British  empire,  to  the  rivals  of  that  nation,  as  an  inducement  to 
engage  in  the  contest. 

American  independence  became  the  general  theme  of  conversation ; 
and  more  and  more  the  general  wish.  The  measures  of  congress  took 
their  complexion  from  the  temper  of  the  people.  Their  proceedings 
against  the  disaffected  became  more  and  more  vigorous  ;  their  language 
respecting  the  British  government  was  less  the  language  of  subjects,  and 
better  calculated  to  turn  the  public  attention  towards  congress  and  the 
provincial  assemblies,  as  the  sole  and  ultimate  rulers  of  the  country. 
General  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  were  granted  ;  and  the  American 
ports  were  opened  to  all  nations  and  people,  not  subject  to  the  British 
crown. 

At  length,  a  measure  was  adopted,  which  was  considered  by  congress 
and  by  America  in  general,  as  deciding  the  question  of  inde- 
pendence.    Hitherto,  it  had  been  recommended  to  particular 
colonies,  to  establish  temporary  institutions  for  the  conduct  of  their  af- 
fairs during  the  existence  of  the  contest;   but  now,  a  resolution  was 
offered,  recommending  generally  to  such  colonies  as  had  not  already 
established  them,  the  adoption  of  governments  adequate  to  the  exigency. 
Mr.  John  Adams,  Mr.  Rutledge,  and  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Lee,  all  zeal- 

VOL.  I.  6 


79  THE  LIFE  OF 

ous  advocates  for  independence,  were  appointed  a  committee,  to  prepare 
a  proper  preamble  to  the  resolution.  The  report  of  these 
gentlemen  was  accepted,  and  the  resolution  passed.* 

The  provincial  assemblies  and  conventions  acted  on  this  recommen- 
dation ;  and  governments  were  generally  established.  In  Connecticut 
and  Rhode  Island,  it  was  deemed  unnecessary  to  make  any  change  in 
their  actual  situation,  because,  in  those  colonies,  the  executive,  as  well 
as  the  whole  legislature,  had  always  been  elected  by  themselves.  In 
Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  York,  some  hesitation  was  at  first 
discovered  ;  and  the  assemblies  appeared  unwilling  to  take  this  decisive 
step.  The  public  opinion,  however,  was  in  favour  of  it,  and  finally  pre- 
vailed. 

The  several  colonies,  now  contemplating  themselves  as  sovereign 
states,  and  mingling  with  the  arduous  duty  of  providing  means  to  repel 
a  powerful  enemy,  the  important  and  interesting  labour  of  framing 
governments  for  themselves  and  their  posterity,  exhibited  the  novel  spec- 
tacle of  matured  and  enlightened  societies,  uninfluenced  by  external  or 
internal  force,  devising,  according  to  their  own  judgments,  political  sys- 
tems for  their  own  government. 

With  the  exceptions  already  stated,  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island, 
whose  systems  had  ever  been  in  a  high  degree  democratic,  the  hitherto 
untried  principle  was  adopted,  of  limiting  the  departments  of  govern- 
ment by  a  written  constitution,  prescribing  bounds  not  to  be  transcended 
by  the  legislature  itself. 

The  solid  foundations  of  a  popular  government  were  already  laid  in 
all  the  colonies.  The  institutions  received  from  England  were  admir- 
ably calculated  to  prepare  the  way  for  temperate  and  rational  republics. 
No  hereditary  powers  had  ever  existed ;  and  every  authority  had  been 
derived  either  from  the  people  or  the  king.  The  crown  being  no  longer 
acknowledged,  the  people  remained  the  only  source  of  legitimate  power. 
The  materials  in  their  possession,  as  well  as  their  habits  of  thinking, 
were  adapted  only  to  governments  in  all  respects  representative ;  and 
such  governments  were  universally  adopted. 

The  provincial  assemblies,  under  the  influence  of  congress,  took  up 

*  Before  the  vote  on  the  question  of  independence  was  taken,  congress  passed  re- 
solutions, declaring  that  all  persons  residing  within,  or  passing  through  any  one  of  the 
United  Colonies,  owed  allegiance  to  the  government  thereof;  and  that  any  such  per- 
son who  should  levy  war  against  any  of  the  United  Colonies,  or  adhere  to  the  king 
of  Great  Britain,  or  other  enemies  of  the  said  colonies,  or  any  of  them,  should  be 
guilty  of  treason :  and  recommending  it  to  the  several  legislatures  to  pass  laws  for 
their  punishment. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  79 

the  question  of  independence ;  and,  in  some  instances,  authorized  their 
representatives  in  the  great  national  council,  to  enter  into  foreign  alli- 
ances. Many  declared  themselves  in  favour  of  a  total  and  immediate 
separation  from  Great  Britain;  and  gave  instructions  to  their  representa- 
tives conforming  to  this  sentiment. 

Thus  supported  by  public  opinion,  congress  determined  to  take  this 
decisive  step ;  and  on  the  7th  of  June,  a  resolution  to  that  effect 
was  moved  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  and  seconded  by  John 
Adams.     The  resolution  was  referred  to  a  committee,  who  reported  it 
in  the  following  terms.     "  Resolved,  that  these  United  Colonies  are,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent  states ;  and  that  all  political 
connexion  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to 
be,  totally  dissolved." 

This  resolution  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  the  whole,  in  which  it 
was  debated  on  Saturday  the  8th,  and  Monday  the  10th  of  June.  It 
appearing  that  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Mary- 
land, and  South  Carolina  were  not  yet  matured  for  the  measure,  but 
were  fast  advancing  to  that  state,  the  debate  was  adjourned  to  the  first 
of  July,  when  it  was  resumed.  In  the  mean  time,  a  committee*  was 
appointed  to  prepare  the  declaration  of  independence,  which  was  re- 
ported on  the  28th  of  June,  and  laid  on  the  table.  On  the  first  of  July 
the  debate  on  the  original  resolution  was  resumed.  The  question  was 
put  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  and  carried  in  the  affirmative  by  the  votes 
of  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  New 
Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  against  Penn- 
sylvania and  South  Carolina.  Delaware  was  divided ;  and  the  dele- 
gates from  New  York,  having  declared  their  approbation  of  the  resolu- 
tion, and  their  conviction  that  it  was  approved  by  their  constituents  also, 
but  that  their  instructions,  which  had  been  drawn  near  twelve  months 
before,  enjoined  them  to  do  nothing  which  might  impede  reconciliation 
with  the  mother  country,  were  permitted  to  withdraw  from  the  question. 
The  report  of  the  committee  was  put  off"  till  the  next  day  at  the  request 
of  Mr.  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina,  who  expressed  the  opinion  that  his 
colleagues  would  then  concur  in  the  resolution  for  the  sake  of  unanimity. 
The  next  day  South  Carolina  did  concur  in  it.  The  votes  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Delaware  were  also  changed  by  the  arrival  of  other  mem- 
bers. Congress  then  proceeded  to  consider  the  declaration  of  independ- 

*  Mr.  Jefferson,  Mr.  John  Adams,  Mr.  Franklin,  arid  Mr.  R.  R.  Livingston.  Mr.  . 
R.  H.  Lee,  the  mover  of  the  resolution,  had  been  compelled  by  the  illness  of  Mrs. 
Lee  to  leave  congress  the  day  on  which  the  committee  was  appointed. 


80  THE  LIFE  OF 

ence.  After  some  amendments*  it  was  approved,  and  signed  by  every 
member  present  except  Mr.  Dickenson.f 

This  declaration  was  immediately  communicated  to  the  armies,  who 
received  it  with  enthusiasm.  It  was  also  proclaimed  throughout  the 
United  States,  and  was  generally  approved  by  those  who  had  engaged 
in  the  opposition  to  the  claims  of  the  British  Parliament.  Some  few  in- 
dividuals, who  had  been  zealous  supporters  of  all  measures  which  had 
for  their  object  only  a  redress  of  grievances,  and  in  whose  bosoms 
the  hope  of  accommodation  still  lingered, — either  too  timid  to  meet  the 
arduous  conflict  which  this  measure  rendered  inevitable,  or,  sincerely 
believing  that  the  happiness  of  America  would  be  best  consulted  by  pre- 
serving their  political  connexion  with  Great  Britain,  viewed  the  dissolu- 
tion of  that  connexion  with  regret.  Others,  who  afterwards  deserted 
the  American  cause,  attributed  their  defection  to  this  measure.  It  was 
also  an  unfortunate  truth,  that  in  the  whole  country  between  New  Eng- 
land and  the  Potowmac,  which  was  now  become  the  great  theatre  of 
action,  although  the  majority  was  in  favour  of  independence,  a  formida- 
ble minority  existed,  who  not  only  refused  to  act  with  their  countrymen, 
but  were  ready  to  give  to  the  enemy  every  aid  in  their  power. 

It  can  not,  however,  be  questioned,  that  the  declaration  of  independ- 
ence was  wise,  and  well-timed.  The  soundest  policy  required  that  the 
war  should  no  longer  be  a  contest  between  subjects  and  their  acknow- 
ledged sovereign. 

*  See  Appendix,  Note  No.  VI. 

t  Mr.  Jefferson's  Correspondence,  v.  L  p.  14. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  81 


CHAPTER  V. 

Lord  and  Sir  William  Howe  arrive  before  New  York. — Circular  letter  of  Lord 
Howe. — State  of  the  American  Army. — The  British  land  in  force  on  Long 
Island. — Battle  of  Brooklyn. — Evacuation  of  Long  Island. — Fruitless  negotia- 
tions.— New  York  evacuated. — Skirmish  on  the  heights  of  Haerlem. — Letter  on 
the  state  of  the  army. 

WHILE  congress  was  deliberating  in  Philadelphia  on  the  great  ques- 
tion of  independence,  the  British  fleet  appeared  before  New  York. 

On  evacuating  Boston,  General  Howe  had  retired  to  Halifax ;  where 
he  purposed  to  remain  till  reinforcements  should  arrive  from  England. 
But  the  situation  of  his  army  in  that  place  was  so  uncomfortable,  and 
the  delays  in  the  arrival  of  the  troops  from  Europe  were  so  great,  that 
he  at  length  resolved  to  sail  for  New  York,  with  the  forces  already  under 
his  command. 

In  the  latter  end  of  June,  he  arrived  off  Sandy  Hook,  in  the  Grey 
Hound ;  and,  on  the  29th  of  that  month,  the  first  division  of  the  fleet 
from  Halifax  reached  that  place.  The  rear  division  soon  followed; 
and  the  troops  were  landed  on  Staten  Island,  on  the  third  and  fourth 
of  July.  They  were  received  with  great  demonstrations  of  joy  by  the 
inhabitants,  who  took  the  oaths  of  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and 
embodied  themselves  under  the  authority  of  the  late  Governor  Tryon, 
for  the  defence  of  the  island.  Strong  assurances  were  also  received 
from  Long  Island,  and  the  neighbouring  parts  of  New  Jersey,  of  the 
favourable  dispositions  of  a  great  proportion  of  the  people  to  the  royal 
cause. 

It  was  foreseen  that  the  provisions  remaining  on  the  small  islands 
about  New  York,  must  fall  into  the  possession  of  the  invading  army, 
and  General  Washington  had  intended  to  remove  them  to  a  place  of 
safety ;  but,  the  existing  state  of  public  opinion  requiring  the  co-opera- 
tion of  the  several  committees,  this  measure  of  wise  precaution  could 
not  be  completely  executed ;  and  General  Howe,  on  his  arrival,  obtained 
ample  supplies  for  his  army. 

The  command  of  the  fleet  destined  for  the  American  service  was  in- 
trusted to  Lord  Howe,  the  brother  of  the  general ;  and  they  were  both 
constituted  commissioners  for  restoring  peace  to  the  colonies,  and  grant- 
ing pardons,  with  such  exceptions  as  they  should  think  proper  to  make. 
He  arrived  at  Staten  Island  on  the  twelfth  of  July. 

The  difficulty  of  closing  the  Hudson  against  an  enemy  possessing  a 
powerful  fleet  was  soon  demonstrated.  Two  frigates  passed  the  batteries 


82  THE  LIFE  OF 

without  injury,  and  took  a  station  which  enabled  them  to  cut  off  the 
communication  by  water,  between  the  army  at  New  York,  and  that  at 
Ticonderoga.  An  attempt  to  set  these  frigates  on  fire  failed  in  its  exe- 
cution, and  only  a  tender  was  burnt; — soon  after  which  these  vessels 
returned  to  the  fleet. 

Lord  Howe  was  not  deterred  by  the  declaration  of  Independence  from 
trying  the  influence  of  his  powers  for  pacification.  He  sent  on 
shore,  by  a  flag,  a  circular  letter,  dated  off  the  coast  of  Massa- 
chusetts, addressed  severally  to  the  late  governors  under  the  crown,  en- 
closing a  declaration,  which  he  requested  them  to  make  public.  This 
declaration  announced  his  authority  to  grant  pardons  to  any  number  or 
description  of  persons,  who,  during  the  tumult  and  disorders  of  the  times, 
might  have  deviated  from  their  just  allegiance,  and  who  might  be  willing, 
by  a  speedy  return  to  their  duty,  to  reap  the  benefits  of  the  royal  favour ; 
and  to  declare  any  colony,  town,  port,  or  place,  in  the  peace  and  under  the 
protection  of  the  crown,  and  excepted  from  the  penal  provisions  of  the  act 
of  parliament  prohibiting  all  trade  and  intercourse  with  the  colonies.  Assu- 
rances were  also  given  that  the  meritorious  services  of  all  persons  who 
should  aid  and  assist  in  restoring  public  tranquillity  in  the  colonies,  or 
in  any  parts  thereof,  would  be  duly  considered. 

These  papers  were  immediately  transmitted  by  the  Commander-in- 
chief  to  congress,  who  resolved  that  they  should  "  be  pub- 
lished in  the  several  gazettes,  that  the  good  people  of  the 
United  States  might  be  informed  of  what  nature  were  the  commissioners, 
and  what  the  terms,  with  the  expectation  of  which,  the  insidious  court  of 
Britain  had  sought  to  amuse  and  disarm  them ;  and  that  the  few  who  still 
remained  suspended  by  a  hope,  founded  either  in  the  justice  or  modera- 
tion of  their  late  king,  might  now,  at  length,  be  convinced,  that  the  valour 
alone  of  their  country  is  to  save  its  liberties." 

About  the  same  time,  Lord  Howe  sent,  with  a  flag,  a  letter  addressed 
to  "  George  Washington,  esquire,"  which  the  general  refused  to  receive, 
as  "  it  did  not  acknowledge  the  public  character  with  which  he  was  in- 
vested by  congress,  and  in  no  other  character  could  he  have  any  inter- 
course with  his  lordship."  In  a  resolution  approving  this  proceeding, 
congress  directed,  "  that  no  letter  or  message  be  received  on  any  occa- 
sion whatever  from  the  enemy,  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  or  others, 
the  commanders  of  the  American  army,  but  such  as  shall  be  directed  to 
them  in  the  characters  they  respectively  sustain." 

The  commissioners  felt  some  difficulty  in  recognising  either  the  civil 
or  military  character  conferred  on  individuals  by  the  existing  powers  in 
America ;  and  yet  it  was  desirable,  either  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  a 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  83 

pacification,  or,  if  that  should  be  impracticable,  of  increasing  the  divi- 
sions already  existing,  to  open  negotiations,  and  hold  out  the  semblance 
of  restoring  peace.  They  cast  about  for  means  to  evade  this  prelimi- 
nary obstacle  to  any  discussion  of  the  terms  they  were  authorized  to 
propose ;  and,  at  length,  Colonel  Patterson,  adjutant  general  of 
the  British  army,  was  sent  on  shore  by  General  Howe,  with  a 
letter  directed  to  George  Washington,  &c.  &c.  &c.  He  was  introduced 
to  the  general,  whom  he  addressed  by  the  title  of  "  Excellency ;"  and, 
after  the  usual  compliments,  opened  the  subject  of  his  mission,  by  say- 
ing, that  General  Howe  much  regretted  the  difficulties  which  had  arisen 
respecting  the  address  of  the  letters ;  that  the  mode  adopted  was  deemed 
consistent  with  propriety,  and  was  founded  on  precedent,  in  cases  ot 
ambassadors  and  plenipotentiaries,  where  disputes  or  difficulties  had 
arisen  about  rank ;  that  General  Washington  might  recollect  he  had, 
last  summer,  addressed  a  letter  to  "  the  honourable  William  Howe ;"  that 
Lord,  and  General  Howe,  did  not  mean  to  derogate  from  his  rank,  or 
the  respect  due  to  him,  and  that  they  held  his  person  and  character  in 
the  highest  esteem ; — but  that  the  direction,  with  the  addition  of  &c.  &c. 
dec.  implied  every  thing  which  ought  to  follow.  Colonel  Patterson  then 
produced  a  letter  which  he  said  was  the  same  that  had  been  sent,  and 
which  he  laid  on  the  table. 

The  general  declined  receiving  it,  and  said,  that  a  letter  directed  to  a 
person  in  a  public  character,  should  have  some  description  or  indication 
of  that  character;  otherwise  it  would  be  considered  as  a  mere  private 
letter.  It  was  true  the  etceteras  implied  every  thing,  and  they  also  im- 
plied any  thing ;  that  the  letter  to  General  Howe,  alluded  to,  was  an 
answer  to  one  received  from  him  under  a  like  address ;  which,  having 
been  taken  by  the  officer  on  duty,  he  did  not  think  proper  to  return,  and 
therefore  answered  in  the  same  mode  of  address;  and  that  he  should 
absolutely  decline  any  letter  relating  to  his  public  station,  directed  to  him 
as  a  private  person. 

Colonel  Patterson  then  said,  that  General  Howe  would  not  urge  his 
delicacy  farther,  and  repeated  his  assertions  that  no  failure  of  respect 
was  intended. 

After  some  conversation  relative  to  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  Colo- 
nel Patterson  said,  that  the  goodness  and  benevolence  of  the  king  had 
induced  him  to  appoint  -Lord  Howe,  and  General  Howe,  his  commis- 
sioners to  accommodate  the  unhappy  dispute  at  present  subsisting :  that 
they  had  great  powers,  and  would  derive  much  pleasure  from  effecting 
the  accommodation ;  and  that  he  wished  this  visit  to  be  considered  as 
the  first  advance  towards  so  desirable  an  object. 


84  THE  LIFE  OF 

General  Washington  replied,  that  he  was  not  vested  with  any  powers 
on  this  subject ;  but  he  would  observe  that,  so  far  as  he  could  judge  from 
what  had  yet  transpired,  Lord  Howe  and  General  Howe  were  only  em- 
powered to  grant  pardons ;  that  those  who  had  committed  no  fault, 
wanted  no  pardon ;  and  that  the  Americans  were  only  defending  what 
they  deemed  their  indubitable  rights.  This,  Colonel  Patterson  said, 
would  open  a  very  wide  field  for  argument :  and,  after  expressing  his 
fears  that  an  adherence  to  forms  might  obstruct  business  of  the  greatest 
moment  and  concern,  he  took  his  leave. 

The  substance  of  this  conversation  was  communicated  to  congress, 
who  directed  its  publication. 

The  reinforcements  to  the  British  army,  of  whom  about  four  hundred 
and  fifty  had  been  captured  by  the  American  cruisers,  were 
now  arriving  daily  from  Europe ;  and  General  Howe  had 
also  been  joined  by  the  troops  from  Charleston.  His  strength  was  esti- 
mated at  twenty-four  thousand  men. 

To  this  army,  alike  formidable  for  its  numbers,  its  discipline,  and  its 
equipments, — aided  in  its  operations  by  a  numerous  fleet,  and  conducted 
by  commanders  of  skill  and  experience,  was  opposed  a  force,  unstable 
in  its  nature, — incapable,  from  its  structure,  of  receiving  discipline, — 
and  inferior  to  its  enemy,  in  numbers,  in  arms,  and  in  every  military 
equipment.  It  consisted,  when  General  Howe  landed  on  Staten  Island, 
of  ten  thousand  men,  who  were  much  enfeebled  by  sickness.  The  dis- 
eases which  always  afflict  new  troops,  were  increased  by  exposure  to 
the  rain  and  night  air,  without  tents.  At  the  instance  of  the  General, 
some  regiments,  stationed  in  the  different  states,  were  ordered  to  join 
him ;  and,  in  addition  to  the  requisitions  of  men  to  serve  until  Decem- 
ber— requisitions  not  yet  complied  with — the  neighbouring  militia  were 
called  into  service  for  the  exigency  of  the  moment.  Yet,  in  a  letter 
written  to  congress  on  the  8th  of  August,  he  stated  that  "  for  the  several 
posts  on  New  York,  Long,  and  Governor's  Island,  and  Paulus  Hook, 
the  army  consisted  of  only  seventeen  thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  men,  of  whom  three  thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty-eio-ht  were 
sick  ;  and  that,  to  repel  an  immediate  attack,  he  could  count  certainly 
on  no  other  addition  to  his  numbers,  than  a  battalion  from  Maryland 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Smallwood."  This  force  was  rendered 
the  more  inadequate  to  its  objects  by  being  necessarily  divided  for  the 
defence  of  posts,  some  of  which  were  fifteen  miles  distant  from  others, 
with  navigable  waters  between  them. 

"  These  things,"  continued  the  letter,  "  are  melancholy,  but  they  are 
nevertheless  true.  I  hope  for  better.  Under  every  disadvantage,  my 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  85 

utmost  exertions  shall  be  employed  to  bring  about  the  great  end  we  have 
in  view  ;  and,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  from  the  professions  and  apparent 
dispositions  of  my  troops,  I  shall  have  their  support.  The  superiority 
of  the  enemy,  and  the  expected  attack,  do  not  seem  to  have  depressed 
their  spirits.  These  considerations  lead  me  to  think  that  though  the  ap- 
peal may  not  terminate  so  happily  as  I  could  wish,  yet  the  enemy  will 
not  succeed  in  their  views  without  considerable  loss.  Any  advantage 
they  may  gain,  I  trust  will  cost  them  dear." 

Soon  after  this  letter,  the  army  was  reinforced  by  Smallwood's  regi- 
ment, and  by  two  regiments  from  Pennsylvania,  with  a  body  of  New 
England  and  New  York  militia,  which  increased  it  to  twenty-seven 
thousand  men,  of  whom  one  fourth  were  sick. 

A  part  of  the  army  was  stationed  on  Long  Island,  under  the  command 
of  Major  General  Sullivan.  The  residue  occupied  different  stations  on 
York  Island,  except  two  small  detachments,  one  on  Governor's  Island, 
and  the  other  at  Paulus  Hook ;  and  except  a  part  of  the  New  York 
militia  under  General  Clinton,  who  were  stationed  on  the  Sound,  towards 
New  Rochelle,  and  about  East  and  West  Chester,  in  order  to  oppose 
any  sudden  attempt  which  might  be  made  to  land  above  Kingsbridge, 
and  cut  off  the  communication  with  the  country. 

Expecting  daily  to  be  attacked,  and  believing  that  the  influence  of  the 
first  battle  would  be  considerable,  the  Commander-in-chief  employed 
every  expedient  which  might  act  upon  that  enthusiastic  love  of  liberty, 
that  indignation  against  the  invaders  of  their  country,  and  that  native 
courage,  which  were  believed  to  animate  the  bosoms  of  his  soldiers  ;  and 
which  were  relied  on  as  substitutes  for  discipline  and  expe- 
rience. "The  time,"  say  his  orders  issued  soon  after  the 
arrival  of  General  Howe,  "  is  now  near  at  hand,  which  must  determine 
whether  Americans  are  to  be  freemen  or  slaves ;  whether  they  are  to 
have  any  property  they  can  call  their  own ;  whether  their  houses  and 
farms  are  to  be  pillaged  and  destroyed,  and  themselves  consigned  to  a 
state  of  wretchedness  from  which  no  human  efforts  will  deliver  them. 
The  fate  of  unborn  millions  will  now  depend,  under  God,  on  the  courage 
and  conduct  of  this  army.  Our  cruel  and  unrelenting  enemy  leaves  us 
only  the  choice  of  a  brave  resistance,  or  the  most  abject  submission. 
We  have  therefore  to  resolve  to  conquer  or  to  die.  Our  own,  our 
country's  honour,  call  upon  us  for  a  vigorous  and  manly  exertion ;  and 
if  we  now  shamefully  fail,  we  shall  become  infamous  to  the  whole  world. 
Let  us  then  rely  on  the  goodness  of  our  cause,  anfl  the  aid  of  the  Su- 
preme Being,  in  whose  hands  victory  is,  to  animate  and  encourage  us 
to  great  and  noble  actions.  The  eyes  of  all  our  countrymen  are  now 


86  THE  LIFE  OF 

upon  us,  and  we  shall  have  their  blessings  and  praises,  if  happily  we 
are  the  instruments  of  saving  them  from  the  tyranny  meditated  against 
them.  Let  us  therefore  animate  and  encourage  each  other,  and  show 
the  whole  world  that  a  freeman  contending  for  liberty,  on  his  own 
ground,  is  superior  to  any  slavish  mercenary  on  earth." 

To  the  officers,  he  recommended  coolness  in  time  of  action ;  and  to 
the  soldiers,  strict  attention  and  obedience,  with  a  becoming  firmness 
and  spirit. 

He  assured  them  that  any  officer,  soldier,  or  corps,  distinguished  by 
any  acts  of  extraordinary  bravery,  should  most  certainly  meet  with  no- 
tice and  rewards  ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  those  who  should  fail  in  the 
performance  of  their  duty,  would  as  certainly  be  exposed  and  punished. 

Whilst  preparations  were  making  for  the  expected  engagement,  intel- 
ligence was  received  of  the  repulse  of  the  British  squadron 
which  had  attacked  fort  Moultrie.  The  Commander-in-chief 
availed  himself  of  the  occasion  of  communicating  this  success  to  his  army, 
to  add  a  spirit  of  emulation  to  the  other  motives  which  should  impel  them 
to  manly  exertions.  "  This  glorious  example  of  our  troops,"  he  said, 
"  under  the  like  circumstances  with  ourselves,  the  General  hopes,  will 
animate  every  officer  and  soldier  to  imitate,  and  even  to  out-do  them, 
when  the  enemy  shall  make  the  same  attempt  on  us.  With  such  a  bright 
example  before  us  of  what  can  be  done  by  brave  men  fighting  in  defence 
of  their  country,  we  shall  be  loaded  with  a  double  share  of  shame  and 
infamy,  if  we  do  not  acquit  ourselves  with  courage,  and  manifest  a  de- 
termined resolution  to  conquer  or  die." 

As  the  crisis  approached,  his  anxiety  increased.  Endeavouring  to 
breathe  into  his  army  his  own  spirit,  and  to  give  them  his  own  feeling, 
he  thus  addressed  them.  "  The  enemy's  whole  reinforcement  is  now 
arrived ;  so  that  an  attack  must,  and  will  soon  be  made.  The  General, 
therefore,  again  repeats  his  earnest  request  that  every  officer  and  soldier 
will  have  his  arms  and  ammunition  in  good  order;  keep  within  his 
quarters  and  encampments  as  far  as  possible ;  be  ready  for  action 'at  a 
moment's  call ;  and  when  called  to  it,  remember,  that  liberty,  prcuerty, 
life,  and  honour,  are  all  at  stake ;  that  upon  their  courage  and  conduct, 
rest  the  hopes  of  their  bleeding  and  insulted  country ;  that  their  wives, 
children,  and  parents,  expect  safety  from  them  only ;  and  that  we  nave 
every  reason  to  believe,  that  heaven  will  crown  with  success  so  just  a 
cause. 

"  The  enemy  will  endeavour  to  intimidate  by  show  and  appearance , 
but  remember,  they  have  been  repulsed  on  various  occasions  by  a  few 
brave  Americans ;  their  cause  is  bad ;  and  if  opposed  with  firmness  and 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  87 

coolness  on  their  first  onset,  with  our  advantage  of  works,  and  know- 
ledge of  the  ground,  the  victory  is  most  assuredly  ours.  Every  good 
soldier  will  be  silent  and  attentive,  wait  for  orders,  and  reserve  his  fire 
until  he  is  sure  of  doing  execution ;  of  this  the  officers  are  to  be  parti- 
cularly careful." 

He  directed  explicitly  that  any  soldier  who  should  attempt  to  conceal 
himself,  or  retreat  without  orders,  should  instantly  be  shot  down ;  and 
solemnly  promised  to  notice  and  reward  those  who  should  distinguish 
themselves.  Thus  did  he,  by  infusing  those  sentiments  which  would 
stimulate  to  the  greatest  individual  exertion,  into  every  bosom,  endea- 
vour to  compensate  for  the  want  of  arms,  of  discipline,  and  of  numbers. 

As  the  defence  of  Long  Island  was  intimately  connected  with  that  of 
New  York,  a  brigade  had  been  stationed  at  Brooklyn,  a  post  capable 
of  being  maintained  for  a  considerable  time.  An  extensive  camp  had 
been  marked  out  and  .fortified  at  the  same  place.  Brooklyn  is  a  village 
on  a  small  peninsula  made  by  East  river,  the  Bay,  and  Gowan's  Cove. 
The  encampment  fronted  the  main  land  of  the  island,  and  the  works 
stretched  quite  across  the  peninsula,  from  Whaaleboght  Bay  in  the  East 
river  on  the  left,  to  a  deep  marsh  on  a  creek  emptying  into  Gowan's 
Cove,  on  the  right.  The  rear  was  covered  and  defended  against  an  at- 
tack from  the  ships,  by  strong  batteries  on  Red  Hook  and  on  Governor's 
Island,  which  in  a  great  measure  commanded  that  part  of  the  bay,  and 
by  other  batteries  on  East  river,  which  kept  open  the  communication 
with  York  Island.  In  front  of  the  camp  was  a  range  of  hills  covered 
with  thick  woods,  which  extended  from  east  to  west  nearly  the  length 
of  the  island,  and  across  which  were  three  different  roads  leading  to 
Brooklyn  ferry.  These  hills,  though  steep,  are  every  where  passable 
by  infantry. 

The  movements  of  General  Howe  indicating  an  intention  to  make  his 
first  attack  on  Long  Island,  General  Sullivan  was  strongly  reinforced. 
Early  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty-second,  the  principal  part 
of  the  British  army,  under  the  command  of  General  Clinton, 
landed  under  cover  of  the  guns  of  the  fleet,  and  extended  from  the  ferry 
at  the  Narrows,  through  Utrecht  and  Gravesend,  to  /he  village  of  Flat- 
land.* 

Confident  that  an  engagement  must  soon  take  place,  General  Wash- 
ington made  still  another  effort  to  inspire  his  troops  with  the  most  deter- 
mined courage.     "  The  enemy,"  said  he,  in  addressing  them, 
"  have  now  landed  on  Long  Island,  and  the  hour  is  fast  ap- 
proaching, on  which  the  honour  and  success  of  this  army,  and  the  safety 

*  General  Howe's  letter. 


88  THE  LIFE  OF 

of  our  bleeding  country  depend.  Remember,  officers  and  soldiers,  that 
you  are  freemen,  fighting  for  the  blessings  of  liberty — that  slavery  will 
be  your  portion  and  that  of  your  posterity,  if  you  do  not  acquit  yourselves 
like  men."  He  repeated  his  instructions  respecting  their  conduct  in 
action,  and  concluded  with  the  most  animating  and  encouraging  exhor- 
tations. 

Major  General  Putnam  was  now  directed  to  take  command  at  Brook- 
lyn, with   a  reinforcement  of  six  regiments ;    and    he  was 
charged  most  earnestly  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  be  in 
constant  readiness  for  an  attack,  and  to  guard  the  woods  between  the 
two  camps  with  his  best  troops. 

General  Washington  had  passed  the  day  at  Brooklyn,  making  ar- 
rangements for  the  approaching  action ;  and,  at  night,  had 
returned  to  New  York. 

The  Hessians  under  General  De  Heister  composed  the  centre  of  the 
British  army  at  Flatbush;  Major  General  Grant  commanded  the  left 
wing  which  extended  to  the  coast,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  British 
forces  under  General  Clinton,  Earl  Percy  and  Lord  Cornwallis  turned 
short  to  the  right,  and  approached  the  opposite  coast  of  Flatland.* 

The  two  armies  were  now  separated  from  each  other  by  the  range  of 
hills  already  mentioned.  The  British  centre  at  Flatbush  was  scarcely 
four  miles  distant  from  the  American  lines  at  Brooklyn ;  and  a  direct 
road  led  across  the  heights  from  the  one  to  the  other.  Another  road, 
rather  more  circuitous  than  the  first,  led  from  Flatbush  by  the  way  of 
Bedford,  a  small  village  on  the  Brooklyn  side  of  the  hills.  The  right 
and  left  wings  of  the  British  army  were  nearly  equi-distant  from  the 
American  works,  and  about  five  or  six  miles  from  them.  The  road 
leading  from  the  Narrows  along  the  coast,  and  by  the  way  of  Gowan's 
Cove,  afforded  the  most  direct  route  to  their  left;  and  their  right  might 
either  return  by  the  way  of  Flatbush  and  unite  with  the  centre,  or  take  a 
more  circuitous  course,  and  enter  a  road  leading  from  Jamaica  to  Bed- 
ford. These  several  roads  unite  between  Bedford  and  Brooklyn,  a  small 
distance  in  front  of  the  American  lines. 

The  direct  road  from  Flatbush  to  Brooklyn  was  defended  by  a  fort 
which  the  Americans  had  constructed  in  the  hills ;  and  the  coast 
and  Bedford  roads  were  guarded  by  detachments  posted  on  the  hills 
within  view  of  the  British  camp.  Light  parties  of  volunteers  were  di- 
rected to  patrol  on  the  road  leading  from  Jamaica  to  Bedford ;  about  two 
miles  from  which,  near  Flatbush,  Colonel  Miles  of  Pennsylvania  was 
stationed  with  a  regiment  of  riflemen.  The  convention  of  New  York 
*  General  Howe's  letter. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  89 

had  directed  a  small  body  of  militia  to  be  assembled  on  the  high 
grounds,  near  the  enemy,  under  the  command  of  General  Woodhull, 
for  the  purpose  of  interrupting  their  communication  with  their  nu- 
merous friends  in  that  neighbourhood  ;  but  he  was  not  placed  under 
the  orders  of  the  regular  officer  commanding  on  the  island. 

About  nine  at  night,  General  Clinton  silently  drew  off  the  van  of  the 
British  army  across  the  country,  in  order  to  seize  a  pass  in  the  heights 
about  three  miles  east  of  Bedford,  en  the  Jamaica  road.     In 
the  morning,  about  two  hours  before  day-break,  within  half  a 
mile  of  the  pass,  his  patrols  fell  in  with  and  captured  one  of  the  Ameri- 
can parties,  which  had  been  stationed  on  this  road.     Learning  from  his 
prisoners  that  the  pass  was  unoccupied,  General  Clinton  immediately 
seized  it ;  and,  on  the  appearance  of  day,  the  whole  column  passed  the 
heights,  and  advanced  into  the  level  country  between  them  and  Brook- 
lyn.* 

Before  Clinton  had  secured  the  passes  on  the  road  from  Jamaica, 
General  Grant  advanced  along  the  coast  at  the  head  of  the  left  wing, 
with  ten  pieces  of  cannon.  As  his  first  object  was  to  draw  the  attention 
of  the  Americans  from  their  left,  he  moved  slowly,  skirmishing  as  he 
advanced  with  the  light  parties  stationed  on  that  road.* 

This  movement  was  soon  communicated  to  General  Putnam,  who  re- 
inforced the  parties  which  had  been  advanced  in  front ;  and,  as  General 
Grant  continued  to  gain  ground,  still  stronger  detachments  were  employed 
in  this  service.  About  three  in  the  morning,  Brigadier  General  Lord 
Stirling  was  directed  to  meet  the  enemy,  with  the  two  nearest  regiments, 
on  the  road  leading  from  the  Narrows.  Major  General  Sullivan,  who 
commanded  all  the  troops  without  the  lines,  advanced  at  the  head  of  a 
strong  detachment  on  the  road  leading  directly  to  Flatbush ;  while  an- 
other detachment  occupied  the  heights  between  that  place  and  Bedford. 

About  the  break  of  day,  Lord  Stirling  reached  the  summit  of  the  hills, 
where  he  was  joined  by  the  troops  which  had  been  already  engaged, 
and  were  retiring  slowly  before  the  enemy,  who  almost  immediately  ap- 
peared in  sight.  A  warm  cannonade  was  commenced  on  both  sides, 
which  continued  for  several  hours ;  and  some  sharp,  but  not  very  close 
skirmishing  took  place  between  the  infantry.  Lord  Stirling,  being 
anxious  only  to  defend  the  pass  he  guarded,  could  not  descend  in  force 
from  the  heights ;  and  General  Grant  did  not  wish  to  drive  him  from 
them  until  that  part  of  the  plan,  which  had  been  entrusted  to  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  should  be  executed. 

In  the  centre,  General  De  Heister,  soon  after  daylight,  began  to  can- 
*  General  Howe's  letter. 


90 

nonade  the  troops  under  General  Sullivan ;  but  did  not  move  from  his 
ground  at  Flatbush,  until  the  British  right  had  approached  the  left  and 
rear  of  the  American  line.  In  the  mean  time,  in  order  the  more  effec- 
tually to  draw  their  attention  from  the  point  where  the  grand  attack  was 
intended,  the  fleet  was  put  in  motion,  and  a  heavy  cannonade  was  com- 
menced on  the  battery  at  Red  Hook. 

About  half  past  eight,  the  British  right  having  then  reached  Bedford, 
in  the  rear  of  Sullivan's  left,  General  De  Ileister  ordered  Colonel  Do- 
nop's  corps  to  advance  to  the  attack  of  the  hill ;  following,  himself,  with 
the  centre  of  the  army.  The  approach  of  Clinton  was  now  discovered 
by  the  American  left,  which  immediately  endeavoured  to  regain  the 
camp  at  Brooklyn.  While  retiring  from  the  woods  by  regiments,  they 
encountered  the  front  of  the  British.  About  the  same  time,  the  Hessians 
advanced  from  Flatbush,  against  that  part  of  the  detachment  which  oc- 
cupied the  direct  road  to  Brooklyn.*  Here,  General  Sullivan  com- 
manded in  person ;  but  he  found  it  difficult  to  keep  his  troops  together 
long  enough  to  sustain  the  first  attack.  The  firing  heard  towards  Bed- 
ford had  disclosed  the  alarming  fact,  that  the  British  had  turned  their 
left  flank,  and  were  getting  completely  into  their  rear.  Perceiving  at 
once  the  full  danger  of  their  situation,  they  sought  to  escape  k  by  re- 
gaining the  camp  with  the  utmost  possible  celerity.  The  sudden  rout 
of  this  party  enabled  De  Heister  to  detach  a  part  of  his  force  against 
those  who  were  engaged  near  Bedford.  In  that  quarter,  too,  the  Ame- 
ricans were  broken,  and  driven  back  into  the  woods  ;  and  the  front  of 
the  column  led  by  General  Clinton,  continuing  to  move  forward,  inter- 
cepted and  engaged  those  who  were  retreating  along  the  direct  road 
from  Flatbush.  Thus  attacked  both  in  front  and  rear,  and  alternately 
driven  by  the  British  on  the  Hessians,  and  by  the  Hessians  back  again 
on  the  British,  a  succession  of  skirmishes  took  place  in  the  woods,  in  the 
course  of  which,  some  parts  of  corps,  forced  their  way  through  the 
enemy,  and  regained  the  lines  of  Brooklyn,  and  several  individuals 
saved  themselves  under  cover  of  the  woods ;  but  a  great  proportion  of 
the  detachment  was  killed  or  taken.  The  fugitives  were  pursued  up  to 
the  American  works ;  and  such  is  represented  to  have  been  the  ardour 
of  the  British  soldiers,  that  it  required  the  authority  of  their  cautious 
commander  to  prevent  an  immediate  assault. 

The  fire  towards  Brooklyn  gave  the  first  intimation  to  the  American 

right,  that  the  enemy  had  gained  their  rear.     Lord  Stirling  perceived 

the  danger,  and  that  he  could  only  escape  it  by  retreating  instantly 

across  the  creek.     This  movement  was  immediately  directed  ;  and,  to 

*  General  Howe's  Letter. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  91 

secure  it,  his  lordship  determined  to  attack,  in  person,  a  British  coips 
under  Lord  Cornwallis,  stationed  at  a  house  rather  above  the  place  at 
which  he  intended  to  cross  the  creek.  About  four  hundred  men  of 
Smallwood's  regiment  were  drawn  out  for  this  purpose,  and  the  attack 
was  made  with  great  spirit.  This  small  corps  was  brought  up  several 
times  to  the  charge ;  and  Lord  Stirling  stated  that  he  was  on  the  point 
of  dislodging  Lord  Cornwallis  from  his  post ;  but  the  force  in  his  front 
increasing,  and  General  Grant  also  advancing  on  his  rear,  the  brave 
men  he  commanded  were  no  longer  able  to  oppose  the  superior  numbers 
which  assailed  them  on  every  quarter ;  and  those  who  survived  were, 
with  their  General,  made  prisoners  of  war.  This  attempt,  though  un- 
successful, gave  an  opportunity  to  a  large  part  of  the  detachment  to  save 
themselves  by  crossing  the  creek. 

The  loss  sustained  by  the  American  army  in  this  battle  could  not  be 
accurately  ascertained  by  either  party.  Numbers  were  supposed  to 
have  been  drowned  in  the  creek,  or  suffocated  in  the  marsh,  whose 
bodies  were  never  found  ;  and  exact  accounts  from  the  militia  are  sel- 
dom to  be  obtained,  as  the  list  of  the  missing  is  always  swelled  by  those 
who  return  to  their  homes.  General  Washington  did  not  admit  it  to 
exceed  a  thousand  men ;  but  in  this  estimate  he  must  have  included  only 
the  regular  troops.  In  the  letter  written  by  General  Howe,  the  amount 
of  prisoners  is  stated  at  one  thousand  and  ninety-seven  ;  among  whom 
were  Major  General  Sullivan,  and  Brigadiers  Lord  Stirling  and  Wood- 
hull,  by  him  named  Udell.  He  computes  the  loss  of  the  Americans  at 
three  thousand  three  hundred  men ;  but  his  computation  is  probably  ex- 
cessive. He  supposes,  too,  that  the  troops  engaged  on  the  heights, 
amounted  to  ten  thousand;  but  they  could  not  have  much  exceeded 
half  that  number.  His  own  loss,  is  stated  at  twenty-one  officers,  and 
three  hundred  and  forty-six  privates ;  killed,  wounded,  and  taken. 

As  the  action  became  warm,  General  Washington  passed  over  to  the 
camp  at  Brooklyn,  where  he  saw,  with  inexpressible  anguish,  the  de- 
struction in  which  his  best  troops  were  involved,  and  from  which  it  was 
impossible  to  extricate  them.  Should  he  attempt  any  thing  in  their 
favour  with  the  men  remaining  within  the  lines,  it  was  probable  the 
camp  itself  would  be  lost,  and  that  whole  division  of  his  army  destroyed. 
Should  he  bring  over  the  remaining  battalions  from  New  York,  he  would 
still  be  inferior  in  point  of  numbers ;  and  his  whole  army,  perhaps  the 
fate  of  his  country,  might  be  staked  on  the  issue  of  a  single  battle  thus 
inauspiciously  commenced.  Compelled  to  behold  the  carnage  of  his 
troops,  without  being  able  to  assist  them,  his  efforts  were  directed  to  the 
preservation  of  those  which  remained. 


92  THE  LIFE  OF 

Believing  the  Americans  to  be  much  stronger  than  they  were  in  re- 
ality, and  unwilling  to  commit  any  thing  to  hazard,  General  Howe  made 
no  immediate  attempt  to  force  their  lines.  He  encamped  in  front  of 
them ;  and,  on  the  twenty-eighth  at  night,  broke  ground  in  form,  within 
six  hundred  yards  of  a  redoubt  on  the  left. 

In  this  critical  state  of  things,  General  Washington  determined  to 
withdraw  from  Long  Island.     This  difficult  movement  was  effected  on 
the  night  of  the  twenty -eighth,  with  such  silence,  that  all  the  troops  and 
military  stores,  with  the  greater  part  of  the  provisions,  and  all  the  artil- 
lery, except  such  heavy  pieces  as  could  not  be  drawn  through  the  roads, 
rendered  almost  impassable  by  the  rains  which  had  fallen,  were  cajried 
over  in  safety.     Early  next  morning,  the  British  out-posts 
perceived  the  rear  guard  crossing  the  East  river,  out  of  re  ach 
of  their  fire. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  action  on  the  morning  of  the  twe;itv- 
seventh,  until  the  American  troops  had  crossed  the  East  river  on  the 
morning  of  the  twenty-ninth,  the  exertions  and  fatigues  of  the  Comm?  nd- 
er-in-chief  were  incessant.  Throughout  that  time,  he  never  closed  his 
eyes,  and  was  almost  constantly  on  horseback. 

The  manner  in  which  this  critical  operation  was  executed,  and  the 
circumstances  under  which  it  was  performed,  added  greatly  to  the  repu- 
tation of  the  American  general,  in  the  opinion  of  all  military  men.  To 
withdraw,  without  loss,  a  defeated,  dispirited,  and  undisciplined  army 
from  the  view  of  an  experienced  and  able  officer,  and  to  transport  them 
in  safety  across  a  large  river,  while  watched  by  a  numerous  and  vigi- 
lant fleet,  require  talents  of  no  ordinary  kind ;  and  the  retreat  from  Long 
Island  may  justly  be  ranked  among  those  skilful  manoeuvres  which  dis- 
tinguish a  master  in  the  art  of  war. 

The  attempt  to  defend  Long  Island  was  so  perilous  in  itself,  and  so 
disastrous  in  its  issue,  that  it  was  condemned  by  many  at  the  time,  and 
is  yet  represented  as  a  great  error  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  But,  in 
deciding  on  the  wisdom  of  measures,  the  event  will  not  always  lead  to  a 
correct  judgment.  Before  a  just  opinion  can  be  formed,  it  is  necessary 
to  consider  the  previous  state  of  things — to  weigh  the  motives  which  in- 
duced the  decision — and  to  compare  the  value  of  the  object,  and  the 
probability  of  securing  it,  with  the  hazards  attending  the  attempt. 

It  was  very  desirable  to  preserve  New  York,  if  practicable ;  or,  if  that 
could  not  be  done,  to  consume  the  campaign  in  the  struggle  for  that 
place.  The  abandonment  of  Long  Island,  besides  giving  the  enemy  se- 
cure and  immediate  possession  of  an  extensive  and  fertile  country,  would 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  93 

certainly  facilitate  the  success  of  his  attempt  upon  New  York.    It  was 
therefore  to  be  avoided,  if  possible. 

The  impossibility  of  avoiding  it  was  not  evident  until  the  battle  was 
fought.  It  is  true,  that  the  American  force  on  the  island  could  not  have 
been  rendered  equal,  even  in  point  of  numbers,  to  that  of  the  British ; 
but,  with  the  advantage  of  the  defencible  country  through  which  the 
assailants  were  to  pass,  and  of  a  fortified  camp  which  could  be  attacked 
only  on  one  side,  hopes  might  be  entertained,  without  the  imputation  of 
being  over  sanguine,  of  maintaining  the  position  for  a  considerable  time ; 
and,  ultimately,  of  selling  it  at  a  high  price.  This  opinion  is  supported 
by  the  subsequent  movements  of  General  Howe,  who,  even  after  the  vic- 
tory of  the  twenty-seventh,  was  unwilling  to  hazard  an  assault  on  the 
American  works,  without  the  co-operation  of  the  fleet;  but  chose  rather 
to  carry  them  by  regular  approaches.  Nor  would  the  situation  of  the 
troops  on  Long  Island  have  been  desperate,  even  in  the  event  of  a  con 
joint  attack  by  land  and  water,  before  their  strength  and  spirits  were 
broken  by  the  action  of  the  twenty -seventh.  The  East  river  was  guard 
ed  by  strong  batteries  on  both  sides,  and  the  entrance  into  it  from  the 
bay  was  defended  by  Governor's  Island,  which  was  fortified,  and  in 
which  two  regiments  were  stationed.  The  ships  could  not  lie  in  that 
river,  without  first  silencing  those  batteries — a  work  not  easily  accom- 
plished. The  aid  of  the  fleet,  therefore,  could  be  given  only  at  the 
point  of  time  when  a  storm  of  the  works  should  be  intended ;  and  when 
that  should  appear  practicable,  the  troops  might  be  withdrawn  from  the 
island. 

There  was  then  considerable  hazard  in  maintaining  Long  Island ;  but 
not  so  much  as  to  demonstrate  the  propriety  of  relinquishing  a  post  of 
such  great  importance,  without  a  struggle. 

With  more  appearance  of  reason,  the  General  has  been  condemned 
for  not  having  guarded  the  road  which  leads  over  the  hills  from  Jamaica 
to  Bedford. 

The  written  instructions  given  to  the  officer  commanding  on  Long 
Island,  two  days  previous  to  the  action,  directed  that  the  woods  should 
be  well  guarded,  and  the  approach  of  the  enemy  through  them  rendered 
as  difficult  as  possible.  But  his  numbers  were  not  sufficient  to  furnish 
detachments  for  all  the  defiles  through  the  mountains ;  and  if  a  corps, 
capable  of  making  an  effectual  resistance,  had  been  posted  on  this  road, 
and  a  feint  had  been  made  on  it,  while  the  principal  attack  was  by  the 
direct  road  from  Flatbush,  or  by  that  along  the  coast,  the  events  of  the 
day  would  probably  have  been  not  less  disastrous.  The  columns  march- 
ing directly  from  Flatbush  must,  on  every  reasonable  calculation,  have 

VOL.  r.         I  7 


94  THE  LIFE  OF 

been  in  possession  of  the  plain  in  the  rear  of  the  detachment  posted  on 
the  road  from  Jamaica,  so  as  to  intercept  its  retreat  to  the  camp.  So 
great  is  the  advantage  of  those  who  attack,  in-  being  able  to  choose  the 
point  against  which  to  direct  their  grand  effort. 

The  most  adviseable  plan,  then,  appears  to  have  been,  to  watch  the 
motions  of  the  enemy  so  as  to  be  master  of  his  designs ;  to  oppose  with 
a  competent  force  every  attempt  to  seize  the  heights ;  and  to  guard  all 
the  passes  in  such  a  manner  as  to  receive  notice  of  his  approach  through 
any  one  of  them,  in  sufficient  time  to  recall  the  troops  maintaining  the 
others. 

This  plan  was  adopted — and  the  heavy  disasters  of  the  day  are  attri 
butable,  principally,  to  the  failure  of  those  charged  with  the  execution 
of  that  very  important  part  of  it  which  related  to  the  Jamaica  road.  The 
letter  of  General  Howe  states  that  an  American  patrolling  party  was 
taken  on  this  road ;  and  General  Washington,  in  a  private  and  confiden- 
tial communication  to  a  friend,  says,  "  This  misfortune  happened,  in  a 
great  measure,  by  two  detachments  of  our  people  who  were  posted  in  two 
roads  leading  through  a  wood,  to  intercept  the  enemy  in  their  march, 
suffering  a  surprise,  and  making  a  precipitate  retreat." 

The  events  of  this  day,  too,  exhibited  a  practical  demonstration  of  a 
radical  defect  in  the  structure  of  the  army.  It  did  not  contain  a  single 
corps  of  cavalry.  That  miscalculating  economy  which  refuses  the 
means  essential  to  the  end,  was  not  sufficiently  relaxed  to  admit  of  so 
expensive  an  establishment.  Had  the  General  been  furnished  with  a 
few  troops  of  light-horse,  to  serve  merely  as  videts,  it  is  probable  that 
the  movement  so  decisive  of  the  fate  of  the  day  could  not  have  been 
made  unnoticed.  The  troops  on  the  lines  do  not  appear  to  have  observed 
the  column  which  was  withdrawn,  on  the  evening  of  the  twenty-sixth, 
from  Flatbush  to  Flatland.  Had  this  important  manosuvre  been  com- 
municated, it  would,  most  probably,  have  turned  the  attention  of  Gene- 
ral Putnam,  more  particularly,  to  the  Jamaica  road.  It  is  to  the  want 
of  videts,  that  a  failure  to  obtain  this  important  intelligence  is  to  be 
ascribed.  The  necessity  of  changing  the  officer  originally  intrusted 
with  the  command,  was  also  an  unfortunate  circumstance,  which  proba- 
bly contributed  to  the  event  which  happened. 

Whatever  causes  might  have  led  to  this  defeat,  it  gave  a  gloomy  as- 
pect to  the  affairs  of  America.  Heretofore,  her  arms  had  been  fre- 
quently successful,  and  her  soldiers  had  always  manifested  a  great  de- 
gree of  intrepidity.  A  confidence  in  themselves,  a  persuasion  of  supe- 
riority over  the  enemy,  arising  from  the  goodness  of  their  cause,  and 
their  early  and  habitual  use  of  fire  arms,  had  been  carefully  encouraged 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  95 

This  sentiment  had  been  nourished  by  all  their  experience  preceding 
this  event.  When  they  found  themselves,  by  a  course  of  evolutions  in 
which  they  imagined  they  perceived  a  great  superiority  of  military  skill, 
encircled  with  unexpected  dangers,  from  which  no  exertions  could  ex- 
tricate them,  their  confidence  in  themselves  and  in  their  leaders  was 
greatly  diminished,  and  the  approach  of  the  enemy  inspired  the  appre- 
hension that  some  stratagem  was  concealed,  from  which  immediate 
flight  alone  could  preserve  them. 

In  a  letter  from  General  Washington  to  congress,  the  state  of  the  army 
after  this  event  was  thus  feelingly  described :  "  Our  situation 
is  truly  distressing.  The  check  our  detachment  sustained  on 
the  27th  ultimo,  has  dispirited"  too  great  a  proportion  of  our  troops,  and 
filled  their  minds  with  apprehension  and  despair.  The  militia,  instead 
of  calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave  and  manly  opposition,  in 
order  to  repair  our  losses,  are  dismayed,  intractable,  and  impatient  to 
return.  Great  numbers  of  them  have  gone  off;  in  some  instances,  al- 
most by  whole  regiments ;  in  many,  by  half  ones  and  by  companies,  at 
a  time.  This  circumstance,  of  itself,  independent  of  others,  when  fronted 
by  a  well  appointed  enemy,  superior  in  number  to  our  whole  collectec 
force,  would  be  sufficiently  disagreeable ;  but  when  it  is  added,  that  theit 
example  has  infected  another  part  of  the  army ;  that  their  want  of  disci- 
pline, and  refusal  of  almost  every  kind  of  restraint  and  government,  have 
rendered  a  like  conduct  but  too  common  in  the  whole ;  and  have  pro- 
duced an  entire  disregard  of  that  order  and  subordination  necessary  for 
the  well  doing  of  an  a,rmy,  and  which  had  been  before  inculcated  as 
well  as  the  nature  of  our  military  establishment  would  admit  of;  our 
condition  is  still  more  alarming,  and  with  the  deepest  concern  I  am 
obliged  to  confess  my  want  of  confidence  in  the  generality  of  the  troops. 

"  All  these  circumstances  fully  confirm  the  opinion  I  ever  entertained, 
and  which  I,  more  than  once,  in  my  letters,  took  the  liberty  of  mention- 
ing to  congress,  that  no  dependence  could  be  placed  in  a  militia,  or  other 
troops  than  those  enlisted  and  embodied  for  a  longer  period  than  our 
regulations  have  hitherto  prescribed. '  I  am  persuaded,  and  am  as  fully 
convinced  as  of  any  one  fact  that  has  happened,  that  our  liberties  must, 
of  necessity,  be  greatly  hazarded,  if  not  entirely  lost,  if  their  defence  be 
left  to  any  but  a  permanent  army." 

The  first  use  made  by  Lord  Howe  of  the  victory  of  the  27th  of  Au- 
gust,  was  to  avail  himself  of  the  impression  it  had  probably  made  on 
congress,  by  opening  a  negotiation  in  conformity  with  his  powers  as  a 
commissioner.  For  this  purpose,  General  Sullivan  was  sent  on  parole 
to  Philadelphia,  with  a  verbal  message,  the  impcrt  of  which  was,  "  that 


96  THE  LIFE  OF 

though  he  could  not  at  present  treat  with  congress  as  a  political  body, 
yet  he  was  very  desirous  of  having  a  conference  with  some  of  its  mem- 
bers, whom  he  would  consider,  for  the  present,  only  as  private  gentle- 
men, and  meet  them  as  such  at  any  place  they  would  appoint. 

"  That,  in  conjunction  with  General  Howe,  he  had  full  powers  to 
compromise  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  on  terms 
advantageous  to  both ;  the  obtaining  of  which  detained  him  near  two 
months  in  England,  and  prevented  his  arrival  in  New  York  before  the 
declaration  of  independence  took  place. 

"  That  he  wished  a  compact*might  be  settled  at  this  time,  when  no 
decisive  blow  was  struck,  and  neither  party  could  allege  being  compelled 
to  enter  into  such  agreement. 

"  That  in  case  congress  were  disposed  to  treat,  many  things  which 
they  had  not  as  yet  asked,  might,  and  ought  to  be  granted  them  ;  and 
that  if,  upon  the  conference,  they  found  any  probable  ground  of  an  ac- 
commodation, the  authority  of  congress  must  be  afterwards  acknow- 
ledged— otherwise  the  compact  would  not  be  complete." 

This  proposition  was  not  without  its  embarrassments.  Its  rejection 
would  give  some  countenance  to  the  opinion,  that,  if  independence  were 
waved,  a  restoration  of  the  ancient  connexion  between  the  two  countries, 
on  principles  formerly  deemed  constitutional,  was  still  practicable ;  an 
opinion  which  would  have  an  unfavourable  effect  on  the  public  senti- 
ment. On  the  other  hand,  to  enter  into  a  negotiation  under  such  cir- 
cumstances, might  excite  a  suspicion,  that  their  determination  to  maintain 
the  independence  they  had  declared,  was  not  immoveable ;  and  that 
things  were  in  such  a  situation,  as  to  admit  of  some  relaxation  in  the 
measures  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  country. 

The  answer  given  to  Lord  Howe,  through  General  Sullivan,  was, 
"  that  congress,  being  the  representatives  of  the  free  and  independent 
States  of  America,  can  not,  with  propriety,  send  any  of  its  members  to 
confer  with  his  Lordship  in  their  private  characters ;  but  that,  ever  de- 
sirous of  establishing  peace  on  reasonable  terms,  they  will  send  a 
committee  of  their  body  to  know  whether  he  has  any  authority  to  treat 
with  persons  authorized  by  congress  for  that  purpose,  on  behalf  of  Ame- 
rica ;  and  what  that  authority  is ; — and  to  hear  such  propositions  as  he 
shall  think  proper  to  make,  respecting  the  same." 

The  President  was,  at  the  same  time,  directed  to  communicate  to 
General  Washington  the  opinion  of  congress,  that  no  propositions  for 
making  peace  "  ought  to  be  received  or  attended  to,  unless  the  same  be 
made  in  writing,  and  addressed  to  the  representatives  of  the  United 
States  in  congress,  or  persons  authorized  by  them :  And  if  applications 


• 
GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  97 

on  that  subject  be  made  to  him  by  any  of  the  commanders  of  the  British 
forces,  that  he  inform  them,  that  these  United  States,  who  entered  into 
the  war  only  for  the  defence  of  their  lives  and  liberties,  will  cheerfully 
agree  to  peace  on  reasonable  terms,  whenever  such  shall  be  proposed  to 
them  in  manner  aforesaid." 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that,  in  these  resolutions,  congress  preserves 
the  appearance  of  insisting  on  the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
without  declaring  it  to  be  the  indispensable  condition  of  peace. 

Mr.  Franklin,  Mr.  John  Adams,  and  Mr.  Edward  Rutledge,  all  zeal 
ous  supporters  of  independence,  were  appointed  "to  receive  the  commu- 
nications of  Lord  Howe." 

They  waited  on  his  Lordship ;  and,  on  their  return,  reported,  that  he 
nad  received  them  on  the  llth  of  September,  on  Staten  Island,  opposite 
to  Amboy,  with  great  politeness. 

He  opened  the  conversation  by  acquainting  them,  that  though  he 
could  not  treat  with  them  as  a  committee  of  congress,  yet,  as  his  powers 
enabled  him  to  confer  and  consult  with  any  private  gentlemen  of  influ- 
ence in  the  colonies,  on  the  means  of  restoring  peace  between  the  two 
countries,  he  was  glad  of  this  opportunity  of  conferring  with  them  on 
that  subject ;  if  they  thought  themselves  at  liberty  to  enter  into  a  confer- 
ence with  him  in  that  character.  The  committee  observed  to  his  Lord- 
shjp,  that,  as  their  business  was  to  hear,  he  might  consider  them  in  what 
light  he  pleased,  and  communicate  to  them  any  propositions  he  might 
be  authorized  to  make  for  the  purpose  mentioned ;  but  that  they  could 
consider  themselves  in  no  other  character  than  that  in  which  they  were 
placed  by  order  of  congress.  His  Lordship  then  proceeded  to  open  his 
views  at  some  length.  He  offered  peace  only  on  the  condition  that  the 
colonies  should  return  to  their  allegiance  and  obedience  to  the  British 
crown.  He  made  no  explicit  propositions  as  inducements  to  this  mea- 
sure, but  gave  assurances  that  there  was  a  good  disposition  in  the  king 
and  his  ministers  to  make  the  government  easy  to  them,  with  intima- 
tions that,  in  case  of  submission,  the  offensive  acts  of  parliament  would 
be  revised,  and  the  instructions  to  the  Governors  reconsidered ;  so  that, 
if  any  just  causes  of  complaint  were  found  in  the  acts,  or  any  errors  in 
government  were  found  to  have  crept  into  the  instructions,  they  might 
be  amended  or  withdrawn. 

The  committee  gave  it  as  their  opinion  to  his  Lordship,  that  a  return 
to  the  domination  of  Great  Britain  was  not  now  to  be  expected.  They 
mentioned  the  repeated  humble  petitions  of  the  colonies  to  the  king  and 
parliament,  which  had  been  treated  with  contempt,  and  answered  only 
by  additional  injuries ;  the  unexampled  patience  which  had  been  shown 


98  THE  LIFE  OF 

under  their  tyrannical  government ;  and  that  it  was  not  until  the  late  act 
of  parliament,  which  denounced  war  against  them,  and  put  them  out  of 
the  king's  protection,  that  they  declared  their  independence ;  that  this 
declaration  had  been  called  for  by  the  people  of  the  colonies  in  general, 
and  that  every  colony  had  approved  it  when  made, — and  all  now  consider- 
ed themselves  as  independent  states,  and  were  settling,  or  had  settled,  their 
governments  accordingly  ;  so  that  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  congress 
to  agree  for  them  that  they  should  return  to  their  former  dependent  state ; 
that  there  was  no  doubt  of  their  inclination  for  peace,  and  their  willing- 
ness to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  Britain,  that  might  be  advantageous  to 
both  countries ;  that  though  his  Lordship  had,  at  present,  no  power  to 
treat  with  them  as  independent  states,  he  might,  if  there  was  the  same 
good  disposition  in  Britain,  much  sooner  obtain  fresh  powers  from  his 
government,  for  that  purpose,  than  powers  could  be  obtained  by  con- 
gress, from  the  several  colonies,  to  consent  to  a  submission. 

His  Lordship  then'  expressed  his  regret  that  no  accommodation  was 
like  to  take  place,  and  put  an  end  to  the  conference. 

These  fruitless  negotiations  produced  no  suspension  of  hostilities. 

The  British  army,  now  in  full  possession  of  Long  Island,  was  posted 
from  Bedford  to  Hurlgate ;  and  thus  fronted  and  threatened  York  Island 
from  its  extreme  southern  point,  to  the  part  opposite  the  northern  boun- 
dary of  Long  Island,  a  small  distance  below  the  heights  of  Haerlem . 
comprehending  a  space  of  about  nine  miles. 

The  two  armies  were  divided  only  by  the  East  river,  which  is  gene- 
rally less  than  a  mile  wide. 

Immediately  after  the  victory  at  Brooklyn,  dispositions  were  made  by 

the  enemy  to  attack  New  York,  and  a  part  of  the  fleet  sailed 

round  Long  Island,  and  appeared  in  the  Sound.   Two  frigates 

passed  up  the  East  river,  without  receiving  any  injury  from  the  batteries, 

and  anchored  behind  a  small  island  which  protected  them  from  the 

American  artillery.     At  the  same  time,  the  main  body  of  the  fleet  lay 

at  anchor  close  in  with  Governor's  Island,  from  which  the  American 

troops  had  been  withdrawn,  ready  to  pass  up  either  the  North  or  East 

river,  or  both,  and  act  against  any  part  of  York  Island. 

These  movements  indicated  a  disposition,  not  to  make  an  attack  di- 
rectly on  New  York,  as  had  been  expected,  but  to  land  near  Kings- 
bridge,  and  take  a  position  which  would  cut  off  the  communication  of 
the  American  army  with  the  country. 

Aware  of  the  danger  of  his  situation,  General  Washington  began  to 
remove  such  stores  as  were  not  immediately  necessary ;  and  called  a 


! 

GEORGE  WASfflNGTON.  99 

council  of  general  officers  for  the  purpose  of  deciding,  whether  New 
York  should  be  evacuated  without  delay,  or  longer  defended. 

In  his  letter  communicating  to  congress  the  result  of  this  council, 
which  was  against  an  immediate  evacuation,  he  manifested  a  conviction 
of  the  necessity  of  that  measure,  though  he  yielded  to  that  necessity  with 
reluctance.  Speaking  of  the  enemy,  he  observed,  "  It  is  now  extremely 
obvious  from  their  movements,  from  our  intelligence,  and  from  every 
other  circumstance,  that,  having  their  whole  army  upon  Long  Island, 
except  about  four  thousand  men  who  remain  on  Staten  Island,  they  mean 
to  enclose  us  in  this  island,  by  taking  post  in  our  rear,  while  their  ships 
effectually  secure  the  front;  and  thus,  by  cutting  off  our  communication 
with  the  country,  oblige  us  to  fight  them  on  their  own  terms,  or  sur- 
render at  discretion ;  or,  if  that  shall  be  deemed  more  adviseable,  by  a 
brilliant  stroke  endeavour  to  cut  this  army  to  pieces,  and  secure  the  pos- 
session of  arms  and  stores,  which  they  well  know  our  inability  to  re- 
place. 

"  Having  their  system  unfolded  to  us,  it  becomes  an  important  con- 
sideration how  it  could  be  most  successfully  opposed.  On  every  side 
there  is  a  choice  of  difficulties,  and  experience  teaches  us,  that  every 
measure  on  our  part  (however  painful  the  reflection)  must  be  taken  with 
some  apprehension,  that  all  our  troops  will  not  do  their  duty. 

"  In  deliberating  upon  this  great  question,"  he  added,  "  it  was  impos- 
sible to  forget  that  history,  our  own  experience,  the  advice  of  our  ablest 
friends  in  Europe,  the  fears  of  the  enemy,  and  even  the  declarations  of 
congress,  demonstrate  that,  on  our  side,  the  war  should  be  defensive; — 
(it  has  ever  been  called  a  war  of  posts ;) — that  we  should,  on  all  occa- 
sions, avoid  a  general  action,  nor  put  any  thing  to  the  risk,  unless  com- 
pelled by  necessity,  into  which  we  ought  never  to  be  drawn." 

After  communicating  the  decision  which  had  been  made  by  the  coun- 
cil of  officers,  he  stated  the  opinion  of  those  who  were  in  favour  of  an 
immediate  evacuation  with  such  force,  as  to  confirm  the  belief  that  it 
remained  his  own. 

The  majority,  who  overruled  this  opinion,  did  not  expect  to  be  able  to 
defend  the  city,  permanently,  but  to  defer  the  time  of  losing  it,  in  the 
hope  of  wasting  so  much  of  the  campaign,  before  General  Howe  could 
obtain  possession  of  it,  as  to  prevent  his  undertaking  any  thing  farther 
until  the  following  year.  They  therefore  advised  a  middle  course  be- 
tween abandoning  the  town  absolutely,  and  concentrating  their  whole 
strength  for  its  defence.  This  was,  to  form  the  army  into  three  divi- 
sions ;  one  of  which  should  remain  in  New  York ;  the  second  he  stationed 
at  Kingsbridge ;  and  the  third  occupy  the  intermediate  space,  so  as  to 


100  THE  LIFE  OF 

support  either  extreme.  The  sick  were  to  be  immediately  removed  to 
Orange  Town.  A  belief  that  congress  was  inclined  to  maintain  New 
York  at  every  hazard,  and  a  dread  of  the  unfavourable  impression  which 
its  evacuation  might  make  on  the  people,  seem  to  have  had  great  influ- 
ence in  producing  the  determination  to  defend  the  place  yet  a  short  time 
longer. 

This  opinion  was  soon  changed.  The  movements  of  the  British 
general  indicated  clearly  an  intention  either  to  break  their  line 
of  communication,  or  to  enclose  the  whole  army  in  York 
Island.  His  dispositions  were  alike  calculated  to  favour  the  one  or  the 
other  of  those  objects.  The  general,  who  had  continued  to  employ  him- 
self assiduously  in  the  removal  of  the  military  stores  to  a  place  of  safe- 
ty,* called  a  second  council  to  deliberate  on  the  farther 
defence  of  the  city,  which  determined,  by  a  large  majority, 
that  it  had  become  not  only  prudent,  but  absolutely  necessary  to  with- 
draw the  army  from  New  York. 

In  consequence  of- this  determination,  Brigadier  General  Mercer,  who 
commanded  the  flying  camp  on  the  Jersey  shore,  was  directed  to  move 
up  the  North  river,  to  the  post  opposite  fort  Washington;  and  every 
effort  was  used  to  expedite  the  removal  of  the  stores. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth,  three  ships  of  war  proceeded  up  the 
North  river  as  high  as  Bloomingdale ;  a  movement  which  en- 
tirely stopped  the  farther  removal  of  stores  by  water.  About 
eleven  on  the  same  day,  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  a  division  of  four  thou- 
sand men  who  had  embarked  at  the  head  of  New  Town  bay,  where  they 
had  lain  concealed  from  the  view  of  the  troops  posted  on  York  Island, 
proceeded  through  that  bay  into  the  East  river,  which  he  crossed ;  and, 
under  cover  of  the  fire  of  five  men  of  war,  landed  at  a  place  called 
Kipp's  bay,  about  three  miles  above  New  York. 

The  works  thrown  up  to  oppose  a  landing  at  this  place,  were  of  con- 
siderable strength,  and  capable  of  being  defended  for  some  time ;  but  the 
troops  stationed  in  them  abandoned  them  without  waiting  to  be  attacked, 
and  fled  with  precipitation.  On  the  commencement  of  the  cannonade. 
General  Washington  ordered  the  brigades  of  Parsons  and  Fellowes  to  the 
support  of  the  troops  posted  in  the  lines,  and  rode  himself  towards  the 
scene  of  action.  The  panic  of  those  who  had  fled  from  the  works,  was 
communicated  to  the  troops  ordered  to  sustain  them;  and  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief had  the  extreme  mortification  to  meet  the  whole  party 

*  He  had,  on  the  first  appearance  of  the  enemy  in  force  before  New  York,  urged 
the  removal  of  the  women  and  children,  with  their  most  valuable  effects,  to  a  place  ot 
safety. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  101 

retreating  in  the  utmost  disorder,  totally  regardless  of  the  great  efforts 
made  by  their  generals  to  stop  their  disgraceful  flight.  Whilst  General 
Washington  was  exerting  himself  to  rally  them,  a  small  corps  of  the 
enemy  appeared ;  and  they  again  broke  and  fled  in  confusion.  The  only 
part  to  be  taken  was  immediately  to  withdraw  the  few  remaining  troops 
from  New  York,  and  to  secure  the  posts  on  the  heights.  For  this  latter 
purpose,  the  lines  were  instantly  manned ;  but  no  attempt  was  made  to 
force  them.  The  retreat  from  New  York  was  effected  with  an  incon- 
siderable loss  of  men,  sustained  in  a  skirmish  at  Bloomingdale ;  but  all 
the  heavy  artillery,  and  a  large  portion  of  the  baggage,  provisions,  and 
military  stores,  much  of  which  might  have  been  saved  had  the  post  at 
Kipp's  bay  been  properly  defended,  were  unavoidably  abandoned.  In 
this  shameful  day,  one  colonel,  one  captain,  three  subalterns,  and  ten 
privates  were  killed :  one  lieutenant  colonel,  one  captain,  and  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty-seven  privates  were  missing. 

The  unsoldierly  conduct  displayed  on  this  occasion  was  not  attri- 
butable to  a  want  of  personal  courage,  but  to  other  causes.  The  appre- 
hensions excited  by  the  defeat  on  Long  Island  had  not  yet  subsided ; 
nor  had  the  American  troops  recovered  their  confidence  either  in  them- 
selves or  in  their  commanders.  Their  situation  appeared  to  themselves 
to  be  perilous ;  and  they  had  not  yet  acquired  that  temper  which  teaches 
the  veteran  to  do  his  duty  wherever  he  may  be  placed ;  to  assure  him- 
self that  others  will  do  their  duty  likewise  ;  and  to  rely  that  those,  who 
take  into  view  the  situation  of  the  whole,  will  not  expose  him  to  useless 
hazard ;  or  neglect  those  precautions  which  the  safety  and  advantage 
of  the  whole  may  require. 

Unfortunately,  there  existed  in  a  great  part  of  the  army,  several 
causes,  in  addition  to  the  shortness  of  enlistments  and  reliance  on  militia, 
which  were  but  too  operative  in  obstructing  the  progress  of  these  military 
sentiments.  In  New  England,  whence  the  supplies  of  men  had  been 
principally  drawn,  the  zeal  excited  by  the  revolution  had  taken  such  a 
direction,  as  in  a  great  degree  to  abolish  those  distinctions  between  the 
platoon  officers  and  the  soldiers,  which-  are  indispensable  to  the  forma- 
tion of  an  army  suited  to  all  the  purposes  of  war.  It  has  been  already 
said  that  these  officers,  who  constitute  an  important  part  of  every  army, 
were,  in  many  companies,  elected  by  the  privates.  Of  consequence,  a 
disposition  to  associate  with  them  on  the  footing  of  equality,  was  a  re 
commendation  of  more  weight,  and  frequently  conduced  more  to  the 
choice,  than  individual  merit.  Gentlemen  of  high  rank  have  stated  that, 
in  some  instances,  men  were  elected,  who  agreed  to  put  their  pay  in  a 
common  stock  with  that  of  the  soldiers,  and  divide  equally  with  them. 


102  THE  LIFE  OF 

.  It  is  not  cause  of  wonder,  that  among  such  officers,  the  most  disgraceful 
and  unmilitary  practices  should  frequently  prevail ;  and  that  the  privates 
should  not  respect  them  sufficiently,  to  acquire  habits  of  obedience  and 
subordination.  This  vital  defect  had  been  in  some  degree  remedied,  in 
new  modelling  the  army  before  Boston ;  but  it  still  existed  to  a  fatal 
extent. 

Having  taken  possession  of  New  York,  General  Howe  stationed  a  few 
troops  in  the  town ;  and,  with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  en- 
camped on  the  island  near  the  American  lines.  His  right  was 
at  Keren's  Hook  on  the  East  river,  and  his  left  reached  the  North  river 
near  Bloomingdale ;  so  that  his  encampment  extended  quite  across  the 
island,  which  isj  in  this  place,  scarcely  two  miles  wide ;  and  both  his 
flanks  were  covered  by  his  ships. 

The  strongest  point  of  the  American  lines  was  at  Kingsbridge,  both 
sides  of  which  had  been  carefully  fortified.  M'Gowan's  Pass,  and  Mor- 
ris's Heights  were  also  occupied  in  considerable  force,  and  rendered  ca- 
pable of  being  defended  against  superior  numbers.  A  strong  detach- 
ment was  posted  in  an  intrenched  camp  on  the  heights  of  Haerlem, 
within  about  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  British  lines. 

The  present  position  of  the  armies  favoured  the  views  of  the  Ameri- 
can General.  He  wished  to  habituate  his  soldiers,  by  a  series  of  suc- 
cessful skirmishes,  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the  field ;  and  he  persuaded 
himself  that  his  detachments,  knowing  a  strong  intrenched  camp  to  be 
immediately  in  their  rear,  would  engage  without  apprehension,  would 
soon  display  their  native  courage,  and  would  speedily  regain  the  confi- 
dence they  had  lost. 

Opportunities  to  make  the  experiments  he  wished  were  soon  afforded. 
The  day  after  the  retreat  from  New  York,  the  British  appeared 
in  considerable  force  in  the  plains  between  the  two  camps ; 
and  the  General  immediately  rode  to  his  advanced  posts,  in  order  to 
make  in  person  such  arrangements  as  this  movement  might  require. 
Soon  after  his  arrival,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Knowlton  of  Connecticut,  who, 
at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  rangers,  had  been  skirmishing  with  this  party, 
came  in,  and  stated  their  numbers  on  conjecture  at  about  three  hundred 
men  ;  the  main  body  being  concealed  in  a  wood. 

The  General  ordered  Colonel  Knowlton  with  his  rangers,  and  Majoi 
Leitch  with  three  companies  of  the  third  Virginia  regiment,  which  had 
joined  the  army  only  the  preceding  day,  to  gain  their  rear,  while  he 
amused  them  with  the  appearance  of  making  dispositions  to  attack  theii 
front. 

This  plan  succeeded.    The  British  ran  eagerly  down  a  hill,  in  ordei 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  103 

to  possess  themselves  of  some  fences  and  bushes,  which  presented  an 
advantageous  position  against  the  party  expected  in  front ;  and  a  firing 
commenced — but  at  too  great  a  distance  to  do  any  execution.  In  the 
mean  time,  Colonel  Knowlton,  not  being  precisely  acquainted  with  their 
new  position,  made  his  attack  rather  on  their  flank  than  rear ;  and  a 
warm  action  ensued. 

In  a  short  time,  Major  Leitch,  who  had  led  the  detachment  with  great 
intrepidity,  was  brought  off  the  ground  mortally  wounded,  having  re- 
ceived three  balls  through  his  body ;  and  soon  afterwards  the  gallant 
Colonel  Knowlton  also  fell.  Not  discouraged  by  the  loss  of  their  field 
officers,  the  captains  maintained  their  ground,  and  continued  the  action 
with  great  animation.  The  British  were  reinforced ;  and  General  Wash- 
ington ordered  some  detachments  from  the  adjacent  regiments  of  New 
England  and  Maryland,  to  the  support  of  the  Americans.  Thus  rein- 
forced, they  made  a  gallant  charge,  drove  the  enemy  out  of  the  wood 
into  the  plain,  and  were  pressing  him  still  farther,  when  the  General, 
content  with  the  present  advantage,  called  back  his  troops  to  their  in- 
trenchments.* 

In  this  sharp  conflict,  the  loss  of  the  Americans,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
did  not  exceed  fifty  men.  The  British  lost  more  than  double  that  num- 
ber. But  the  real  importance  of  the  affair  was  derived  from  its  opera- 
tion on  the  spirits  of  the  whole  army.  It  was  the  first  success  they  had 
obtained  during  this  campaign ;  and  its  influence  was  very  discernible. 
To  give  it  the  more  effect,  the  parole  the  next  day  was  Leitch ;  and  the 
General,  in  his  orders,  publicly  thanked  the  troops  under  the  command 
of  that  officer,  who  had  first  advanced  on  the  enemy,  and  the  others  who 
had  so  resolutely  supported  them.  He  contrasted  their  conduct  with 
that  which  had  been  exhibited  the  day  before;  and  the  result,  he  said, 
evidenced  what  might  be  done  where  officers  and  soldiers  would  exert 
themselves.  Once  more,  therefore,  he  called  upon  them  so  to  act,  as 
not  to  disgrace  the  noble  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged.  He  ap- 
pointed a  successor  to  "the  gallant  and  brave  Colonel  Knowlton,  who 
would,"  he  said,  "  have  been  an  honour  to  any  country,  and  who  had 
fallen  gloriously,  fighting  at  his  post." 

In  this  active  part  of  the  campaign,  when  the  utmost  stretch  of  every 
faculty  was  required,  to  watch  and  counteract  the  plans  of  a  skilful  and 
powerful  enemy,  the  effects  of  the  original  errors  committed  by  the  go- 
vernment, hi  its  military  establishment,  were  beginning  to  be  so  seriously 

*  The  author  received  the  account  of  this  skirmish  from  the  Colonel  of  the  third 
Virginia  Regiment,  and  from  the  Captains  commanding  the  companies  that  were 


104  THE  LIFE  OF 

felt,  as  to  compel  the  Commander-in-chief  to  devote  a  portion  of  his 
time  and  attention  to  the  complete  removal  of  the  causes  which  produced 
them. 

The  situation  of  America  was  becoming  extremely  critical.  The  al- 
most entire  dissolution  of  the  existing  army,  by  the  expiration  of  the 
time  for  which  the  greater  number  of  the  troops  had  been  engaged,  was 
fast  approaching.  No  steps  had  been  taken  to  recruit  the  new  regi- 
ments which  congress  had  resolved  to  raise  for  the  ensuing  campaign; 
and  there  was  much  reason  to  apprehend,  that  in  the  actual  state  of 
things,  the  terms  offered  would  not  hold  forth  sufficient  inducements  to 
fill  them. 

With  so  unpromising.a  prospect  before  him,  the  General  found  him- 
self pressed  by  an  army,  permanent  in  its  establishment,  supplied  with 
every  requisite  of  war,  formidable  for  its  discipline  and  the  experience 
of  its  leaders,  and  superior  to  him  in  numbers.  These  circumstances, 
and  the  impressions  they  created,  will  be  best  exhibited  by  an  extract 
from  a  letter  written  at  the  time  to  congress.  It  is  in  these 
words :  "  From  the  hours  allotted  to  sleep,  I  will  borrow  a  few 
moments  to  convey  my  thoughts,  on  sundry  important  matters,  to  con- 
gress. I  shall  offer  them  with  that  sincerity  which  ought  to  characterize 
a  man  of  candour ;  and  with  the  freedom  which  may  be  used  in  giving 
useful  information,  without  incurring  the  imputation  of  presumption. 

"  We  are  now,  as  it  were,  upon  the  eve  of  another  dissolution  of  our 
army.  The  remembrance  of  the  difficulties  which  happened  upon  that 
occasion  last  year;  the  consequences  which  might  have  followed  the 
change,  if  proper  advantages  had  been  taken  by  the  enemy ;  added  to 
a  knowledge  of  the  present  temper  and  disposition  of  the  troops ;  re- 
flect but  a  very  gloomy  prospect  upon  the  appearance  of  things  now, 
and  satisfy  me,  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt,  that  unless  some  speedy 
and  effectual  measures  are  adopted  by  congress,  our  cause  will  be  lost. 

"  It  is  in  vain  to  expect  that  any,  or  more  than  a  trifling  part  of  this 
army,  will  engage  again  in  the  service,  on  the  encouragement  offered 
by  congress.  When  men  find  that  their  townsmen  and  companions  are 
receiving  twenty,  thirty,  and  more  dollars,  for  a  few  months  service, 
(which  is  truly  the  case,)  this  can  not  be  expected,  without  using  com- 
pulsion ;  and  to  force  them  into  the  service  would  answer  no  valuable 
purpose.  When  men  are  irritated,  and  their  passions  inflamed,  they  fly 
hastily  and  cheerfully  to  arms  ;  but  after  the  first  emotions  are  over,  to 
expect  among  such  people  as  compose  the  bulk  of  an  army,  that  they 
are  influenced  by  any  other  motives  than  those  of  interest,  is  to  look  for 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  •       105 

what  never  did,  and  I  fear  never  will  happen  ;  the  congress  will  deceive 
themselves  therefore  if  they  expect  it. 

"  A  soldier,  reasoned  with  upon  the  goodness  of  the  cause  he  is  en- 
gaged in,  and  the  inestimable  rights  he  is  contending  for,  hears  you 
with  patience,  and  acknowledges  the  truth  of  your  observations ;  but 
adds,  that  it  is  of  no  more  consequence  to  him  than  to  others.  The 
officer  makes  you  the  same  reply,  with  this  further  remark,  that  his  pay 
will  not  support  him,  and  he  can  not  ruin  himself  and  family  to  serve 
his  country,  when  every  member  of  the  community  is  equally  benefited 
and  interested  by  his  labours.  The  few,  therefore,  who  act  upon  prin- 
ciples of  disinterestedness,  are,  comparatively  speaking,  no  more  than  a 
drop  in  the  ocean.  It  becomes  evidently  clear,  then,  that  as  this  contest 
is  not  likely  to  become  the  work  of  a  day ;  as  the  war  must  be  carried 
on  systematically ;  and  to  do  it,  you  must  have  good  officers ;  there  is, 
in  my  judgment,  no  other  possible  means  to  obtain  them,  but  by  esta- 
blishing your  army  upon  a  permanen^  footing,  and  giving  your  officers 
good  pay.  This  will  induce  gentlemen,  and  men  of  character,  to  en- 
gage ;  and,  until  the  bulk  of  your  officers  are  composed  of  such  persons 
as  are  actuated  by  principles  of  honour  and  a  spirit  of  enterprise,  you 
have  little  to  expect  from  them.  They  ought  to  have  such  allowances 
as  will  enable  them  to  live  like,  and  support  the  character  of  gentlemen ; 
and  not  be  driven  by  a  scanty  pittance  to  the  low  and  dirty  arts  which 
many  of  them  practise,  to  filch  the  public  of  more  than  the  difference  of 
pay  would  amount  to,  upon  an  ample  allowance.  Besides,  something 
is  due  to  the  man  who  puts  his  life  in  your  hands,  hazards  his  health, 
and  forsakes  the  sweets  of  domestic  enjoyments.  Why  a  captain  in  the 
continental  service,  should  receive  no  more  than  five  shillings  currency 
per  day,  for  performing  the  same  duties  that  an  officer  of  the  same  rank 
in  the  British  service  receives  ten  shillings  sterling  for,  I  never  could 
conceive ;  especially,  when  the  latter  is  provided  with  every  necessary 
he  requires,  upon  the  best  terms,  and  the  former  can  scarcely  procure 
them  at  any  rate.  There  is  nothing  that  gives  a  man  consequence,  and 
renders  him  fit  for  command,  like  a  support  that  renders  him  independ- 
ent of  every  body  but  the  state  he  serves. 

"  With  respect  to  the  men,  nothing  but  a  good  bounty  can  obtain 
them  upon  a  permanent  establishment,  and  for  no  shorter  time  than  the 
continuance  of  the  war  ought  they  to  be  engaged,*  as  facts  incontestably 
prove  that  the  difficulty  and  cost  of  enlistments  increase  with  time. 
When  the  army  was  first  raised  at  Cambridge,  I  am  persuaded  the  men 
might  have  been  got,  without  a  bounty,  for  the  war :  after  that,  they 
began  to  see  that  the  contest  was  not  likely  to  end  so  speedily  as  was 
K 


106  THE  LIFE  OF 

imagined,  and  to  feel  their  consequence,  by  remarking,  that  to  get  their 
militia,  in  the  course  of  the  last  year,  many  towns  were  induced  to  give 
them  a  bounty.  Foreseeing  the  evils  resulting  from  this,  and  the  de- 
structive consequences  which  would  unavoidably  follow  short  enlist- 
ments, I  took  the  liberty,  in  a  long  letter,  (date  not  now  recollected,  as 
my  letter  book  is  not  here,)  to  recommend  the  enlistments  for  and  dur- 
ing the  war,  assigning  such  reasons  for  it,  as  experience  has  since  con- 
vinced me,  were  well  founded.  At  that  time,  twenty  dollars  would,  I 
am  persuaded,  have  engaged  the  men  for  this  term  :  but  it  will  not  do 
to  look  back — and  if  the  present  opportunity  is  slipped,  I  am  persuaded 
that  twelve  months  more  will  increase  our  difficulties  four  fold.  I  shall 
therefore  take  the  liberty  of  giving  it  as  my  opinion,  that  a  good  bounty 
be  immediately  offered,  aided  by  the  proffer  of  at  least  a  hundred,  or  a 
hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land,  and  a  suit  of  clothes,  and  a  blanket,  to 
each  non-commissioned  officer  and  soldier,  as  I  have  good  authority  for 
saying,  that  however  high  the  men's  pay  may  appear,  it  is  barely  suffi- 
cient, in  the  present  scarcity  and  dearness  of  all  kinds  of  goods,  to  keep 
them  in  clothes,  much  less  to  afford  support  to  their  families.  If  this 
encouragement,  then,  is  given  to  the  men,  and  such  pay  allowed  to  the 
officers,  as  will  induce  gentlemen  of  liberal  character  and  liberal  senti 
ments  to  engage ;  and  proper  care  and  caution  be  used  in  the  nomina 
tion,  (having  more  regard  to  the  characters  of  persons  than  the  number 
of  men  they  can  enlist,)  we  should,  in  a  little  time,  have  an  army  able 
to  cope  with  any  that  can  be  opposed  to  it,  as  there  are  excellent  mate- 
rials to  form  one  out  of:  but  whilst  the  only  merit  an  officer  possesses 
is  his  ability  to  raise  men ;  whilst  those  men  consider  and  treat  him  as 
an  equal,  and  in  the  character  of  an  officer,  regard  him  no  more  than  a 
broomstick,  being  mixed  together  as  one  common  herd ;  no  order  nor 
discipline  can  prevail,  nor  will  the  officer  ever  meet  with  that  respect 
which  is  essentially  necessary  to  due  subordination. 

"  To  place  any  dependence  upon  militia,  is  assuredly  resting  upon  a 
broken  staff.  Men  just  dragged  from  the  tender  scenes  of  domestic  life ; 
unaccustomed  to  the  din  of  arms ;  totally  unacquainted  with  every  kind 
of  military  skill,  which,  being  followed  by  a  want  of  confidence  in  them- 
selves, when  opposed  to  troops  regularly  trained,  disciplined,  and  ap- 
pointed— superior  in  knowledge,  and  superior  in  arms — makes  them 
timid,  and  ready  to  fly  from  their  own  shadows.  Besides,  the  sudden 
change  in  their  manner  of  living,  particularly  in  their  lodging,  brings  on 
sickness  in  many,  impatience  in  all ;  and  such  an  unconquerable  desire 
of  returning  to  their  respective  homes,  that  it  not  only  produces  shame- 
fid  and  scandalous  desertions  among  themselves,  but  infuses  the  fike 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  107 

spirit  into  others.  Again,  men  accustomed  to  unbounded  freedom  and 
no  control,  can  not  brook  the  restraint  which  is  indispensably  necessary 
to  the  good  order  and  government  of  an  army ;  without  which,  licen- 
tiousness, and  every  kind  of  disorder,  triumphantly  reign.  To  bring 
men  to  a  proper  degree  of  subordination,  is  not  the  work  of  a  day,  a 
month,  or  a  year;  and  unhappily  for  us,  and  the  cause  we  are  engaged 
in,  the  little  discipline  I  have  been  labouring  to  establish  in  the  army 
under  my  immediate  command,  is  in  a  manner  done  away  by  having 
such  a  mixture  of  troops  as  have  been  called  together  within  these  few 
months." 

The  frequent  remonstrances  of  the  Commander-in-chief;  the  opinions 
of  all  military  men ;  and  the  severe,  but  correcting  hand  of  experience, 
had  at  length  produced  some  effect  on  the  government  of  the  union ; — 
and  soon  after  the  defeat  on  Long  Island,  congress  had  directed  the 
committee  composing  the  board  of  war,  to  prepare  a  plan  of  operations 
for  the  next  succeeding  campaign.  Their  report  proposed  a  permanent 
army,  to  be  enlisted  for  the  war,  and  to  be  raised  by  the  several  states, 
in  proportion  to  their  ability.  A  bounty  of  twenty  dollars  was  offered  to 
each  recruit ;  and  small  portions  of  land  to  every  officer  and  soldier. 

The  resolutions  adopting  this  report  were  received  by  the  Command- 
er-in-chief soon  after  the  transmission  of  the  foregoing  letter.  Believing 
the  inducements  they  held  forth  for  the  completion  of  the  army  to  be 
still  insufficient,  he,  in  his  letter  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  them, 
urged  in  the  most  serious  terms,  the  necessity  of  raising  the  pay  of  the 
officers,  and  the  bounty  offered  to  recruits.  "  Give  me  leave  to  say,  sir, 
"  he  observed,"  I  say  it  with  due  deference  and  respect,  (and  my  know- 
ledge of  the  facts,  added  to  the  importance  of  the  cause,  and  the  stake  I 
hold  it  in,  must  justify  the  freedom,)  that  your  affairs  are  in  a  more 
unpromising  way  than  you  seem  to  apprehend. 

"  Your  army,  as  mentioned  in  my  last,  is  upon  the  eve  of  political 
dissolution.  True  it  is,  you  have  voted  a  larger  one  in  lieu  of  it;  but 
the  season  is  late,  and  there  is  a  material  difference  between  voting  bat- 
talions, and  raising  men.  In  the  latter,  there  are  more  difficulties  than 
Congress  seem  aware  of;  which  makes  it  my  duty  (as  I  have  been  in- 
formed  of  the  prevailing  sentiments  of  this  army)  to  inform  them,  that 
unless  the  pay  of  the  officers  (especially  that  of  the  field  officers)  is 
raised,  the  chief  part  of  those  that  are  worth  retaining  will  leave  the 
service  at  the  expiration  of  the  present  term ;  as  the  soldiers  will  also,  if 
some  greater  encouragement  is  not  offered  them,  than  twenty  dollars  and 
one  hundred  acres  of  land." 

After  urging  in  strong  terms  the  necessity  of  a  more  liberal  compen- 


108  THE  LIFE  OF 

sation  to  the  army,  and  stating  that  the  British  were  actually  raising  a 
regiment  with  a  bounty  of  ten  pounds  sterling  for  each  recruit,  he  added, 
"  when  the  pay  and  establishment  of  an  officer  once  become  objects  ol 
interested  attention,  the  sloth,  negligence,  and  even  disobedience  of  or- 
ders, which  at  this  time  but  too  generally  prevail,  will  be  purged  off; — 
but  while  the  service  is  viewed  with  indifference;  while  the  officer  con- 
ceives that  he  is  rather  conferring  than  receiving  an  obligation :  there 
will  be  a  total  relaxation  of  all  order  and  discipline ;  and  every  thing  will 
move  heavily  on,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the  service,  and  inexpressible 
trouble  and  vexation  of  the  general. 

"  The  critical  situation  of  our  affairs  at  this  time  will  justify  my  say- 
ing, that  no  time  is  to  be  lost  in  making  fruitless  experiments.  An  un- 
availing trial  of  a  month,  to  get  an  army  upon  the  terms  proposed,  may 
render  it  impracticable  to  do  it  at  all,  and  prove  fatal  to  our  cause ;  as  I  am 
not  sure  whether  any  rubs  in  the  way  of  our  enlistments,  or  unfavour- 
able turn  in  our  affairs,  may  not  prove  the  means  of  the  enemy's  re- 
cruiting men  faster  than  we  do."  • 

After  stating  at  large  the  confusion  and  delay,  inseparable  from  the 
circumstance  that  the  appointments  for  the  new  army  were  to  be  made 
by  the  states,  the  letter  proceeds,  "  upon  the  present  plan,  I  plainly  fore- 
see an  intervention  of  time  between  the  old  and  new  army,  which  must  be 
filled  with  militia,  if  to  be  had,  with  whom  no  man,  who  has  any  regard 
for  his  own  reputation,  can  undertake  to  be  answerable  for  consequen- 
ces. I  shall  also  be  mistaken  in  my  conjectures,  if  we  do  not  lose  the 
most  valuable  officers  in  this  army,  under  the  present  mode  of  appoint- 
ing them;  consequently,  if  we  have  an  army  at  all,  it  will  be  composed 
of  materials  not  only  entirely  raw,  but,  if  uncommon  pains  are  not  taken, 
entirely  unfit :  and  I  see  such  a  distrust  and  jealousy  of  military  power, 
that  the  Commander-in-chief  has  not  an  opportunity,  even  by  recom- 
mendation, to  give  the  least  assurances  of  reward  for  the  most  essential 
services. 

"In  a  word,  such  a  cloud  of  perplexing  circumstances  appears  before 
me,  without  one  flattering  hope,  that  I  am  thoroughly  convinced,  unless 
the  most  vigorous  and  decisive  exertions  are  immediately  adopted  to  re 
medy  these  evils,  the  certain  and  absolute  loss  of  our  liberties  will  be  th« 
inevitable  consequence :  as  one  unhappy  stroke  will  throw  a  powerful 
weight  into  the  scale  against  us,  and  enable  General  Howe  to  recruit 
his  army,  as  fast  as  we  shall  ours ;  numbers  being  disposed,  and  many 
actually  doing  so  already.  Some  of  the  most  probable  remedies,  and 
such  as  experience  has  brought  to  my  more  intimate  knowledge,  I  havo 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  109 

taken  the  liberty  to  point  out ;  the  rest  I  beg  leave  to  submit  to  the  con- 
sideration of  congress. 

"  I  ask  pardon  for  taking  up  so  much  of  their  time  with  my  opinions, 
but  I  should  betray  that  trust  which  they  and  my  country  have  reposed 
in  me,  were  I  to  be  silent  upon  matters  so  extremely  interesting." 

On  receiving  this  very  serious  letter,  congress  passed  resolutions  con- 
forming to  many  of  its  suggestions.  The  pay  of  the  officers  was  raised, 
and  a  suit  of  clothes  allowed  annually  to  each  soldier :  The  legislatures 
of  the  states  having  troops  in  the  continental  service,  either  at  New 
York,  Ticonderoga,  or  New  Jersey,  were  requested  to  depute  commit- 
tees to  those  places  in  order  to  officer  the  regiments  on  the  new  esta- 
blishment :  and  it  was  recommended  to  the  committees  to  consult  the 
General  on  the  subject  of  appointments. 


VOL.  i. 


I 


110  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  British  land  at  Frog's  Neck. — The  American  array  evacuates  York  Island, 
except  fort  Washington. — Both  armies  move  towards  the  White  Plains. — Battle 
of  the  White  Plains. — The  British  army  returns  to  Kingsbridge. — General  Wash- 
ington crosses  the  North  river. — The  lines  of  fort  Washington  carried  by  the 
British,  and  the  garrison  made  prisoners. — Evacuation  of  fort  Lee. — Weakness 
of  the  American  army. — Ineffectual  attempts  to  raise  the  militia. — General  Wash- 
ington retreats  through  Jersey. — Capture  of  General  Lee. — General  Washington 
crosses  the  Delaware. — Danger  of  Philadelphia. — The  British  go  into  winter 
quarters. — Battle  of  Trenton. — Of  Princeton. — Firmness  of  congress. 

THE  armies  did  not  long  retain  their  position  on  York  Island.  Gene- 
ral Howe  was  sensible  of  the  strength  of  the  American  camp,  and  was 
not  disposed  to  force  it.  His  plan  was  to  compel  General  Washington 
to  abandon  it,  or  to  give  battle  in  a  situation  in  which  a  defeat  must  be 
attended  with  the  total  destruction  of  his  army.  With  this  view,  after 
throwing  up  entrenchments  on  M'Gowan's  hill  for  the  protection  of  New 
York,  he  determined  to  gain  the  rear  of  the  American  camp,  by  the 
New  England  road,  and  also  to  possess  himself  of  the  North  river  above 
Kingsbridge.  To  assure  himself  of  the  practicability  of  acquiring  the 
command  of  the  river,  three  frigates  passed  up  it  under  the  fire  from  fort 
Washington,  and  from  the  opposite  post  on  the  Jersey  shore,  afterwards 

1776.      called  fort  Lee,  without  sustaining  any  injury  from  the  batte- 

Oct.  9.  rieS}  or  being  impeded  by  the  chevaux-de-frise  which  had  been 
sunk  in  the  channel  between  those  forts. 

This  point  being  ascertained,  he  embarked  a  great  part  of  his  army 
on  board  flat  bottomed  boats,  and,  passing  through  Hurl  Gate 
into  the  Sound,  landed  at  Frog's  Neck,  about  nine  miles  from 
the  camp  on  the  heights  of  Haerlem. 

In  consequence  of  this  movement,  Washington  strengthened  the  post 
at  Kingsbridge,  and  detached  some  regiments  to  West  Chester  for  the 
purpose  of  skirmishing  with  the  enemy,  so  soon  as  he  should  march 
from  the  ground  he  occupied.  The  road  from  Frog's  Point  to  Kings- 
bridge  leads  through  a  strong  country,  intersected  by  numerous  stone 
fences,  so  as  to  render  it  difficult  to  move  artillery,  or  even  infantry,  in 
compact  columns,  except  along  the  main  road,  which  had  been  broken 
up  in  several  places.  The  General,  therefore,  entertained  sanguine 
hopes  of  the  event,  should  a  direct  attack  be  made  on  his  camp. 

General  Howe  continued  some  days  waiting  for  his  artillery,  military 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  Ill 

stores,  and  reinforcements  from  Staten  Island,  which  were  detained  by 
unfavourable  winds. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  the  habits  of  thinking  in  America  required  that 
every  important  measure  should  be  the  result  of  consultation,  and  should 
receive  the  approbation  of  a  majority,  the  propriety  of  removing  the 
American  army  from  its  present  situation  was  submitted  to  a 
council  of  the  general  officers.  After  much  investigation,  it 
was  declared  to  be  impracticable,  without  a  change  of  position,  to  keep 
up  their  communication  with  the  country,  and  avoid  being  compelled  to 
fight  under  great  disadvantages,  or  to  surrender  themselves  prisoners  of 
war.  General  Lee,  who  had  just  arrived  from  the  south,  and  whose 
experience  as  well  as  late  success  gave  great  weight  to  his  opinions, 
urged  the  necessity  of  this  movement  with  much  earnestness.  It  was, 
at  the  same  time,  determined  to  hold  fort  Washington,  and  to  defend  it 
as  long  as  possible.  A  resolution  of  congress  of  the  llth  of  October, 
desiring  General  Washington,  by  every  art  and  expense,  to  obstruct,  if 
possible,  the  navigation  of  the  river,  contributed,  not  inconsiderably,  to 
this  determination. 

In  pursuance  of  this  opinion  of  the  military  council,  measures  were 
taken  for  moving  the  army  up  the  North  River,  so  as  to  extend  its  front, 
or  left,  towards  the  White  Plains,  beyond  the  British  right,  and  thus  keep 
open  its  communication  with  the  country.  The  right,  or  rear  division, 
remained  a  few  days  longer  about  Kingsbridge  under  the  command  of 
General  Lee,  for  the  security  of  the  heavy  baggage  and  military  stores, 
which,  in  consequence  of  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  wagons,  could  be 
but  slowly  removed. 

General  Howe,  after  uniting  his  forces  at  Pell's  Point,  moved  forward 
his  whole  army,  except  four  brigades  destined  for  the  defence 
of  New  York,  through  Pelham's  manor,  towards  New  Ro- 
chelle.     Some  skirmishes  took  place  on  the  march  with  a  part  of  Glo- 
ver's brigade,  in  which  the  conduct  of  the  Americans  was  mentioned  with 
satisfaction  by  the  Commander-in-chief;  and,  as  General  Howe  took 
post  at  New  Rochelle,%  village  on  the  Sound,  General  Wash- 
ington occupied  the  heights  between  that  place  and  the  North 
River. 

At  New  Rochelle,  the  British  army  was  joined  by  the  second  division 
of  Germans,  under  the  command  of  General  Knyphausen,  and  by  an 
incomplete  regiment  of  cavalry  from  Ireland ;  some  of  whom  had  been 
captured  on  their  passage.  Both  armies  now  moved  towards  the  White 
Plains,  a  strong  piece  of  ground  already  occupied  by  a  detachment  of 
militia.  The  main  body  of  the  American  troops  formed  a  long  line  of 


112  THE  LIFE  OF 

entrenched  camps,  extending  from  twelve  to  thirteen  miles,  on  the  dif- 
ferent heights  from  Valentine's  Hill,  near  Kingsbridge,  to  the  White 
Plains,  fronting  the  British  line  of  march,  and  the  Brunx,  which  divided 
the  two  armies.  The  motions  of  General  Howe  were  anxiously  watched, 
not  only  for  the  purposes  of  security,  and  of  avoiding  a  general  action, 
but  in  order  to  seize  any  occasion  which  might  present  itself  of  engag- 
ing his  out-posts  with  advantage.  While  the  British  army  lay  at  New 
Rochelle,  the  position  of  a  corps  of  American  loyalists  commanded  by 
Major  Rogers,  was  supposed  to  furnish  such  an  occasion.  He  was  ad- 
vanced, farther  eastward,  to  Mamaraneck,  on  the  Sound,  where  he  was 
believed  to  be  covered  by  the  other  troops.  An  attempt  was  made  to 
surprise  him  in  the  night,  by  a  detachment  which  should  pass  between 
him  and  the  main  body  of  the  British  army,  and,  by  a  coup  de  main, 
bear  off  his  whole  corps.  Major  Rogers  was  surprised,  and  about  sixty 
of  his  regiment  killed  and  taken.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  only 
two  killed,  and  eight  or  ten  wounded ;  among  the  latter  was  Major  Green 
of  Virginia,  a  brave  officer,  who  led  the  detachment,  and  who  received 
a  ball  through  his  body. 

Not  long  afterwards,  a  regiment  of  Pennsylvania  riflemen,  under 
Colonel  Hand,  engaged  an  equal  number  of  Hessian  chasseurs,  with 
some  advantage. 

The  caution  of  the  English  general  was  increased  by  these  evidences 
of  enterprise  in  his  adversary.  His  object  seems  to  have  been  to  avoid 
skirmishes,  and  to  bring  on  a  general  action,  if  that  could  be  effected 
under  favourable  circumstances;  if  not,  he  calculated  on  nearly  all  the 
advantages  of  a  victory  from  the  approaching  dissolution  of  the  American 
army.  He  proceeded  therefore  slowly.  His  march  was  in  close  order, 
his  encampments  compact,  and  well  guarded  with  artillery ;  and  the  ut- 
most circumspection  was  used  to  leave  no  vulnerable  point. 

As  the  sick  and  baggage  reached  a  place  of  safety,  General  Wash- 
ington gradually  drew  in  his  out-posts,  and  took  possession  of  the  heights 
on  the  east  side  of  the  Brunx,  fronting  the  head  of  the  British  columns, 
at  the  distance  of  seven  or  eight  miles  from  them.  The  next  day,  he 
was  joined  by  General  Lee,  who,  after  securing  the  sick  and  the  bag- 
gage, had,  with  considerable  address,  brought  up  the  rear  division  of 
the  army  ;  an  operation  the  more  difficult  as  the  deficiency  of  teams  was 
such  that  a  large  portion  of  the  labour  usually  performed  by  horses  or 
oxen,  devolved  on  men. 

General  Washington  was  encamped  on  high  broken  ground,  with  his 
right  flank  on  the  Brunx.  This  stream  meandered  so  as  also  to  cover 
the  front  of  his  right  wing,  which  extended  along  the  road  leading  to- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  113 

wards  New  Rochelle,  as  far  as  the  brow  of  the  hill  where  his  centre  was 
posted.  His  left,  which  formed  almost  a  right  angle  with  his  centre, 
and  was  nearly  parallel  to  his  right,  extended  along  the  hills  northward, 
so  as  to  keep  possession  of  the  commanding  ground,  and  secure  a  retreat, 
should  it  be  necessary,  to  a  still  stronger  position  in  his  rear. 

On  the  right  of  the  army,  and  on  the  west  side  of  the  Brunx,  about 
one  mile  from  camp,  on  a  road  leading  from  the  North  River,  was  a  hill, 
of  which  General  M'Dougal  was  ordered  to  take  possession,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  covering  the  right  flank.  His  detachment  consisted  of  about 
sixteen  hundred  men,  principally  militia ;  and  his  communication  with 
the  main  army  was  open,  that  part  of  the  Brunx  being  passable  without 
difficulty. 

Intrenchments  were  thrown  up  to  strengthen  the  lines. 

General  Howe,  having  made  arrangements  to  attack  Washington  in 
his  camp,  advanced  early  in  the  morning  in  two  columns,  the 
right   commanded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and   the   left  by 
General  Knyphausen ;  and,  about  ten,  his  van  appeared  in  full  view,  on 
which  a  cannonade  commenced  without  much  execution  on  either  side. 

The  British  right  formed  behind  a  rising  ground,  about  a  mile  in  front 
of  the  American  camp,  and  extending  from  the  road  leading  from  Ma- 
maraneck  towards  the  Brunx,  stood  opposed  to  the  American  centre. 

On  viewing  Washington's  situation,  Howe,  who  accompanied  Knyp- 
hausen, determined  to  carry  the  hill  occupied  by  M'Dougal,  as  prelimi- 
nary to  an  attack  on  the  centre  and  right  of  the  American  camp.  He 
therefore  directed  Colonel  Rawle,  with  a  brigade  of  Hessians,  to  cross  the 
Brunx  and  make  a  circuit  so  as  to  turn  M'Dougal's  right  flank,  while 
Brigadier  General  Leslie,  with  a  strong  corps  of  British  and  Hessian 
troops  should  attack  him  in  front.  When  Rawle  had  gained  his  posi- 
tion, the  detachment  commanded  by  Leslie  also  crossed  the  Brunx,  and 
commenced  a  vigorous  attack.*  The  militia  in  the  front  line  immediately 
fled;  but  the  regulars  maintained  their  ground  with  great  gallantry. 
Colonel  Smallwood's  regiment  of  Maryland,  and  Colonel  Reitzimer's  of 
New  York,  advanced  boldly  towards  the  foot  of  the  hill  to  meet  Leslie, 
but,  after  a  sharp  encounter,  were  overpowered  by  numbers,  and  com- 
pelled to  retreat.  General  Leslie  then  attacked  the  remaining  part  of 
M'Dougal's  forces,  who  were  soon  driven  from  the  hill,  but  kept  up  for 
some  time  an  irregular  fire  from  the  stone  walls  about  the  scene  of  ac- 
tion. General  Putnam,  with  Beal's  brigade,  was  ordered  to  support 
them ;  but  not  having  arrived  till  the  hill  was  lost,  the  attempt  to  regain 
it  was  deemed  unadviseable,  and  the  troops  retreated  to  the  main  army. 
*  General  Howe's  Letter. 


114  THE  LIFE  OF 

In  this  animated  engagement,  the  loss  was  supposed  to  be  nearly 
equal.  That  of  the  Americans  was  between  three  and  four  hundred  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  taken.  Colonel  Smallwood  was  among  the 
wounded. 

General  Washington  continued  in  his  lines  expecting  an  assault.  But 
a  considerable  part  of  the  day  having  been  exhausted  in  gaining  the  hill 
which  had  been  occupied  by  M'Dougal,  the  meditated  attempt  on  his 
intrenchments  was  postponed  until  the  next  morning ;  and  the  British 
army  lay  on  their  arms  the  following  night,  in  order  of  battle,  on  the 
ground  taken  during  the  day. 

This  interval  was  employed  by  General  Washington  in  strengthening 
his  works,  removing  his  sick  and  baggage,  and  preparing  for  the  ex- 
pected attack  by  adapting  the  arrangement  of  his  troops  to  the  existing 
state  of  things.  His  left  maintained  its  position ;  but  his  right  was  drawn 
back  to  stronger  ground.  Perceiving  this,  and  being  unwilling  to  leave 
any  thing  to  hazard,  Howe  resolved  to  postpone  farther  offensive  opera- 
tions, until  Lord  Percy  should  arrive  with  four  battalions  from  New 
York,  and  two  from  Mamaraneck.  This  reinforcement  was  received  on 
the  evening  of  the  thirtieth,  and  preparations  were  then  made  to  force 
the  American  intrenchments  the  next  morning.  In  the  night,  and  during 
the  early  part  of  the  succeeding  day,  a  violent  rain  still  farther  postponed 
the  assault. 

Having  now  removed  his  provisions  and  heavy  baggage  to  much 
stronger  ground,  and  apprehending  that  the  British  general,  whose  left 
wing  extended  along  the  height,  taken  from  M'Dougal,  to  his  rear,  might 
turn  his  camp,  and  occupy  the  strong  ground  to  which  he  designed  to 
retreat,  should  an  attempt  on  his  lines  prove  successful,  General  Wash- 
ington changed  his  position  in  the  night,  and  withdrew  to  the 
heights  of  North  Castle,  about  five  miles  from  the  White 
Plains. 

Deeming  this  position  too  strong  to  be  attempted  with  prudence. 
General  Howe  determined  to  change  his  plan  of  operations,  and  to  give 
a  new  direction  to  his  efforts.* 

While  forts  Washington  and  Lee  were  held  by  the  Americans,  his 
movements  were  checked,  and  York  Island  insecure.  With  a  view  to 
the  acquisition  of  these  posts,  he  directed  General  Knyphausen  to  take 
possession  of  Kingsbridge,  which  was  defended  by  a  small  party  of 
Americans  placed  in  fort  Independence.  On  his  approach,  this  party 
retreated  to  fort  Washington ;  and  Knyphausen  encamped  between  that 
place  and  Kingsbridge. 

*  General  Howe's  letter. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  115 

In  the  mean  time,  General  Howe  retired  slowly  down  the  North  river. 
His  designs  were  immediately  penetrated  by  the  American 
general,  who  perceived  the  necessity  of  passing  a  part  of  his 
army  into  Jersey,  but  was  restrained  from  immediately  leaving    the 
strong  ground  he  occupied  by  the  apprehension  that  his  adver- 
sary  might,  in  that  event,  return  suddenly  and  gain  his  rear. 
A  council  of  war  was  called,  which  determined  unanimously,  that,  should 
General  Howe  continue  his  march  towards  New  York,  all  the  troops 
raised  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  should  cross  that  river,  to  be  af- 
terwards followed  by  those  raised  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  continent, 
leaving  three  thousand  men  for  the  defence  of  the  Highlands  about  the 
North  river. 

In  a  letter  to  congress  communicating  this  movement  of  the  British 
army,  and  this  determination  of  the  council,  the  general  said,  "  I  can  not 
indulge  the  idea  that  General  Howe,  supposing  him  to  be  going  to  New 
York,  means  to  close  the  campaign,  and  to  sit  down  without  attempting 
something  more.  I  think  it  highly  probable,  and  almost  certain,  that  he 
will  make  a  descent  with  part  of  his  troops  into  the  Jerseys ;  and,  as  soon 
as  I  am  satisfied  that  the  present  manoeuvre  is  real,  and  not  a  feint,  I 
shall  use  all  the  means  in  my  power  to  forward  a  part  of  our  force  to 
counteract  his  designs. 

"  I  expect  the  enemy  will  bend  their  force  against  fort  Washington, 
and  invest  it  immediately.  From  some  advices,  it  is  an  object  that  will 
attract  their  earliest  attention." 

He  also  addressed  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  New  Jersey,  expressing 
a  decided  opinion  that  General  Howe  would  not  content  himself  with 
investing  fort  Washington,  but  would  invade  the  Jerseys ;  and  urging 
him  to  put  the  militia  in  the  best  possible  condition  to  reinforce  the  army, 
and  to  take  the  place  of  the  new  levies,  who  could  not,  he  suggested,  be 
depended  on  to  continue  in  service  one  day  longer  than  the  first  of  De- 
cember, the  time  for  which  they  were  engaged. 

Immediate  intelligence  of  this  movement  was  likewise  given  to  General 
Greene,  who  commanded  in  the  Jerseys ;  and  his  attention  was  particu- 
larly pointed  to  fort  Washington. 

As  the  British  army  approached  Kingsbridge,  three  ships  of  war  passed 
up  the  North  river,  notwithstanding  the  fire  from  forts  Washington  and 
Lee,  and  notwithstanding  the  additional  obstructions  which  had  been 
placed  in  the  channel. 

On  being  informed  of  this,  another  letter  was  addressed  to  General 
Greene,  stating  that  this  fact  was  so  plain  a  proof  of  the  inefficacy 
of  alftthe  obstructions  thrown  in  the  river,  as  to  justify  a  change 


116  THE  LIFE  OF 

in  the  dispositions  which  had  been  made.  "  If,  continued  the  letter,  "  we 
can  not  prevent  vessels  from  passing  up,  and  the  enemy  are  possessed  of  the 
surrounding  country,  what  valuable  purpose  can  it  answer  to  attempt  to 
hold  a  post  from  which  the  expected  benefit  can  not  be  derived  ?  I  am 
therefore  inclined  to  think  it  will  not  be  prudent  to  hazard  the  men  and 
stores  at  Mount  Washington ;  but  as  you  are  on  the  spot,  I  leave  it  to 
you  to  give  such  orders  respecting  the  evacuation  of  the  place,  as  you 
may  think  most  adviseable ;  and  so  far  revoke  the  orders  given  to  Colo- 
nel Magaw  to  defend  it  to  the  last." 

Measures  were  now  taken  to  cross  the  North  River  with  the  troops 
which  had  been  raised  on  its  western  side,  and  General  Washington 
determined  to  accompany  that  division  of  the  army.  The  eastern  regi- 
ments remained  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river,  under  the  command  of 
General  Lee,  with  orders  to  join  the  Commander-in-chief,  should  the 
British  army  cross  the  Hudson. 

After  visiting  the  posts  about  Peekskill,  and  making  all  the  arrange- 
ments in  his  power  for  their  defence,  General  Washington  passed  the 
North  River  in  the  rear  of  the  troops  designed  to  act  in  the 
Jerseys,  and  proceeded  to  the  quarters  of  General  Greene,  near 
fort  Lee. 

From  too  great  a  confidence*  in  the  strength  of  fort  Washington,  and 
a  conviction  of  its  importance,  General  Greene  had  not  withdrawn  its 
garrison  under  the  discretionary  orders  he  had  received,  but  still  in- 
dulged a  hope  that  the  post  might  be  maintained,  or,  should  its  situation 
become  desperate,  that  means  might  be  found  to  transport  the  troops 
across  the  river  to  the  Jersey  shore,  which  was  defended  by  fort  Lee. 

Mount  Washington  is  a  high  piece  of  rocky  ground,  near  the  North 
River,  very  difficult  of  ascent,  especially  towards  the  north,  or  Kings- 
bridge.  The  fort  was  capable  of  containing  about  one  thousand  men ; 
but  the  lines  and  outworks,  which  were  chiefly  on  the  southern  side, 
towards  New  York,  were  drawn  quite  across  the  island.  The  ground 
was  naturally  strong,  the  approaches  difficult,  and  the  fortifications, 
though  not  sufficient  to  resist  heavy  artillery,  were  believed  to  be  in  a 
condition  to  resist  any  attempt  to  carry  them  by  storm.  The  garrison 
consisted  of  troops,  some  of  whom  were  among  the  best  in  the  American 

*  Extract  of  a  letter  from  General  Greene,  dated  September  llth,  1778. 

"  Remember  the  effect  that  the  loss  of  the  garrison  of  fort  Washington  had ;  there 
were  men  enough  to  have  defended  themselves  against  all  the  army  had  they  not  been 
struck  with  a  panic;  but,  being  most  of  them  irregular  troops,  they  lost  their  confidence 
when  the  danger  began  to  grow  pressing,  and  so  fell  a  prey  to  their  own  fears."— Lift 
of  Greene,  v.  1,  p.  121. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  117 

army ;  and  the  command  had  been  given  to  Colonel  Magaw,  a  brave  and 
intelligent  officer,  in  whom  great  confidence  was  placed. 

General  Howe,  after  retiring  from  the  White  Plains,  encamped  at  a 
small  distance  from  Kingsbridge,  on  the  heights  of  Fordham ;    „ 
and,  having  made  the  necessary  preparations  for  an  assault, 
summoned  the  garrison  to  surrender,  on  pain  of  being  put  to 
the  sword.     Colonel  Magaw  replied,  that  he  should  defend  the  place  to 
the  last  extremity,  and  communicated  the  summons  to  General  Greene 
at  fort  Lee,  who  transmitted  it  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  then  at  Hack- 
ensack.     He  immediately  rode  to  fort  Lee,  and,  though  it  was  late  in 
the  night,  was  proceeding  to  fort  Washington,  where  he  expected  to  find 
Generals  Putnam  and  Greene,  when,  in  crossing  the  river,  he  met  those 
officers  returning  from  a  visit  to  that  fort.     They  reported  that  the  gar- 
rison was  in  high  spirits,  and  would  make  a  good  defence ;  on  which  he 
returned  with  them  to  fort  Lee. 

Early  next  morning,  Colonel  Magaw  posted  his  troops,  partly  on  a  com- 
manding hill  north  of  the  fort,  partly  in  the  outermost  of  the 

Nov.  16. 
lines  drawn  across  the  island  on  the  south  of  the  fort,  and 

partly  between  those  lines,  on  the  woody  and  rocky  heights  fronting 
Haerlem  River,  where  the  ground  being  extremely  difficult  of  ascent,  the 
works  were  not  closed.  Colonel  Rawlings,  of  Maryland,  commanded  on 
the  hill  towards  Kingsbridge;  Colonel  Cadwallader,  of  Pennsylvania,  in 
the  lines,  and  Colonel  Magaw  himself  continued  in  the  fort. 

The  strength  of  the  place  had  not  deterred  the  British  general  from 
resolving  to  carry  it  by  storm ;  and,  on  receiving  the  answer  of  Colonel 
Magaw,  arrangements  were  made  for  a  vigorous  attack  next  day.  About 
ten,  the  assailants  appeared  before  the  works,  and  moved  to  the  assault 
in  four  different  quarters.  Their  first  division  consisting  of.  Hessians 
and  Waldeckers,  amounting  to  about  five  thousand  men,  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Knyphausen,  advanced  on  the  north  side  of  the  fort, 
against  the  hill  occupied  by  Colonel  Rawlings,  who  received  them  with 
great  gallantry.  The  second,  on  the  east,  consisting  of  the  British  light 
infantry  and  guards,  was  led  by  Brigadier  General  Matthews,  supported 
by  Lord  Cornwallis,  at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers  and  the  thirty-third 
regiment.  These  troops  crossed  Haerlem  River  in  boats,  under  cover 
of  the  artillery  planted  in  the  works,  which  had  been  erected  on  the  op 
posite  side  of  the  river,  and  landed  within  the  third  line  of  defence  which 
crossed  the  island.  The  third  division  was  conducted  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Stirling,  who  passed  the  river  higher  up;  and  the  fourth  by 
Lord  Percy,  accompanied  by  General  Howe  in  person.  This  division 
was  to  attack  the  lines  in  front,  on  the  south  side.* 

T 

•"  General  Howe's  letter. 


118  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  attacks  on  the  north  and  south  by  General  Knyphausen  and  Lord 
Percy,  were  made  about  the  same  instant,  on  Colonels  Rawlings  and 
Cadwallader,  who  maintained  their  ground  for  a  considerable  time;  but, 
while  Colonel  Cadwallader  was  engaged  in  the  first  line  against  Lord 
Percy,  the  second  and  third  divisions  which  had  crossed  Haerlem  River 
made  good  their  landing,  and  dispersed  the  troops  fronting  that  river,  as 
well  as  a  detachment  sent  by  Colonel  Cadwallader  to  support  them. 
These  being  overpowered,  and  the  British  advancing  between  the  fort 
and  the  lines,  it  became  necessary  to  abandon  them.  In  retreating  to 
the  fort,  some  of  the  men  were  intercepted  by  the  division  under  Colonel 
Stirling,  and  made  prisoners. 

The  resistance  on  the  north  was  of  longer  duration.  Rawlings  main- 
tained his  ground  with  firmness,  and  his  riflemen  did  vast  execution.  A 
three  gun  battery  also  played  on  Knyphausen  with  great  effect.  At 
length,  the  Hessian  columns  gained  the  summit  of  the  hill;  after  which, 
Colonel  Rawlings,  who  perceived  the  danger  which  threatened  his  rear, 
retreated  under  the  guns  of  the  fort. 

Having  carried  the  lines,  and  all  the  strong  ground  adjoining  them, 
the  British  general  again  summoned  Colonel  Magaw  to  surrender.  While 
the  capitulation  was  in  a  course  of  arrangement,  General  Washington 
sent  him  a  billet,  requesting  him  to  hold  out  until  the  evening,  when 
means  should  be  attempted  to  bring  off  the  garrison.  But  Magaw  had 
proceeded  too  far  to  retreat;  and  it  is  probable  the  place  could  not  have 
resisted  an  assault  from  so  formidable  a  force  as  threatened  it.  The 
greatest  difficulties  had  been  overcome ;  the  fort  was  too  small  to  contain 
all  the  men  ;  and  their  ammunition  was  nearly  exhausted.  Under  these 
circumstances  the  garrison  became  prisoners  of  war. 

The  loss  on  this  occasion  was  the  greatest  the  Americans  had  ever 
sustained.  The  garrison  was  stated  by  General  Washington  at  about 
two  thousand  men.  Yet,  in  a  report  published  as  from  General  Howe, 
the  number  of  prisoners  is  said  to  be  two  thousand  and  six  hundred,  ex- 
clusive of  officers.  Either  General  Howe  must  have  included  in  his  report 
persons  who  were  not  soldiers,  or  General  Washington  must  have  com- 
prehended the  regulars  only  in  his  letter.  The  last  conjecture  is  most 
probably  correct%  The  loss  of  the  assailants,  according  to  Mr.  Stedman, 
amounted  to  eight  hundred  men.  This  loss  fell  heaviest  on  the  Ger- 
mans. 

On  the  surrender  of  fort  Washington,  it  was  determined  to  evacuate 
fort  Lee;  and  a  removal  of  the  stores  was  immediately  commenced. 
Before  this  operation  could  be  completed,  a  detachment  com- 
manded by  Lord  Corawallis,  amounting  to  about  six  thousand 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  119 

men,  crossed  the  North  River  below  Dobb's  ferry,  and  endeavoured,  by 
a  rapid  march,  to  enclose  the  garrison  between  the  North  and  Hacken- 
sack  Rivers.  An  immediate  retreat  from  that  narrow  neck  of  land  had 
become  indispensable,  and  was  with  difficulty  effected.  All  the  heavy 
cannon  at  fort  Lee,  except  two  twelvfe  pounders,  with  a  considerable 
quantity  of  provisions  and  military  stores,  including  three  hundred  tents, 
were  lost. 

After  crossing  the  Hackensack,  General  Washington  posted  his  troops 
along  the  western  bank  of  that  river,  but  was  unable  to  dispute  its  pas- 
sage. At  the  head  of  about  three  thousand  effectives,  exposed,  without 
tents,  in  an  inclement  season ;  he  was  in  a  level  country,  without  a  single 
intrenching  tool,  among  people  far  from  being  zealous  in  the  American 
cause.  In  other  respects  this  situation  was  dangerous.  The  Passaic, 
in  his  rear,  after  running  several  miles  nearly  parallel  to  the  Hacken- 
sack, unites  with  that  river  below  the  ground  occupied  by  the  Americans, 
who  were  consequently  still  exposed  to  the  hazard  of  being  inclosed  be- 
tween two  rivers. 

This  gloomy  state  of  things  was  not  brightened  by  the  prospect  before 
him.  In  casting  his  eyes  around,  no  cheering  object  presented  itself. 
No  confidence  could  be  placed  on  receiving  reinforcements  from  any 
quarter.  But,  in  no  situation  could  Washington  despond.  His  exertions 
to  collect  an  army,  and  to  impede  the  progress  of  his  enemy,  were  per- 
severingly  continued.  Understanding  that  Sir  Guy  Carlton  no  longer 
threatened  Ticonderoga,  he  directed  General  Schuyler  to  has- 
ten the  troops  of  Pennsylvania  and  Jersey  to  his  assistance, 
and  ordered*  General  Lee  to  cross  the  North  River,  and  be  in  readiness 
to  join  him,  should  the  enemy  continue  the  campaign.  But,  under  the 
influence  of  the  same  fatal  cause  which  had  acted  elsewhere,  these  armies 
too  were  melting  away,  and  would  soon  be  almost  totally  dissolved. 
General  Mercer,  who  commanded  a  part  of  the  flying  camp  stationed 
about  Bergen,  was  also  called  in ;  but  these  troops  had  engaged  to  serve 
only  till  the  1st  of  December,  and,  like  the  other  six  months  men,  had 
already  abandoned  the  army  in  great  numbers.  No  hope  existed  of  re- 
taining the  remnant  after  they  should  possess  a  legal  right  to  be  dis- 
charged ;  and  there  was  not  much  probability  of  supplying  their  places 
with  other  militia.  To  New  England  he  looked  with  anxious  hope ; 
md  his  requisitions  on  those  states  received  prornpt  attention.  Six  thou- 
sand militia  from  Massachusetts,  and  a  considerable  body  from  Connec- 
ticut, were  ordered  to  his  assistance ;  but  some  delay  in  assembling  them 
*  See  note  No.  VII.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


120  THE  LIFE  OF 

was  unavoidable,  and  their  march  was  arrested  by  the  appearance  of 
the  enemy  in  their  immediate  neighbourhood. 

Three  thousand  men,  conducted  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  were  em- 
barked on  board  a  fleet  commanded  by  Sir  Peter  Parker,  sailed  late  in 
November  from  New  York,  and,  without  much  opposition,  took  posses- 
sion of  Newport.  This  invasion  excited  serious  alarm  in  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut,  and  these  states  retained  for  their  own  defence,  the 
militia  who  had  been  embodied  at  the  instance  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief. 

Not  intending  to  maintain  his  present  position,  General  Washington 
had  placed  some  regiments  along  the  Hackensack  to  afford  the  sem- 
blance of  defending  its  passage  until  his  stores  could  be  removed ;  and, 
with  the  residue  of  the  troops,  crossed  the  Passaic,  and  took  post  at 
Newark.  Soon  after  he  had  marched,  Major  General  Vaughan  appear- 
ed before  the  new  bridge  over  Hackensack.  The  American  detachment 
which  had  been  left  in  the  rear,  being  unable  to  defend  it,  broke  it  down, 
and  retired  before  him  over  the  Passaic. 

Having  entered  the  open  country,  General  Washington  determined  to 
halt  a  few  days  on  the  south  side  of  this  river,  make  some  show  of  re- 
sistance, and  endeavour  to  collect  such  a  force  as  would  keep  up  the 
semblance  of  an  army.  His  letters,  not  having  produced  such  exertions 
as  the  public  exigencies  required,  he  deputed  General  Mifflin  to  the  go- 
vernment of  Pennsylvania,  and  Colonel  Reid,  his  Adjutant  General,  to 
the  government  of  New  Jersey,  with  orders  to  represent  the  real  situa- 
tion of  the  army,  and  the  certainty  that,  without  great  reinforcements, 
Philadelphia  must  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  the  state  of  Jer- 
sey be  overrun. 

While  thus  endeavouring  to  strengthen  himself  with  militia,  he  pressed 
General  Lee  to  hasten  his  march,  and  cautioned  him  to  keep  high  enough 
up  the  country  to  avoid  the  enemy,  who,  having  got  possession  of  the 
mail  containing  one  of  his  late  letters,  would  certainly  endeavour  to  pre- 
vent the  junction  of  the  two  armies. 

This  perilous  state  of  things  was  rendered  still  moye  critical  by  indi- 
cations of  an  insurrection  in  the  county  of  Monmouth,  in  Jersey,  where 
great  numbers  favoured  the  royal  cause.  In  other  places,  too,  a  hostile 
temper  was  displayed,  and  an  indisposition  to  farther  resistance  began 
to  be  manifested  throughout  that  state.  These  appearances  obliged  him 
to  make  detachments  from  the  militia  of  his  army,  to  overawe  the  disaf- 
fected of  Monmouth,  who  were  on  the  point  of  assembling  in  force. 

As  the  British  army  crossed  the  Passaic,  General  Washington  aban- 
Nov.  28.  doned  his  position  behind  that  river ;  and  the  day  Lord  Corn- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  121 

wallis  entered  Newark,  he  retreated  to  Brunswick,  a  small  village  on  the 
Raritan. 

At  this  place,  the  levies  drawn  from  Maryland  and  Jersey  to  compose 
the  flying  camp,  became  entitled  to  their  discharge.  No  re- 
monstrances  could  detain  them ;  and  he  sustained  the  mortifi- 
cation of  seeing  his  feeble  army  still  more  enfeebled  by  being  entirely 
abandoned  by  these  troops,  in  the  face  of  an  advancing  enemy.  The 
Pennsylvania  militia  belonging  to  the  flying  camp  were  engaged  to  serve 
till  the  1st  of  January.  So  many  of  them  deserted,  that  it  was  deemed 
necessary  to  place  guards  on  the  roads,  and  ferries  over  the  Delaware, 
to  apprehend  end  send  them  back  to  camp.  The  Governor  of  New 
Jersey  was  again  pressed  for  assistance,  but  it  was  not  in  his  power  to 
furnish  the  aid  required.  The  well  affected  part  of  the  lower  country 
was  overawed  by  the  British  army ;  and  the  militia  of  Morris  and  Sus- 
sex came  out  slowly  and  reluctantly. 

While  at  Brunswick,  attempts  were  made  to  retard  the  advance  of  the 
British  army  by  movements  indicating  an  intention  to  act  on  the  offen- 
sive ;  but  this  feint  was  unavailing.  Lord  Cornwallis  continued  to  press 
forward ;  and,  as  his  advanced  guards  showed  themselves  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  bridge,  General  Washington  evacuated  the  town,  and 

marched  through  Princeton  to  Trenton.     Directions  had  al- 

Dec  2. 
ready  been  given  to  collect  all  the  boats  on  the  Delaware,  from 

Philadelphia  upwards  for  seventy  miles,  in  the  hope  that  the  progress  of 
the  enemy  might  be  stopped  at  this  river ;  and  that,  in  the  mean  time, 
reinforcements  might  arrive  which  would  enable  him  to  dispute  its 
passage. 

Having,  with  great  labour,  transported  the  few  remaining  military 
stores  and  baggage  over  the  Delaware,  he  determined  to  remain  as  long 
as  possible  on  the  northern  banks  of  that  river. 

The  army  which  was  thus  pressed  slowly  through  the  Jerseys,  was 
aided  by  no  other  cavalry  than  a  small  corps  of  badly  mounted  Connec- 
ticut militia,  commanded  by  Major  Shelden ;  and  was  almost  equally 
destitute  of  artillery.  Its  numbers,  at  no  time  during  the  retreat,  ex- 
ceeded four  thousand  men,  and  on  reaching  the  Delaware,  was  reduced 
to  less  than  three  thousand ;  of  whom,  not  quite  one  thousand  were 
militia  of  New  Jersey.  Even  among  the  continental  troops  there  were 
many  whose  term  of  service  was  about  to  expire. 

Its  defectiveness  of  numbers  did  not  constitute  its  only  weakness.  The 
regulars  were  badly  armed,  worse  clad,  and  almost  destitute  of  tents, 
blankets,  or  utensils  for  dressing  their  food.  They  were  composed  chiefly 
of  the  garrison  of  fort  Lee,  and  had  been  obliged  to  evacuate  that  place 


122  THE  LIFE  OF 

with  too  much  precipitation  to  bring  with  them  even  those  few  article* 
of  comfort  and  accommodation  with  which  they  had  been  furnished. 
The  Commander-in-chief  found  himself  at  the  head  of  this  small  banu 
of  soldiers,  dispirited  by  their  losses  and  fatigues,  retreating  almost  naked 
and  barefooted,  in  the  cold  of  November  and  December,  before  a  nu- 
merous, well  appointed,  and  victorious  army,  through  a  desponding 
country,  much  more  disposed  to  obtain  safety  by  submission,  than  tc 
seek  it  by  a  manly  resistance. 

In  this  crisis  of  American  affairs,  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  Lord 
and  General  Howe,  as  commissioners  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  crown 
for  restoring  peace  to  America,  commanding  all  persons  assembled  in 
arms  against  his  majesty's  government,  to  disband  and  return  to  their 
homes;  and  all  civil  officers  to  desist  from  their  treasonable  practices, 
and  relinquish  their  usurped  authority.  A  full  pardon  was  offered  to 
every  person  who  would,  within  sixty  days,  appear  before  certain  civil 
or  military  officers  of  the  crown,  claim  the  benefit  of  that  proclamation, 
and  testify  his  obedience  to  the  laws  by  subscribing  a  declaration  of  his 
submission  to  the  royal  authority.  Copies  of  it  were  dispersed  through 
the  country ,  after  which  numbers  flocked  in  daily,  to  make  their  peace 
and  obtain  protection.  The  contrast  between  the  splendid  appearance 
of  the  pursuing  army,  and  that  of  the  ragged  Americans  who  were  fly- 
ing before  them,  could  not  fail  to  nourish  the  general  opinion  that  the 
contest  was  approaching  its  termination. 

Among  the  many  valuable  traits  in  the  character  of  Washington,  was 
that  unyielding  firmness  of  mind  which  resisted  these  accumulated  cir- 
cumstances of  depression,  and  supported  him  under  them.  Undismayed 
by  the  dangers  which  surrounded  him,  he  did  not  for  an  instant  relax 
his  exertions,  nor  omit  any  thing  which  could  obstruct  the  progress  of 
the  enemy,  or  improve  his  own  condition.  He  did  not  appear  to  despair 
of  the  public  safety,  but  struggled  against  adverse  fortune  with  the  hope 
of  yet  vanquishing  the  difficulties  which  surrounded  him  ;  and  constantly 
showed  himself  to  his  harassed  and  enfeebled  army,  with  a  serene,  un- 
embarrassed countenance,  betraying  no  fears  in  himself,  and  invigorat- 
ing and  inspiring  with  confidence  the  bosoms  of  others.  To  this  uncon- 
querable firmness,  to  this  perfect  self-possession  under  the  most  desperate 
circumstances,  is  America,  in  a  great  degree,  indebted  for  her  independ- 
ence. 

After  removing  his  baggage  and  stores  over  the  Delaware,  and  send- 
ing his  sick  to  Philadelphia,  the  American  General,  finding 
that  Lord  Cornwallis  still  continued  in  Brunswick,  detached 
twelve  hundred  men  to  Princeton  in  the  hope  that  this  appearance  of 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  123 

advancing  on  the  British  might  not  only  retard  their  progress,  but  cover 
a  part  of  the  country,  and  reanimate  the  people  of  Jersey. 

Some  portion  of  this  short  respite  from  laborious  service  was  devoted 
to  the  predominant  wish  of  his  heart, — preparations  for  the  next  cam- 
paign,— by  impressing  on  congress  a  conviction  of  the  real  causes  of  the 
present  calamitous  state  of  things.  However  the  human  mind  may  re- 
sist the  clearest  theoretic  reasoning,  it  is  scarcely  possible  not  to  discern 
obvious  and  radical  errors,  while  smarting  under  their  destructive  conse- 
quences. The  abandonment  of  the  army  by  whole  regiments  of  the 
flying  camp,  in  the  face  of  an  advancing  and  superior  enemy ;  the  im- 
practicability of  calling  out  the  militia  of  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  in 
sufficient  force  to  prevent  Lord  Cornwallis  from  overrunning  the  first 
state,  or  restrain  him  from  entering  the  last,  had  it  not  been  saved  by 
other  causes,  were  practical  lessons  on  the  subjects  of  enlistments  for  a 
short  time,  and  a  reliance  on  militia,  which  no  prejudice  could  disregard, 
and  which  could  not  fail  to  add  great  weight  to  the  remonstrances  for- 
merly made  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  which  were  now  repeated. 

The  exertions  of  General  Mifflin  to  raise  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania, 
though  unavailing  in  the  country,  were  successful  in  Philadelphia.     A 
large  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  city  capable  of  bearing  arms, 
had  associated  for  the  general  defence ;  and,  on  this  occasion,  fifteen 
hundred  of  them  marched  to  Trenton ;  to  which  place  a  German  batta- 
lion was  also  ordered  by  congress.     On  the  arrival  of  these 
troops,  General  Washington  commenced  his  march  to  Prince- 
ton, but  was  stopped  by  the  intelligence  that  Lord  Cornwallis,  having 
received  large  reinforcements,  was  advancing  rapidly  from  Brunswick 
by  different  routes,  and  endeavouring  to  gain  his  rear. 

On  receiving  this  intelligence,  he  crossed  the  Delaware,  and  posted 
his  army  in  such  a  manner  as  to  guard  the  fords.  As  his  rear 
passed  the  river,  the  van  of  the  British  army  appeared  in  sight. 
The  main  body  took  post  at  Trenton,  and  detachments  were  placed  both 
above  and  below,  while  small  parties,  without  interruption  from  the  peo- 
ple of  the  country,  reconnoitred  the  Delaware  for  a  considerable  distance. 
From  Bordentown  below  Trenton  the  course  of  the  river  turns  westward, 
and  forms  an  acute  angle  with  its  course  from  Philadelphia  to  that  place ; 
so  that  Lord  Cornwallis  might  cross  a  considerable  distance  above,  and 
be  not  much,  if  any,  farther  from  that  city  than  the  American  army. 

The  British  General  made  some  unsuccessful  attempts  to  seize  a  num- 
ber of  boats  guarded  by  Lord  Stirling,  about  Coryell's  Ferry ;  and,  in 
order  to  facilitate  his  movements  down  the  river,  on  the  Jersey  shore, 
repaired  the  bridges  below  Trenton,  which  had  been  broken  down  by 


124  THE  LIFE  OF 

order  of  General  Washington.  He  then  advanced  a  strong  detachment 
to  Bordentown,  giving  indications  of  an  intention  to  cross  the  Delaware 
at  the  same  time  above  and  below ;  and  either  to  march  in  two  columns 
to  Philadelphia,  or  completely  to  envelop  the  American  army  in  the  angle 
of  the  river.  To  counteract  this  plan,  the  American  General  stationed 
a  few  gallies  to  watch  the  movements  of  his  enemy  below,  and  aid  in 
repelling  any  effort  to  pass  over  to  the  Pennsylvania  shore ;  and  made 
such  a  disposition  of  his  little  army  as  to  guard  against  any  attempt  to 
force  a  passage  above,  which  he  believed  to  be  the  real  design. 

Having  made  his  arrangements,  he  waited  anxiously  for  reinforce- 
ments ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  sent  daily  parties  over  the  river  to  harass 
the  enemy,  and  to  observe  his  situation. 

The  utmost  exertions  were  made  by  government  to  raise  the  militia. 
In  the  hope  that  a  respectable  body  of  continental  troops  would  aid 
these  exertions,  General  Washington  had  directed  General  Gates,  with 
the  regulars  of  the  northern  army,  and  General  Heath,  with  those  at 
Peekskill,  to  march  to  his  assistance. 

Although  General  Lee  had  been  repeatedly  urged  to  join  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, he  proceeded  slowly  in  the  execution  of  these  orders, 
manifesting  a  strong  disposition  to  retain  his  separate  command,  and 
rather  to  hang  on,  and  threaten  the  rear  of  the  British  army,  than  to 
strengthen  that  in  its  front.  With  this  view  he  proposed  establishing 
himself  at  Morristown.  On  receiving  a  letter  from  General  Washington 
disapproving  this  proposition,  and  urging  him  to  hasten  his  march,  Lee 
still  avowed  a  preference  for  his  own  plan,  and  proceeded  reluctantly 
towards  the  Delaware.  While  passing  through  Morris  county,  at  the 
distance  of  twenty  miles  from  the  British  encampment,  he,  very  incau- 
tiously, quartered  under  a  slight  guard,  in  a  house  about  three  miles 
from  his  army.  Information  of  this  circumstance  was  given  by  a 
countryman  to  Colonel  Harcourt,  at  that  time  detached  with  a  body  of 
cavalry  to  watch  his  movements,  who  immediately  formed  and  executed 
the  design  of  seizing  him.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  Decem- 
ber, this  officer  reached  Lee's  quarters,  who  received  no  intimation  of  his 
danger  until  the  house  was  surrounded,  and  he  found  himself  a  prisoner. 
He  was  carried  off  in  triumph  to  the  British  army,  where  he  was,  for 
some  time,  treated  as  a  deserter  from  the  British  service. 

This  misfortune  made  a  serious  impression  on  all  America.  The  con- 
fidence originally  placed  in  General  Lee  had  been  increased  by  his  suc- 
cess in  the  southern  department,  and  by  a  belief  that  his  opinions,  during 
the  military  operations  in  New  York,  had  contributed  to  the  adoption  of 
those  judicious  movements  which  had,  in  some  measure,  defeated  the 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  125 

plans  of  General  Howe  in  that  quarter.  It  was  also  believed  that  he  had 
dissented  from  the  resolution  of  the  council  of  war  for  maintaining  forts 
Washington  and  Lee.  No  officer,  except  the  Commander-in-chief,  pos- 
sessed, at  that  time,  in  so  eminent  a  degree,  the  confidence  of  the  army, 
or  of  the  country ;  and  his  loss  was,  almost  universally,  bewailed  as  one 
of  the  greatest  calamities  which  had  befallen  the  American  arms.  It 
was  regretted  by  no  person  more  than  by  General  Washington  himself. 
He  respected  the  merit  of  that  eccentric  veteran,  and  sincerely  lamented 
his  captivity. 

General  Sullivan,  on  whom  the  command  of  that  division  devolved 
after  the  capture  of  Lee,  promptly  obeyed  the  orders  which  had  been 

directed  to  that  officer ;  and,  crossing  the  Delaware  at  Philips- 
Dec  20 
burg,  joined   the   Commander-in-chief.     On   the  same   day 

General  Gates  arrived  with  a  few  northern  troops.  By  these  and  other 
reinforcements,  the  army  was  augmented  to  about  seven  thousand  effec- 
tive men. 

The  attempts  of  the  British  general  to  get  possession  of  boats  for  the 
transportation  of  his  army  over  the  Delaware  having  failed,  he  gave  in- 
dications of  an  intention  to  close  the  campaign,  and  to  retire  into  winter 
quarters.  About  four  thousand  men  were  cantoned  on  the  Delaware  at 
Trenton,  Bordentown,  the  White  Horse,  and  Mount  Holly;  and  the  re- 
maining part  of  the  army  of  Jersey  was  distributed  from  that  river  to 
the  Hackensack.  Strong  corps  were  posted  at  Princeton,  Brunswick, 
and  Elizabethtown. 

To  intimidate  the  people,  and  thereby  impede  the  recruiting  service, 
was  believed  to  be  no  inconsiderable  inducement  with  General  Howe, 
for  covering  so  large  a  portion  of  Jersey.  To  counteract  these  views, 
General  Washington  ordered  three  of  the  regiments  from  Peekskill  to 
halt  at  Morristown,  and  to  unite  with  about  eight  hundred  militia  assem- 
bled at  that  place  under  Colonel  Ford.  General  Maxwell  was  sent  to 
take  command  of  these  troops,  with  orders  to  watch  the  motions  of  the 
enemy,  to  harass  him  in  his  marches,  to  give  intelligence  of  all  his  move- 
ments, to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  militia,  and  to  prevent  the  inhabi- 
tants from  going  within  the  British  lines,  and  taking  protection. 

The  short  interval  between  this  cantonment  of  the  British  troops,  and 
the  recommencement  of  active  operations,  was  employed  by  General 
Washington  in  repeating  the  representations  he  had  so  often  made  to 
congress,  respecting  preparations  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  The  dan- 
gers resulting  from  a  reliance  on  temporary  armies  had  been  fully  exem- 
plified ;  and  his  remonstrances  on  that  subject  were  supported  by  that 
severe  experience  which  corrects  while  it  chastises.  In  the  course  of 
VOL.  r.  9 


f 


126  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  campaign,  he  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  want  of  cavalry,  of  ar- 
tillery, and  of  engineers.  His  ideas  on  these  important  subjects  had 
been  already  stated  to  congress,  and  were  now  reurged.  With  respect 
to  the  additional  expense  to  be  incurred  by  the  measures  recommended, 
he  observed,  "that  our  funds  were  not  the  only  object  now  to  be  taken 
into  consideration.  The  enemy,  it  was  found,  were  daily  gathering 
strength  from  the  disaffected.  This  strength,  like  a  snow  ball  by  roll- 
ing, would  increase,  unless  some  means  should  be  devised  to  check  ef- 
fectually the  progress  of  their  arms.  Militia  might  possibly  do  it  for  a 
little  while ;  but  in  a  little  while  also,  the  militia  of  those  states  which 
were  frequently  called  upon  would  not  turn  out  at  all,  or  would  turn  out 
with  so  much  reluctance  and  sloth,  as  to  amount  to  the  same  thing.  In- 
stance New  Jersey !  Witness  Pennsylvania !  Could  any  thing  but  the 
river  Delaware  have  saved  Philadelphia? 

"  Could  any  thing,"  he  asked,  "  be  more  destructive  of  the  recruiting 
business  than  giving  ten  dollars  bounty  for  six  weeks  service  in  the  mi- 
litia, who  come  in,  you  can  not  tell  how ;  go,  you  can  not  tell  when ;  and 
act,  you  can  not  tell  where ;  who  consume  your  provisions,  exhaust  your 
stores,  and  leave  you  at  last  in  a  critical  moment. 

"  These,  sir,"  he  added,  "  are  the  men  I  am  to  depend  upon  ten  days 
hence.  This  is  the  basis  upon  which  your  cause  will  rest,  and  must  for 
ever  depend,  until  you  get  a  large  standing  army  sufficient  of  itself  to 
oppose  the  enemy." 

He  also  hinted  the  idea,  extremely  delicate  in  itself,  of  enlarging  his 
powers  so  as  to  enable  him  to  act,  without  constant  applications  to  con 
gress  for  their  sanction  of  measures,  the  immediate  adoption  of  which 
was  essential  to  the  public  interests.  "  This  might,"  he  said,  "  be  termed 
an  application  for  powers  too  dangerous  to  be  trusted."  He  could  only 
answer,  "  that  desperate  diseases  required  desperate  remedies.  He  could 
with  truth  declare  that  he  felt  no  lust  for  power,  but  wished  with  as  much 
fervency  as  any  man  upon  this  wide  extended  continent,  for  an  opportu- 
nity of  turning  the  sword  into  a  plough-share ;  but  his  feelings  as  an  of- 
ficer and  a  man  had  been  such  as  to  force  him  to  say,  that  no  person 
ever  had  a  greater  choice  of  difficulties  to  contend  with  than  himself.'' 

After  recapitulating  the  measures  he  had  adopted,  which  were  not 
within  his  power,  and  urging  many  other  necessary  arrangements,  he 
added,  "  it  may  be  thought  I  am  going  a  good  deal  out  of  the  line  of  my 
duty  to  adopt  these  measures,  or  to  advise  thus  freely.  A  character  to 
lose ;  an  estate  to  forfeit ;  the  inestimable  blessing  of  liberty  at  stake ;  and 
a  life  devoted,  must  be  my  excuse." 

The  present  aspect  of  American  affairs  was  gloomy  in  the  extreme. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  127 

The  existing  army,  except  a  few  regiments,  affording  an  effective  force 
of  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  would  dissolve  in  a  few  days.  New  Jer- 
sey had,  in  a  great  measure,  submitted ;  and  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania 
had  not  displayed  the  alacrity  expected  from  them.  General  Howe 
would,  most  probably,  avail  himself  of  the  ice  which  would  soon  form, 
and  of  the  dissolution  of  the  American  army,  to  pass  the  Delaware  and 
seize  Philadelphia.  This  event  was  dreaded,  not  only  on  account  of  its 
intrinsic  importance,  but  of  its  peculiar  effect  at  this  time,  when  an  army 
was  to  be  recruited  on  which  the  future  hopes  of  America  were  to  rest. 
It  was  feared,  and  with  reason,  that  it  would  make  such  an  impression 
on  the  public  mind  as  to  deter  the  American  youth  from  engaging  in  a 
contest  becoming  desperate. 

Impelled  by  these  considerations,  General  Washington  meditated  a 
blow  on  the  British  army,  while  dispersed  in  its  cantonments,  which 
might  retrieve  the  affairs  of  America  in  the  opinion  of  the  public,  and 
recover  the  ground  that  had  been  lost. 

He  formed  the  daring  plan  of  attacking  all  the  British  posts  on  the 
Delaware  at  the  same  instant.  If  successful  in  all,  or  any  of  these  at- 
tacks, he  hoped  not  only  to  wipe  off  the  impression  made  by  his  losses, 
and  by  his  retreat,  but  also  to  relieve  Philadelphia  from  immediate  dan- 
ger, and  to  compel  his  adversary  to  compress  himself  in  such  a  manner 
as  no  longer  to  cover  the  Jerseys. 

The  positions  taken  to  guard  the  river  were  equally  well  adapted  to 
offensive  operations. 

The  regulars  were  posted  above  Trenton  from  Yard  ley's  up  to  Cory- 
ell's  Ferry.  The  Pennsylvania  flying  camp,  and  Jersey  militia,  under 
the  command  of  General  Irvine,  extended  from  Yardley's  to  the  ferry 
opposite  Bordentown ;  and  General  Cadwallader  with  the  Pennsylvania 
militia  lay  still  lower  down  the  river. 

In  the  plan  of  attack  which  had  been  digested,  it  was  proposed  to  cross 
in  the  night  at  M'Konkey's  Ferry,  about  nine  miles  above  Trenton ;  to 
march  down  in  two  divisions,  the  one  taking  the  river  road,  and  the 
other  the  Pennington  road,  both  which  lead  into  the  town ;  the  first,  to- 
wards that  part  of  the  western  side  which  approaches  the  river,  and  the 
last  towards  the  north.  This  part  of  the  plan  was  to  be  executed-  by  the 
General  in  person,  at  the  head  of  about  two  thousand  four  hundred  con- 
tinental troops.  It  was  thought  practicable  to  pass  them  over  'the  river 
by  twelve,  and  to  reach  the  point  of  destination  by  five  in  the  morning 
of  the  next  day,  when  the  attack  was  to  be  made.  General  Irvine  was 
directed  to  cross  at  the  Trenton  Ferry,  and  to  secure  the  bridge  below 
the  town,  in  order  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  enemy  by  that  road. 


128  THE  LIFE  OF 

General  Cadwallader  was  to  pass  over  at  Dunk's  Ferry,  and  carry  the 
post  at  Mount  Holly.  It  had  been  in  contemplation  to  unite  the  troops 
employed  in  fortifying  Philadelphia,  to  those  at  Bristol,  and  to  place  the 
whole  under  General  Putnam ;  but  such  indications  were  given  in  that 
city  of  an  insurrection  of  the  royal  cause,  fhat  this  part  of  the  plan  was 
abandoned.  The  cold  on  the  night  of  the  25th  was  very  severe.  Snow, 
mingled  with  hail  and  rain,  fell  in  great  quantities,  and  so  much  ice  was 
made  in  the  river  that,  with  every  possible  exertion,  the  division  con- 
ducted by  the  General  in  person  could  not  effect  its  passage  until  three, 

nor  commence  its  march  down  the  river  till  near  four.  As  the 
Dec  26 

distance  to  Trenton  by  either  road  is  nearly  the  same,  orders 

were  given  to  attack  at  the  instant  of  arrival,  and,  after  driving  in  the 
out-guards,  to  press  rapidly  after  them  into  the  town,  and  prevent  the 
main  body  from  forming. 

General  Washington  accompanied  the  upper  column,  and  arriving  at 
the  out-post  on  that  road,  precisely  at  eight,  drove  it  in,  and,  in  three  mi- 
nutes, heard  the  fire  from  the  column  which  had  taken  the  river  road. 
The  picket  guard  attempted  to  keep  up  a  fire  while  retreating,  but  was 
pursued  with  such  ardour  as  to  be  unable  to  make  a  stand.  Colonel 
Rawle,  who  commanded  in  the  town,  paraded  his  men,  and  met  the  as- 
sailants. In  the  commencement  of  the  action,  he  was  mortally  wounded, 
upon  which  the  troops,  in  apparent  confusion,  attempted  to  gain  the  road 
to  Princeton.  General  Washington  threw  a  detachment  into  their  front, 
while  he  advanced  rapidly  on  them  in  person.  Finding  themselves  sur- 
rounded, and  their  artillery  already  seized,  they  laid  down  their  arms, 
and  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  About  twenty  of  the  ene- 
my were  killed,  and  about  one  thousand  made  prisoners.  Six  field  pieces, 
and  a  thousand  stand  of  small  arms  were  also  taken.  On  the  part  of 
the  Americans,  two  privates  were  killed ;  two  frozen  to  death ;  and  one 
officer,  Lieutenant  Monroe,*  of  the  third  Virginia  regiment,  and  three  or 
four  privates  wounded. 

Unfortunately,  the  ice  rendered  it  impracticable  for  General  Irvine  to 
execute  that  part  of  the  plan  which  was  allotted  to  him.  With  his  ut- 
most efforts,  he  was  unable  to  cross  the  river ;  and  the  road  towards 
Bordentown  remained  open.  About  five  hundred  men,  among  whom 
was  a  troop  of  cavalry,  stationed  in  the  lower  end  of  Trenton,  availed 
themselves  of  this  circumstance,  and  crossing  the  bridge  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  action,  escaped  down  the  river.  The  same  cause  pre- 
vented General  Cadwallader  from  attacking  the  post  at  Mount  Holly. 

*  Since  President  of  the  United  States. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  129 

With  great  difficulty  a  part  of  his  infantry  passed  the  river,  but  returned 
on  its  being  found  absolutely  impracticable  to  cross  with  tro  artillery. 

Although  this  plan  failed  in  so  many  of  its  parts,  the  success  attending 
that  which  was  conducted  by  General  Washington  in  person  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  happiest  effects. 

Had  it  been  practicable  for  the  divisions  under  Generals  Irvine  and 
Cadwallader  to  cross  the  river,  it  was  intended  to  proceed  from  Trenton 
to  the  posts  at  and  about  Bordentown,  to  sweep  the  British  from  the 
banks  of  the  Delaware,*  and  to  maintain  a  position  in  the  Jerseys.  But 
finding  that  those  parts  of  the  plan  had  failed,  and  supposing  the  British 
to  remain  in  force  below,  while  a  strong  corps  was  posted  at  Princeton, 
General  Washington  thought  it  unadviseable  to  hazard  the  loss  of  the 
very  important  advantage  already  gained,  by  attempting  to  increase  it, 
and  recrossed  the  river  with  his  prisoners  and  military  stores.  Lieute- 
nant Colonel  Baylor,  his  aid-de-camp,  who  carried  the  intelligence  of 
this  success  to  congress,  was  presented  with  a  horse  completely  capari- 
soned for  service,  and  recommended  to  the  command  of  a  regiment  of 
cavalry. 

Nothing  could  surpass  the  astonishment  of  the  British  commander  at 
this  unexpected  display  of  vigour  on  the  part  of  the  American  General. 
His  condition,  and  that  of  his  country,  had  been  thought  desperate.  He 
had  been  deserted  by  all  the  troops  having  a  legal  right  to  leave  him; 
and,  to  render  his  situation  completely  ruinous,  nearly  two-thirds  of  the 
continental  soldiers  still  remaining  with  him,  would  be  entitled  to  their 
discharge  on  the  first  day  of  January.  There  appeared  to  be  no  proba- 
bility of  prevailing  on  them  to  continue  longer  in  the  service,  and  the 
recruiting  business  was  absolutely  at  an  end.  The  spirits  of  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  people  were  sunk  to  the  lowest  point  of  depression.  New 
Jersey  appeared  to  be  completely  subdued ;  and  some  of  the  best  judges 
of  the  public  sentiment  were  of  opinion  that  immense  numbers  in  Penn- 
sylvania, also,  were  determined  not  to  permit  the  sixty  days  allowed  in 
the  proclamation  of  Lord  and  Sir  William  Howe,  to  elapse,  without  avail- 
ing themselves  of  the  pardon  it  proffered.  Instead  of  offensive  operations, 

*  A  fact  has  been  stated  to  the  author  which  shows  to  what  an  extent  the  plan  might 
have  been  executed  had  it  been  possible  to  cross  the  river.  Colonel  Reed,  who  was 
with  the  division  of  Cadwallader,  passed  the  ferry  with  the  van  of  the  infantry,  and 
immediately  despatched  some  trusty  persons  to  examine  the  situation  of  the  troops  at 
Mount  Holly.  The  report  made  by  his  messengers  was,  that  they  had  looked  into 
several  houses  in  which  the  soldiers  were  quartered,  and  had  found  them  generally 
fast  asleep,  under  the  influence,  as  was  supposed,  of  the  spirituous  liquors  they  had 
drunk  the  preceding  day,  which  was  Christmas-day.  That  there  appeared  to  be  nc 
apprehension  of  danger,  nor  precaution  against  it. 

M 

^ 


130  THE  LIFE  OP 

the  total  dBpexsioB  of  the  smaB  jeoBant  of  the  American  army  was  to 
be  expected,  6hoe  it  would  be  rendered  too  feefaie  by  the  discharge  of 
those  engaged  only  until  the  bat  day  of  December,  to  *««T*,  any 
longer,  the  drsfane.  of  the  Delaware,  which  would  by  that  time,  in  all 
r,  be  pnanHr  on  the  ice.  'While  every  appearance  supported 
id  the  British  Gcaexal,  wkhoa  be^  saBepme,  migk 
the  war  as  approaching  ks  termination,  this  bold  and  ihr- 
i  cntmujse  annrmnred  to  him,  that  he  was  contending  with  an  ad- 
wfao  could  never  cease  to  be  formidable  while  the  possibililj  of 
H  silt  mi  remained.  Finding  the  conquest  of  America  more  distant 
tha«  had  been  wppoaed,  he  deteri»«ed,M  the  depdi  of  winter  to  recom 
•Knee  aeiw«  operatiom ;  and  Ix>id  Connraflis,  who  bad  retired  to  New 
York  with  the  intention  of  embarking  for  Europe,  suspended  bis  depar- 
ture, and  retaraed  to  the  Jerseys  in  great  force,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
gaining the  ground  which  had  been  lost. 

ifcaawhie,  Tip*  Oasua,  aJn^anannM  »>,*••*!  Mia  'Trenton, 
on  bearing  the  Janatrr  which  had  hpfnlJca  Cofe»d  RawhyajBMied  by 
the  road  leading  to  Amboy,  and  joined  General  Leslie  at  Princeton. 
The  aext  day,  Geaexal  CadwaBader  «ao»»ed  the  Delaware,  wkh  orders 
to  haiaw  the  enemy,  bt*  to  prt  Bothmg  to  hazard  mtffl  he  should  be 
joined  by  the  eoBtinenlal  battafioos,  who  were  allowed  a  day  or  two  of 
repote,  after  the  fatigues  of  the  enterprise  against  Trenton. .  Cfc»u«i 
i  joined  General  Irvine  wkh  aboot  fifteen  bondred  Penaaylf ania 
,  and  thoce  troopt  abo  iiu«Kil  the  river. 

fonce»oreat  the  head  ofaiiiiitf  •Mi  •liich  it  seemed 


to  art  oflenstrely,  the  General  determmed  to  employ  the 
aVwoana^  toweiwer  Jersey. 
Wkh  this  view,  he  ordered  General  Heath  to  leave  a  small  detacb- 
flMBt  at  Peekjkill,  and  with  the  main  body  of  the  New  England  militia, 
to  enter  Jersey,  and  approach  the  British  cantonments  on  that  side. 
General  Mazwefi  was  ordered,  with  all  the  militia  be  could  collect,  to 
harass  their  flank  and  rear,  and  to  attack  their  out-posts  on  every  fa~ 
Toorabie  occasion,  while  the  continental  troops,  led  by  himself 

,-• 

recroaaed  the  Delaware,  and  took  post  at  Trenton.     On  the 
last  day  of  December,  (he  regulars  of  New  England  were  entitled  to  a 
Wkh  great  doncnhy,  and  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars,  many  of 


them  were  induced  to  renew  their  engagemento  tor  six  weeks. 
TheBntisil  weve  now  collected  in  force  at  Princeton  under  LordCom- 
1777,     warns;  and  appearances  confirmed  the  intelligence,  secretly* 
J*0-  L    obtained,  that  he  intended  to  attack  the  American  army. 
•Ind»ei«kai»o«eat,wlie«e»n»etiBt<»^ew»wa*vjafl  important,  Mr.  Refcert 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  131 

Generals  Mifflin  and  Cadwallader,  who  lay  at  Bordentown  and  Crass- 
wix,  with  three  thousand  six  hundred  militia.,  were  therefore  ordered  to 
join  the  Commander-in-chief,  whose  whole  effective  fine,  with  this  ad- 
dition, did  not  exceed  five  thousand  men. 

Lord  Comwallis  advanced  upon  him  the  next  morning :  and  aboot  Soar 
in  the  afternoon,  the  van  of  the  British  army  reached  Tren-  ^ 

ton.  On  its  approach,  General  Washington  retired  across  the 
Assumpinck,  a  creek  which  runs  through  die  town.  The  British  at- 
••fled  to  cross  the  creek  at  several  places,  but  finding  all  the  fords 
guarded,  they  desisted  from  the  attempt,  and  kindled  their  fires.  The 
Americans  kindled  their  fires  likewise ,  and  a  cannonade  was  kept  op  on 
both  sides  nil  dark. 

The  situation  of  General  Washington  was  again  extremely  critical. 
Should  he  maintain  his  position,  he  would  certainly  be  attacked  next 
morning,  by  a  force  so  very  superior,  as  to  render  the  destruction  of  his 
little  army  inevitable.  Should  be  attempt  to  retreat  over  the  Delaware, 
the  passage  of  that  river  had  been  rendered  so  difficult  by  a  few  mild  and 
foggy  days  which  had  softened  the  ice,  that  a  total  defeat  would  be 
hazarded.  In  any  event,  the  Jerseys  would,  once  more,  be  entirely  in 
possession  of  the  enemy;  the  public  mind  again  be  depressed;  recruiting 
discouraged;  and  Philadelphia,  a  second  time,  in  the  grasp  of  General 
Howe. 

In  this  embarrassing  state  of  things,  he  formed  the  bold  design  of  aban- 
doning the  Delaware,  and  marching,  by  a  circuitous  route,  along  tie  left 
fenk  of  the  British  army,  into  its  rear,  at  Princeton,  where  its  strength 
could  not  be  great ;  and,  after  beating  the  troops  at  that  place,  to  move 
rapidly  to  Brunswick,  where  the  baggage  and  principal  magazines  of  tie 
army  lay  under  a  weak  guard.  He  indulged  the  hope  that  this  manoeu- 
vre would  call  the  attention  of  the  British  general  to  his  own  defence. 
Should  Lord  Comwallis,  contrary  to  every  reasonable  calcotataom,  pro- 
ceed to  Philadelphia,  nothing  worse  could  happen  in  that  qaarfer,  than 
must  happen  should  the  American  army  be  driven  before  him ;  and  some 
compoHnlnm  ftr  Ant  calamity  would  be  obtained  bv  expeKn(4bft«nenij 
completely  fiom  Jersey,  airi  "cutting  up,  in  detail,  all  his  parties  in  that 


This  plan  being  approved  by  a  council  of  war,  preparations  were 
made  for  its  immediate  execution.    As  soon  as  it  was  dark,  the  baggage 


Morris  nisei  on  bis  private  credit  in  PfcilaJelphia,  five  Inafod  ; 
wfaich  be  tnMMttod  to  the  CMMBUI**  • 


132  THE  LIFE  OF 

was  removed  silently  to  Burlington ;  and,  about  one  in  the  morning, 
after  renewing  their  fires,  and  leaving  their  guards  to  go  the 
rounds  as  usual ;  the  army  decamped  with  perfect  silence,  and 
took  a  circuitous  route  along  the  Quaker  road  to  Princeton,  where  three 
British  regiments  had  encamped  the  preceding  night,  two  of  which  com- 
menced their  march  early  in  the  morning  to  join  the  rear  of  their  army 
at  Maidenhead.  At  sunrise,  when  they  had  proceeded  about  two  miles, 
they  saw  the  Americans  on  their  left,  advancing  in  a  direction  which 
would  enter  the  road  in  their  rear.  They  immediately  faced  about,  and, 
repassing  Stony  Brook,  moved  under  cover  of  a  copse  of  wood  towards 
the  American  van,  which  was  conducted  by  General  Mercer.  A  sharp 
action  ensued,  which,  however,  was  not  of  long  duration.  The  militia, 
of  which  the  advanced  party  was  principally  composed,  soon  gave  way ; 
and  the  few  regulars  attached  to  them  were  not  strong  enough  to  main- 
tain their  ground.  While  exerting  himself  gallantly  to  rally  his  broken 
troops,  General  Mercer  was  mortally  wounded,  and  the  van  was  en- 
tirely routed.  But  the  fortune  of  the  day  was  soon  changed.  The  main 
body,  led  by  General  Washington  in  person,  followed  close  in  the  rear, 
and  attacked  the  British  with  great  spirit.  Persuaded  that  defeat  would 
irretrievably  ruin  the  affairs  of  America,  he  advanced  in  the  very  front 
of  danger,  and  exposed  himself  to  the  hottest  fire  of  the  enemy.  He  was 
so  well  supported  by  the  same  troops  who,  a  few  days  before,  had  saved 
their  country  at  Trenton,  that  the  British,  in  turn,  were  compelled  to 
give  way.  Their  line  was  broken,  and  the  two  regiments  separated 
from  each  other.  Colonel  Mawhood,  who  commanded  that  in  front,  and 
was,  consequently,  nearest  the  rear  division  of  the  army,  under  Lord 
Cornwallis,  retired  to  the  main  road,  and  continued  his  march  to  Maiden- 
head. The  fifty-fifth  regiment,  which  was  on  the  left,  being  hard  pressed, 
fled  in  confusion  across  the  fields  into  a  back  road,  leading  between 
Hillsborough  and  Kingston  towards  Brunswick.  The  vicinity  of  the 
British  forces  at  Maidenhead  secured  Colonel  Mawhood,  and  General 
Washington  pressed  forward  to  Princeton.  The  regiment  remaining  in 
that  place  took  post  in  the  college,  and  made  a  show  of  resistance :  but 
some  pieces  of  artillery  being  brought  up  to  play  upon  that  building,  it 
was  abandoned,  and  the  greater  part  of  them  became  prisoners.  A  few 
saved  themselves  by  a  precipitate  flight  to  Brunswick. 

In  this  engagement,  rather  more  than  one  hundred  British  were  killed 
in  the  field,  and  near  three  hundred  were  taken  prisoners.  The  loss  of 
the  Americans,  in  killed,  was  somewhat  less,  but  in  their  number  was 
included  General  Mercer,  a  valuable  officer,  who  had  served  with  the 
Commander-in-chief  during  his  early  campaigns  in  Virginia,  and  was 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  133 

greatly  esteemed  by  him.  Colonels  Haslet  and  Potter,  Captain  Neal  of 
the  artillery,  Captain  Fleming,  and  five  other  valuable  officers,  were 
also  among  the  slain. 

On  the  return  of  day-light,  Lord  Cornwallis  discovered  that  the  Ame- 
rican army  had  decamped  in  the  night ;  and  immediately  conceived  the 
whole  plan.  Alarmed  at  the  danger  which  threatened  Brunswick,  he 
marched  with  the  utmost  expedition  for  that  place,  and  was  close  in  the 
rear  of  the  American  army  before  it  could  leave  Princeton. 

The  situation  of  General  Washington  was  again  perilous  in  the  ex- 
treme. His  small  army  was  exhausted  with  fatigue.  His  troops  had 
been  without  sleep,  all  of  them  one  night,  and  some  of  them,  two.  They 
were  without  blankets,  many  of  them  were  bare-footed  and  otherwise 
thinly  clad,  and  were  eighteen  miles  from  his  place  of  destination.  He 
was  closely  pursued  by  a  superior  enemy  who  must  necessarily  come  up 
with  him  before  he  could  accomplish  his  designs  on  Brunswick.  Under 
these  circumstances  he  abandoned  the  remaining  part  of  his  original  plan, 
and  took  the  road  leading  up  the  country  to  Pluckemin,  where  his  troops 
were  permitted  to  refresh  themselves.  Lord  Cornwallis  continued  his 
march  to  Brunswick,  which  he  reached  in  the  course  of  that  night. 

The  sufferings  of  the  American  soldiers  had  been  so  great  from  the 
severity  of  the  season,  and  the  very  active  service  in  which  they  had 
been  engaged ;  their  complaints,  especially  on  the  part  of  the  militia, 
were  so  loud ;  their  numbers  were  reducing  so  fast  by  returning  home, 
and  by  sickness ;  that  General  Washington  found  it  impracticable  to 
continue  offensive  operations.  He  retired  to  Morristown,  in  order  to 
put  his  men  under  cover,  and  to  give  them  some  repose. 

The  bold,  judicious,  and  unexpected  attacks  made  at  Trenton  and 
Princeton,  had  a  much  more  extensive  influence  than  would  be  supposed 
from  a  mere  estimate  of  the  killed  and  taken.  They  saved  Philadelphia 
for  the  winter ;  recovered  the  state  of  Jersey ;  and,  which  was  of  still 
more  importance,  revived  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  people,  and  gave 
a  perceptible  impulse  to  the  recruiting  service  throughout  the  United 
States. 

The  problem,  that  a  nation  can  be  defended  against  a  permanent 
force,  by  temporary  armies,  by  occasional  calls  of  the  husbandman  from 
his  plough  to  the  field,  was  completely  disproved ;  and,  in  demonstrating 
its  fallacy,  the  independence  of  America  had  nearly  perished  in  its  cra- 
dle. The  utmost  efforts  were  now  directed  to  the  creation  of  an  army 
for  the  ensuing  campaign,  as  the  only  solid  basis  on  which  the  hopes  of 
the  patriot  could  rest.  During  the  retreat  through  the  Jerseys,  and  while 
the  expectation  prevailed  that  no  effectual  resistance  could  be  made  to 


134  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  British  armies,  some  spirited  men  indeed  were  animated  to  greater 
and  more  determined  exertions ;  but  this  state  of  things  produced  a  very 
different  effect  on  the  great  mass,  which  can  alone  furnish  the  solid  force 
of  armies.  In  the  middle  states  especially,  the  panic  of  distrust  was 
perceived.  Doubts  concerning  the  issue  of  the  contest  became  exten- 
sive ;  and  the  recruiting  service  proceeded  so  heavily  and  slowly  as  to 
excite  the  most  anxious  solicitude  for  the  future. 

The  affairs  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  were  magnified  into  great  vic- 
tories ;  and  werer  believed  by  the  body  of  the  people  to  evidence  the 
superiority  of  their  army  and  of  their  general.  The  opinion  that  they 
were  engaged  in  a  hopeless  contest,  yielded  to  a  confidence  that  proper 
exertions  would  ensure  ultimate  success. 

This  change  of  opinion  was  accompanied  with  an  essential  change 
of  conduct ;  and,  although  the  regiments  required  by  congress  were  not 
completed,  they  were  made  much  stronger  than  was  believed  to  be  pos- 
sible before  this  happy  revolution  in  the  aspect  of  public  affairs. 

The  firmness  of  congress  throughout  the  gloomy  and  trying  period 
which  intervened  between  the  loss  of  fort  Washington  and  the  battle  of 
Princeton,  gives  the  members  of  that  time  a  just  claim  to  the  admiration 
of  the  world,  and  to  the  gratitude  of  their  fellow  citizens.  Undismayed 
by  impending  dangers,  they  did  not,  for  an  instant,  admit  the  idea  of 
surrendering  the  independence  they  had  declared,  and  purchasing  peace 
by  returning  to  their  colonial  situation.  As  the  British  army  advanced 
through  Jersey,  and  the  consequent  insecurity  of  Philadelphia  rendered 
an  adjournment  from  that  place  a  necessary  measure  of  precaution, 
their  exertions  seemed  to  increase  with  their  difficulties.  They  sought 
to  remove  the  despondence  which  was  seizing  and  paralyzing  the  public 
mind,  by  an  address  to  the  states,  in  which  every  argument  was  suf- 
gested  which  could  rouse  them  to  vigorous  action.  They  made  the 
most  strenuous  efforts  to  animate  the  militia,  and  impel  them  to  the  field, 
by  the  agency  of  those  whose  popular  eloquence  best  fitted  them  for 
such  a  service. 

When  reassembled  at  Baltimore,  the  place  to  which  they  had  adjourn- 

1776.     ed,  their  resolutions  exhibited  no  evidence  of  confusion  or  dis- 

Dec.  20.  mav .  an(j  tne  most  ju(]icious  efforts  were  made  to  repair  the 
mischief  produced  by  past  errors. 

Declaring  that,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  the  very  existence  of 
civil  liberty  depended  on  the  right  execution  of  military  powers,  to  a 
vigorous  direction  of  which,  distant,  numerous,  and  deliberative  bodies 
were  unequal,  they  authorized  General  Washington  to  raise  sixteen  ad- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  135 

ditional  regiments,  and  conferred  upon  him,  for  six  months,  almost  unli- 
mited powers  for  the  conduct  of  the  war. 

Towards  the  close  of  1776,  while  the  tide  of  fortune  was  running 
strongest  against  them,  some  few  members,  distrusting  their  ability  to 
make  a  successful  resistance,  proposed  to  authorize  their  commissioners 
at  the  court  of  Versailles  to  transfer  to  France  the  same  monopoly  of 
their  trade  which  Great  Britain  had  possessed.*  This  proposition  is 
stated  to  have  been  relinquished,  because  it  was  believed  that  conces- 
sions of  this  kind  would  impair  many  arguments  which  had  been  used 
in  favour  of  independence,  and  disunite  the  people.  It  was  next  pro- 
posed to  ofler  a  monopoly  of  certain  enumerated  articles ;  but  the  un- 
equal operation  of  this  measure  gave  to  the  proposition  a  speedy  nega- 
tive. Some  proposed  offering  to  France  an  offensive  and  defensive 
league ;  but  this  also  was  rejected.  The  more  enlightened  members 
argued  that,  though  the  friendship  of  small  states  might  be  purchased, 
that  of  France  could  not.  They  alleged  that,  if  she  would  risk  a  war 
with  Great  Britain  by  openly  espousing  their  cause,  she  would  not  be 
induced  to  that  measure  by  the  prospect  of  direct  advantages,  so  much 
as  by  a  desire  to  lessen  the  overgrown  power  of  a  dangerous  rival.*  It 
was  therefore  urged  that  the  most  certain  means  of  influencing  France 
to  interfere,  was  an  assurance  that  the  United  States  were  determined  to 
persevere  in  refusing  to  resume  their  former  allegiance.  Under  the  in- 
fluence of  this  better  opinion,  resolutions  were  again  entered  into,  direct- 
ing their  commissioners  in  Europe  to  give  explicit  assurances  of  their 
determination  at  all  events  to  maintain  their  independence.  Copies  of 
these  resolutions  were  sent  to  the  principal  courts  of  Europe;  and 
agents  were  appointed  to  solicit  their  friendship  -to  the  new  formed 
states,  f  These  despatches  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British,  and  were 
published  by  them ;  a  circumstance  which  promoted  the  views  of  con- 
gress, who  were  persuaded  that  an  apprehension  of  their  coming  to  an 
accommodation  with  Great  Britain  constituted  a  material  objection  to 
the  interference  of  foreign  courts,  in  what  was  represented  as  merely  a 
domestic  quarrel.  A  resolution  adopted  in  the  deepest  distress,  to  listen 
to  no  terms  of  reunion  with  their  parent  state,  would,  it  was  believed, 
convince  those  who  wished  for  the  dismemberment  of  the  British  empire, 
that  sound  policy  required  their  interference  so  far  as  to  prevent  the 
conquest  of  the  United  States. 

*  Ramsay.  t  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  voL  ii.  p.  38,.  and  post 


136  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  VII. 

American  army  inoculated. — General  Heath  moves  to  Kingsbridge. — Returns  to 
Peekskill. — Skirmishes. — State  of  the  army. — Destruction  of  stores  at  Peekskill. — 
At  Danbury. — Expedition  to  Sagg  Harbour, — Camp  formed  at  Middlebrook. — 
Sir  William  Howe  moves  out  to  Somerset  Court  House. — Returns  to  Amboy. — 
Attempts  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  American  army  to  Middlebrook. — Lord  Corn- 
wallis  skirmishes  with  Lord  Stirling. — General  Prescot  surprised  and  taken. — The 
British  army  embarks. 

THE  effect  of  the  proclamation  published  by  Lord  and  General  Howe 
1777.  on  taking  possession  of  New  Jersey,  was,  in  a  great  degree, 
January,  counteracted  by  the  conduct  of  the  invading  army.  Fortu- 
nately for  the  United  States,  the  hope  that  security  was  attainable  by 
submission,  was  soon  dissipated.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  exer- 
tions of  their  General  to  restrain  his  soldiers,  they  still  considered  and 
treated  the  inhabitants  rather  as  conquered  rebels  than  returning  friends. 
Indulging  in  every  species  of  licentiousness,  the  plunder  and  destruction 
of  property  were  among  the  least  offensive  of  the  injuries  they  inflicted. 
The  persons,  not  only  of  the  men,  but  of  that  sex  through  which  indig- 
nities least  to  be  forgiven,  and  longest  to  be  remembered,  are  received, 
were  exposed  to  the  most  irritating  outrage.  Nor  were  these  excesses 
confined  to  those  who  had  been  active  in  the  American  cause.  The 
lukewarm,  and  even  the  loyalists,  were  the  victims  of  this  indiscriminat- 
ing  spirit  of  rapine  and  violence. 

The  effect  of  such  proceedings  on  a  people  whose  country  had  never 
before  been  the  seat  of  war,  and  whose  non-resistance  had  been  occa- 
sioned solely  by  the  expectation  of  that  security  which  had  been  pro- 
mised as  the  reward  of  submission  to  the  royal  authority,  could  not  fail 
to  equal  the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  the  friends  of  the  revolution.  A 
sense  of  personal  wrongs  produced  a  temper  which  national  considera- 
tions had  proved  too  weak  to  excite ;  and,  when  the  battles  of  Trenton 
and  Princeton  relieved  the  inhabitants  from  fears  inspired  by  the  pre- 
sence of  their  invaders,  the  great  body  of  the  people  flew  to  arms ;  and 
numbers  who  could  not  be  brought  into  the  field  to  check  the  advancing 
enemy,  and  prevent  the  ravages  which  uniformly  afflict  a  country  that 
becomes  the  seat  of  war,  were  prompt  in  avenging  those  ravages.  Small 
bodies  of  militia  scoured  the  country,  seized  on  stragglers,  behaved  un- 
exceptionably  well  in  several  slight  skirmishes,  and  were  collecting  in 
such  numbers  as  to  threaten  the  weaker  British  posts  with  the  fate  which 
had  befallen  Trenton  and  Princeton. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  137 

To  guard  against  that  spirit  of  enterprise  which  his  adversary  had 
displayed  to  such  advantage,  General  Howe  determined  to  strengthen 
his  posts  by  contracting  them.  The  positions  taken  for  the  purpose  of 
covering  the  country  were  abandoned ;  and  the  British  force  in  New 
Jersey  was  collected  at  New  Brunswick,  on  the  Raritan,  and  at  Amboy, 
a  small  town  at  the  mouth  of  that  river. 

Feeble  as  was  the  American  army,  this  movement  was  not  effected 
without  some  loss.  On  the  evacuation  of  Elizabethtown,  General  Max- 
well attacked  the  British  rear,  and  captured  about  seventy  men  with  a 
part  of  their  baggage. 

The  American  troops  had  been  so  diminished  by  the  extreme  severity 
of  the  service,  that  it  was  with  much  difficulty  the  appearance  of  an 
army  could  be  maintained.  Fresh  militia  and  volunteers  arrived  in 
camp,  whose  numbers  were  exaggerated  by  report.  These  additions  to 
his  small  remaining  regular  force  enabled  the  General  to  take  different 
positions  near  the  lines  of  the  enemy,  to  harass  him  perpetually,  restrain 
his  foraging  parties,  and  produce  considerable  distress  in  his  camp. 

While,  with  little  more  than  an  imaginary  army,  General  Washing- 
ton thus  harassed  and  confined  his  adversary,  he  came  to  the 
hazardous  resolution  of  freeing  himself  and  his  troops  from 
the  fear  of  a  calamity  which  he  found  it  impossible  to  elude,  and  which 
had  proved  more  fatal  in  his  camp  than  the  sword  of  the  enemy. 

Inoculation  having  been  rarely  practised  in  the  western  world,  the 
American  youth  remained  liable  to  the  small  pox.  Notwithstanding  the 
efforts  to  guard  against  this  disease,  it  had  found  its  way  into  both  the 
northern  and  middle  army,  and  had  impaired  the  strength  of  both  to  an 
alarming  degree.  To  avoid  the  return  of  the  same  evil,  the  General 
determined  to  inoculate  all  the  soldiers  in  the  American  service.  With  the 
utmost  secrecy,  preparations  were  made  to  give  the  infection  in  camp ; 
and  the  hospital  physicians  in  Philadelphia  were  ordered  to  carry  all  the 
southern  troops,  as  they  should  arrive,  through  the  disease.  Similar  or- 
ders were  also  given  to  the  physicians  at  other  places ;  and  thus  an  army 
exempt  from  the  fear  of  a  calamity  which  had,  at  all  times,  endangered 
the  most  important  operations,  was  prepared  for  the  ensuing  campaign. 
This  example  was  followed  through  the  country;  and  this  alarming  dis- 
ease was  no  longer  the  terror  of  America. 

As  the  main  body  of  the  British  army  was  cantoned  in  Jersey,  and  a 
strong  detachment  occupied  Rhode  Island,  General  Washington  believed 
that  New  York  could  not  be  perfectly  secure.  His  intelligence  strength- 
ened this  opinion ;  and,  as  an  army,  respectable  in  point  of  numbers,  had 
been  assembled  about  Peekskill,  he  ordered  General  Heath  to  approach 


138  THE  LIFE  OF 

New  York  for  the  purpose  of  foraging,  and,  should  appearances  favour  the 
attempt,  of  attacking  the  forts  which  guarded  the  entrance  into  the  island. 
The  hope  was  entertained  that  General  Howe,  alarmed  for  New  York, 
might  either  withdraw  his  troops  from  Jersey,  or  so  weaken  his  posts  in 
that  state  as  to  endanger  them.  Should  this  hope  be  disappointed,  it  was 
believed  that  something  handsome  might  be  done,  either  on  York  or 
Long  Island. 

In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  General  Heath  marched  down  to  West 
Chester,  and  summoned  fort  Independence  to  surrender;  but,  the  garri- 
son determining  to  hold  the  place,  a  council  of  war  deemed  it  unadvisea- 
ble  to  risk  an  assault.  An  embarkation  of  troops  which  took  place,  about 
that  time,  at  Rhode  Island,  alarmed  General  Heath  for  his  rear,  and  in- 
duced him  to  resume  his  ground  in  the  Highlands. 

Though  this  attempt  entirely  failed,  the  Commander-in-chief  still  me- 
ditated important  operations  during  the  winter.  All  the  intelligence  from 
Europe  demonstrated  the  necessity  of  these  operations,  and  the  fallacy 
of  the  hope,  still  extensively  cherished,  that  the  war  would  be  abandoned 
by  Great  Britain.  The  administration  was  still  supported  by  great  ma- 
jorities in  parliament ;  and  the  nation  seemed  well  disposed  to  employ 
all  its  means  to  reannex  to  the  empire,  what  were  still  denominated,  re- 
volted  colonies.  It  was  not  to  be  doubted  that  large  reinforcements 
would  arrive  in  the  spring ;  and  the  safety  of  the  -nation  would  be  in 
hazard  should  General  Howe  remain  in  full  force  till  they  should  be  re- 
ceived. The  utmost  efforts  were  made  by  the  Commander-in-chief  to 
collect  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  to  enable  him  to  give  a  decisive 
blow  to  some  one  of  the  positions  of  his  enemy.  The  state  sovereignties, 
whe/e  the  real  energies  of  government  resided,  were  incessantly  urged 
to  fill  their  regiments,  and  to  bring  their  quotas  into  the  field ;  and  con- 
gress,  at  his  instance,  passed  resolutions  authorizing  him  to  draw  the 
troops  from  Peekskill,'  and  to  call  out  the  militia  of  the  neighbouring 
states.  "  It  being,"  these  resolutions  proceed  to  say,  "  the  earnest  desire 
of  congress,  to  make  the  army  under  the  immediate  command  of  General 
Washington  sufficiently  strong,  not  only  to  curb  and  confine  the  enemy 
within  their  present  quarters,  and  prevent  their  drawing  support  of  any 
kind  from  the  country,  but,  by  the  divine  blessing,  totally  to^subdue  them 
before  they  can  be  reinforced." 

These  resolves  were  communicated  to  the  general,  in  a  letter,  mani- 
festing the  confident  expectation  of  congress  that  the  desire  expressed  in 
them  would  soon  be  realized.  But  the  energy  displayed  in  their  passage, 
could  not  be  maintained  in  their  execution. 

Many  causes  concurred  to  prevent  the  collection  of  a  force  competent 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  139 

to  those  vigorous  operations  which  the  enterprising  genius  of  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief had  provisionally  planned,  and  the  sanguine  temper  of 
congress  had  anticipated.  Some  of  the  state  assemblies  did  not  even 
complete  the  appointment  of  officers  till  the  spring;  and  then,  bitter  con- 
tests concerning  rank  remained  to  be  adjusted  when  the  troops  should 
join  the  army.  After  these  arrangements  were  made,  the  difficulty  of 
enlisting  men  was  unexpectedly  great.  The  immense  hardships  to  which 
the  naked  soldiers  had  been  exposed,  during  a  winter  campaign,  in  the 
face  of  a  superior  enemy ;  the  mortality  resulting  from  those  hardships, 
and  probably  from  an  injudicious  arrangement  of  the  hospital  department 
which  was  found  to  be  the  tomb  of  the  sick ;  had  excited  a  general  dis- 
gust to  the  service ;  and  a  cons^q^rat  unwillingness  to  engage  in  it. 

From  these  causes  the  army  continued  so  feeble  that  the  general,  in- 
stead of  being  able  to  execute  the  great  designs  he  had  meditated,  enter- 
tained serious  fears  that  Sir  William  Howe  would  take  the  field  during 
the  winter,  force  his  positions,  cross  the  Delaware  on  the  ice,  and  pro- 
ceed to  Philadelphia.  In  the  apprehension  of  this  attempt,  and  to  avoid 
that  confusion  which  would  result  from  the  removal  of  stores  in  the 
crisis  of  military  operations,  he  had  taken  the  precaution,  as  soon  as  the 
armies  were  in  winter  quarters,  to  convey  those  which  were  most  va- 
luable, to  a  distance  from  the  route  which  it  was  supposed  the  British 
army  would  pursue. 

The  real  condition  of  the  army  is  exhibited  in  a  letter  from  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief to  congress,  in  answer  to  that  which  enclosed  the  reso- 
lutions already  mentioned,  and  which  expressed  the  brilliant  schemes  of 
victory  formed  by  the  government.  " Could  I,"  said  the  ge-  .,  .  . 
neral,  "  accomplish  the  important  objects  so  eagerly  wished 
by  congress ;  confining  the  enemy  within  their  present  quarters,  prevent- 
ing their  getting  supplies  from  the  country,  and  totally  subduing  them 
before  they  are  reinforced,  I  should  be  happy  indeed.  But  what  pros- 
pect or  hope  can  there  be  of  my  effecting  so  desirable  a  work  at  this 
time  ?  The  enclosed  return,*  to  which  I  solicit  the  most  serious  attention 
of  congress,  comprehends  the  whole  force  I  have  in  Jersey.  It  is  but 
a  handful,  and  bears  no  proportion  on  the  scale  of  numbers  to  that  of 
the  enemy.  Added  to  this,  the  major  part  is  made  up  of  militia.  The 
most  sanguine  in  speculation  can  not  deem  it  more  than  adequate  to  the 
least  valuable  purposes  of  war." 

Though  unable  to  act  with  the  vigour  he  wished,  the  American  gene- 
ral kept  up  a  war  of  skirmishes  through  the  winter.  In  the  course  of 
it,  the  British  loss  was  believed  to  be  considerable;  and  hopes  were 

*  See  note  No.  VIII.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


140  THE  LIFE  OF 

entertained  that,  from  the  scarcity  of  forage,  neither  their  cavalry  nor 
draft  horses  would  be  in  a  condition  to  take  the  field  when  the  campaign 
should  open.  Their  foraging  parties  were  often  attacked  to  advantage. 
Frequent  small  successes,  the  details  of  which  filled  the  papers  through- 
out the  United  States,  not  only  increased  the  confidence  of  the  Ameri- 
can soldiers,  but  served  greatly  to  animate  the  people. 

The  hope  of  collecting  a  sufficient  force  during  the  winter  to  make 
any  valuable  impression  on  the  British  army  being  disappointed,  the 
views  of  the  General  were  directed  to  the  next  campaign. 

As  the  new  army  was  to  be  raised  by  the  authority  of  the  state  go- 
vernments, he  urged  on  them  the  necessity  of  bringing  a  respectable 
force  into  the  field  early  in  the  spring,  with  all  the  earnestness  which 
was  suggested  by  his  situation,  and  zeal  for  the  service. 

In  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts,  the  country  was  laid  off  into  dis- 
tricts, each  of  which  was  required,  by  a  given  day,  to  furnish  a  soldier 
enlisted  for  three  years,  or  during  the  war ;  in  default  of  which,  one 
person,  from  those  capable  of  bearing  arms,  was  to  be  drafted  to  serve 
until  the  first  of  the  ensuing  January.  The  Commander-in-chief,  though 
still  deprecating  the  introduction  of  men  into  the  army  whose  terms  .of 
service  would  be  of  short  duration,  felt  the  necessity  of  submitting  TO 
this  expedient,  as  the  most  eligible  which  could  now  be  adopted. 

In  Virginia,  where  the  same  difficulty  attended  enlistments,  it  was 
proposed  by  the  executive  to  fill  the  regiments  with  volunteers,  who 
should  engage  to  serve  for  six  months.  This  plan  was  submitted  to 
General  Washington  by  Governor  Henry,  and  his  opinion  asked  upon 
it.  "  I  am  under  the  necessity  of  observing,"  said  the  General  in  reply 
"  that  the  volunteer  plan  which  you  mention  will  never  answer  any  valu- 
able purpose,  and  that  I  can  not  but  disapprove  the  measure.  To  the 
short  engagements  of  our  troops  may  be  fairly  and  justly  ascribed 
almost  every  misfortune  that  we  have  experienced." 

In  a  subsequent  letter  to  the  same  gentleman,  enforcing  earnestly  the 
necessity  of  bringing  a  sufficient  army  into  the  field,  though  coercive 
measures  should  be  adopted,  some  alternatives  were  suggested,  which, 
in  a  later  period  of  the  war,  constituted  the  basis  of  various  experiments 
to  furnish  the  quota  of  troops  required  from  that  state. 

As  the  season  for  active  operations  approached,  fresh  difficulties, 
growing  out  of  the  organization  of  the  American  system,  unfolded  them- 
selves. As  every  state  was  exposed  to  invasion,  and  the  command  of 
the  ocean  enabled  the  British  general  to  transfer  the  war,  at  pleasure. 
to  any  part  of  the  Union,  the  attention  of  each  was  directed  exclusively 
to  its  particular  situation.  Each  state  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  great 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  141 

theatre  of  action,  contemplating  its  own  danger,  claimed  the  protection 
which  is  due  from  the  whole  to  its  parts.  Although  the  object  of  the 
confederation  was  the  same  with  that  pursued  by  each  of  its  members, 
the  spirit  incident  to  every  league  could  not  be  controlled  in  an  empire 
where,  notwithstanding  the  existence  of  a  head,  the  essentials  of  govern- 
ment resided  in  the  members.  It  was  displayed  in  repeated  efforts  to 
give  to  the  energies  of  the  army  such  various  directions,  as  would  leave 
it  unable  to  effect  any  great  object,  or  to  obstruct  any  one  plan  the 
enemy  might  form.  The  patriotism  of  the  day  however,  and  the  un 
exampled  confidence  placed  by  all  the  state  governments  in  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, prevented  the  mischiefs  this  spirit  is  so  well  calculated 
to  generate.  His  representations  made  their  proper  impression ;  and  the 
intention  of  retaining  continental  troops  for  local  defence  was  abandon- 
ed, though  with  some  reluctance.  The  burthen,  however,  of  calling 
militia  from  their  domestic  avocations,  at  every  threat  of  invasion,  to 
watch  every  military  post  in  each  state,  became  so  intolerable,  that 
the  people  cast  about  for  other  expedients  to  relieve  themselves  from  its 
weight.  The  plan  of  raising  regular  corps,  to  be  exclusively  under 
state  authority,  and  thus  be  a  perpetual  substitute  for  the  yeomanry  of 
the  country,  presented  itself  as  the  most  effectual  and  convenient  mode 
of  protecting  the  coasts  from  insult. 

During  the  winter,  General  Howe  kept  his  troops  in  their  quarters, 
attending  to  their  comfort".  As  the  season  for  more  active  operations 
approached,  his  first  attention  was  directed  to  the  destruction  of  the 
scanty  supplies  prepared  by  the  Americans  for  the  ensuing  campaign. 
A  small  place  on  the  Hudson  called  Peekskill,  about  fifty  miles  above 
New  York,  was  generally  the  residence  of  the  officer  commanding  in  the 
Highlands,  and  was  used  for  the  reception  of  stores,  to  be  distributed 
into  the  neighbouring  posts  as  occasion  might  require.  Its  strength,  like 
that  of  all  others  depending  for  defence  on  militia,  was  subject  to  great 
fluctuation.  As  soon  as  the  ice  was  out  of  the  river,  General  Howe  took 
advantage  of  its  occasional  weakness,  to  carry  on  an  expedition  against 
it,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  stores  there  deposited,  or  of  bringing 
them  away. 

Colonel  Bird  was  detached  up  the  river  on  this  service,  with  about  five 

hundred  men,  under  convoy  of  a  frigate  and  some  armed  ves- 

March  31. 
sels.     General  M'Dougal,  whose  numbers  did  not  at  that  time 

exceed  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  received  timely  notice  of  his  approach, 
and  exerted  himself  for  the  removal  of  the  stores  into  the  strong  country 
in  his  rear.  Before  this  could  be  effected,  Colonel  Bird  appeared ;  and 
M'Dougal,  after  setting  fire  to  the  remaining  stores  and  barracks,  retired 
VOL.  i.  N  10 


142  THE  LIFE  OF 

into  the  strong  grounds  in  the  rear  of  Peekskill.  The  British  detach- 
ment completed  the  conflagration,  and  returned  to  New  York.  During 
their  short  stay,  a  piquet  guard  was  attacked  by  Colonel  Willet,  and 
driven  in  with  the  loss  of  a  few  men ;  a  circumstance,  believed  by 
General  M'Dougal,  to  have  hastened  the  re-embarkation  of  the  detach- 
ment. 

Military  stores  to  a  considerable  amount  had  likewise  been  deposited 
at  Danbury,  on  the  western  frontier  of  Connecticut.  Although  this  place 
is  not  more  than  twenty  miles  from  the  Sound,  yet  the  roughness  of  the 
intervening  country,  the  frequent  passage  of  troops  from  the  eastward 
through  the  town,  and  the  well  known  zeal  of  the  neighbouring  militia, 
were  believed  sufficient  to  secure  the  magazines  collected  at  it.  Against 
Danbury  an  expedition  was  projected ;  and  two  thousand  men  under  the 
command  of  Governor  Tryon,  major  general  of  the  provincials  in  the 
British  service,  assisted  by  Brigadiers  Agnew  and  Sir  William  Erskine, 
were  employed  in  it. 

On  the  25th  of  April  the  fleet  appeared  ofF  the  coast  of  Connecticut , 
and  in  the  evening  the  troops  were  landed  without  opposition  between 
Fairfield  and  Norwalk.  General  Silliman,  then  casually  in  that  part 
of  the  country,  immediately  despatched  expresses  to  assemble  the  mili- 
tia. In  the  mean  time  Tryon  proceeded  to  Danbury,  which  he  reach 
ed  about  two  the  next  day.  On  his  approach,  Colonel  Huntingdon 
who  had  occupied  the  town  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  re 
tired  to  a  neighbouring  height,  and  Danbury,  with  the  magazines  it  con 
tained,  was  consumed  by  fire.  General  Arnold,  who  was  also  in  thf 
state  superintending  the  recruiting  service,  joined  General  Silliman  a» 
Reading,  where  that  officer  had  collected  about  five  hundred  militia. 
General  Wooster,  who  had  resigned  his  commission  in  the  continental 
service,  and  been  appointed  major  general  of  the  militia,  fell  in  with  them 
at  the  same  place,  and  they  proceeded  in  the  night  through  a  heavy  rain 
to  Bethel,  about  eight  miles  from  Danbury.  Having  heard  next  morn- 
ing that  Tryon,  after  destroying  the  town  and  magazines,  was  returning, 
they  divided  their  troops ;  and  General  Wooster,  with  about  three  hun- 
dred men  fell  in  his  rear,  while  Arnold,  with  about  five  hundred,  crossing 
the  country,  took  post  in  his  front  at  Ridgefield.  Wooster  came  up  with 
his  rear  about  eleven  in  the  morning,  attacked  it  with  great  gallantry, 
and  a  sharp  skirmish  ensued,  in  which  he  was  mortally  wounded,*  and 
his  troops  were  repulsed.  Tryon  then  proceeded  to  Ridgefield,  where 
he  found  Arnold  already  intrenched  on  a  strong  piece  of  ground,  and 
prepared  to  dispute  his  passage.  A  warm  skirmish  ensued,  which  con- 
*  Congress  voted  a  monument  to  his  memory. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  143 

tinued  nearly  an  hour.  Arnold  was  at  length  driven  from  the  field; 
after  which  he  retreated  to  Paugatuck,  about  three  miles  east  of  Nor- 
walk.  At  break  of  day  next  morning,  after  setting  Ridgefield  on  fire, 
the  British  resumed  their  march.  About  eleven  in  the  fore- 
noon, they  were  again  met  by  Arnold,  whose  numbers  in- 
creased during  the  day  to  rather  more  than  one  thousand  men ;  among 
whom  were  some  continental  troops.  A  continued  skirmishing  was  kept 
up  until  five  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  British  formed  on  a  hill  near 
their  ships.  The  Americans  attacked  them  with  intrepidity,  but  were 
repulsed  and  broken.  Tryon,  availing  himself  of  this  respite,  re-em- 
barked his  troops,  and  returned  to  New  York. 

The  loss  of  the  British  amounted  to  about  one  hundred  and  seventy 
men.  That  of  the  Americans,  was  represented  by  Tryon,  as  being  much 
more  considerable.  By  themselves,  it  was  not  admitted  to  exceed  one 
hundred.  In  this  number,  however,  were  comprehended  General  Woos- 
ter,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Gould,  and  another  field  officer,  killed ;  and 
Colonel  Lamb  wounded.  Several  other  officers  and  volunteers  were 
killed. 

Military  and  hospital  stores  to  a  considerable  amount,  which  were 
greatly  needed  by  the  army,  were  destroyed  in  the  magazines  at  Dan- 
bury  ;  but  the  loss  most  severely  felt  was  rather  more  than  one  thou- 
sand tents,  which  had  been  provided  for  the  campaign  about  to  open. 

Not  long  afterwards  this  enterprise  was  successfully  retaliated.  A 
British  detachment  had  been  for  some  time  employed  in  collecting  forage 
and  provisions  on  the  eastern  end  of  Long  Island.  Howe  supposed  this 
part  of  the  country  to  be  so  completely  secured  by  the  armed  vessels 
which  incessantly  traversed  the  Sound,  that  he  confided  the  protection  of 
the  stores,  deposited  at  a  small  port  called  Sagg  Harbour,  to  a  schooner 
with  twelve  guns,  and  a  company  of  infantry. 

General  Parsons,  who  commanded  a  few  recruits  at  New  Haven, 
thinking  it  practicable  to  elude  the  cruisers  in  the  bay,  formed  the  design 
of  surprising  this  party,  and  other  adjacent  posts,  the  execution  of  which 
was  entrusted  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Meigs,  a  gallant  officer,  who  had 
accompanied  Arnold  in  his  memorable  march  to  Quebec.  He  embarked 
with  about  two  hundred  and  thirty  men,  on  board  thirteen  whale  boats, 
and  proceeded  along  the  coast  to  Guilford,  where  he  was  to  cross  the 

Sound.     With  about  one  hundred  and  seventy  of  his  detach- 

May  23 
ment,  under  convoy  of  two  armed  sloops,  he  proceeded  across 

the  Sound  to  the  north  division  of  the  island  near  South  Hold,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  which  a  small  foraging  party,  against  which  the  expe- 
dition was  in  part  directed,  was  supposed  to  lie;  but  they  had  marched 


144  THE  LIFE  OF 

two  days  before  to  New  York.  The  boats  were  conveyed  across  the 
land,  a  distance  of  about  fifteen  miles,  into  a  bay  which  deeply  inter- 
sects the  eastern  end  of  Long  Island,  where  the  troops  re-embarked. 
Crossing  the  bay,  they  landed  at  two  in  the  morning,  about  four  miles 
from  Sagg  Harbour,  which  place  they  completely  surprised,  and  carried 
with  charged  bayonets.  At  the  same  time,  a  division  of  the  detachment 
secui'ed  the  armed  schooner,  and  the  vessels  laden  with  forage,  which 
were  set  on  fire,  and  entirely  consumed.  Six  of  the  enemy  were  killed, 
nd  ninety  taken  prisoners.  A  very  few  escaped  under  cover  of  the 
night. 

The  object  of  his  expedition  being  effected  without  the  loss  of  a  man, 
Colonel  Meigs  returned  to  Guilford  with  his  prisoners.  "  Having,"  as 
was  stated  in  the  letter  to  General  Parsons,  "  moved  with  such  uncom- 
mon celerity,  as  to  have  transported  his  men,  by  land  and  water,  ninety 
miles  in  twenty-five  hours."  Congress  directed  a  sword  to  be  presented 
to  him,  and  passed  a  resolution  expressing  the  high  sense  entertained  of 
his  merit,  and  of  the  prudence,  activity,  and  valour,  displayed  by  him- 
self and  his  parly. 

The  exertions  made  by  the  Commander-in-chief  through  the  winter  to 
raise  a  powerful  army  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  had  not  been  success- 
ful. The  hopes  respecting  its  strength  which  the  flattering  reports  made 
from  every  quarter  had  authorized  him  to  form,  were  cruelly  disappoint- 
ed ;  and  he  found  himself  not  only  unable  to  carry  into  effect  the  offen- 
sive operations  he  had  meditated,  but  unequal  even  to  defensive  war. 
That  steady  and  persevering  courage,  however,  which  had  supported 
himself  and  the  American  cause  through  the  gloomy  scenes  of  the  pre- 
ceding year,  did  not  forsake  him;  and  that  sound  judgment  which  ap- 
plies to  the  best  advantage  those  means  which  are  attainable,  however 
inadequate  they  may  be,  still  remained.  His  plan  of  operations  was 
adapted  to  that  which  he  believed  his  enemy  had  formed.  He  was  per- 
suaded either  that  General  Burgoyne  would  endeavour  to  take  Ticonde- 
roga,  and  to  penetrate  to  the  Hudson,  in  which  event  General  Howe 
would  co-operate  with  him  by  moving  up  that  river,  and  attempting  to 
possess  himself  of  the  forts  and  high  grounds  commanding  its  passage ; 
or  that  Burgoyne  would  join  the  grand  army  at  New  York  by  sea  ; 
after  which  the  combined  armies  would  proceed  against  Philadelphia. 

To  counteract  the  designs  of  the  enemy,  whatever  they  might  be,  to 
defend  the  three  great  points,  Ticonderoga,  the  Highlands  of  New  York, 
and  Philadelphia,  against  two  powerful  armies  so  much  superior  to  him, 
in  arms,  in  numbers,  and  in  discipline,  it  was  necessary  to  make  such 
an  arrangement  of  his  troops  as  would  enable  the  parts  reciprocally  to 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  145 

aid  each  other,  without  neglecting  objects  of  great,  and  almost  equal 
magnitude  which  were  alike  threatened,  and  were  far  asunder.  To 
effect  these  purposes,  the  troops  of  New  England  and  New  York  were 
divided  between  Ticonderoga  and  Peekskill,  while  those  from  Jersey  to 
North  Carolina  inclusive,  were  directed  to  assemble  at  the  camp  to  be 
formed  in  Jersey.  The  more  southern  troops  remained  in  that  weak 
quarter  of  the  union  for  its  protection. 

These  arrangements  being  made,  and  the  recruits  collected,  the  camp 
at  Morristown  was  broken  up,  the  detachments  called  in,  and 
the  army  assembled  at  Middlebrook,  just  behind  a  connected 
ridge'  of  strong  and  commanding  heights,  north  of  the  road  leading  to 
Philadelphia,  and  about  ten  miles  from  Brunswick. 

This  camp,  the  approaches  to  which  were  naturally  difficult,  was  ren- 
dered still  more  defensible  by  intrenchments.  The  heights  in  front  com- 
manded a  prospect  of  the  course  of  the  Raritan,  the  road  to  Philadelphia, 
the  hills  about  Brunswick,  and  a  considerable  part  of  the  country  be- 
tween that  place  and  Amboy  ;  so  as  to  afford  a  full  view  of  the  most 
interesting  movements  of  the  enemy. 

The  force  brought  into  the  field  by  America  required  all  the  aid  which 
could  be  derived  from  strong  positions,  and  unremitting  vigilance.  On 
the  20th  of  May,  the  total  of  the  army  in  Jersey,  excluding  cavalry  and 
artillery,  amounted  to  only  eight  thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy- 
eight  men,  of  whom  upwards  of  two  thousand  were  sick.  The  effec- 
tive rank  and  file  were  only  five  thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty- 
eight. 

Had  this  army  been  composed  of  the  best  disciplined  troops,  its  infe- 
riority, in  point  of  numbers,  must  have  limited  its  operations  to  defensive 
war ;  and  have  rendered  it  incompetent  to  the  protection  of  any  place, 
whose  defence  would  require  a  battle  in  the  open  field.  But  more  than 
half  the  troops*  were  unacquainted  with  the  first  rudiments  of  military 
duty,  and  had  never  looked  an  enemy  in  the  face.  As  an  additional 
cause  of  apprehension,  a  large  proportion  of  the  soldiers,  especially  from 
the  middle  states,  were  foreigners,  many  of  them  servants,  in  whose  at- 
tachment to  the  American  cause  full  confidence  could  not  be  placed. 

General  Washington  anticipating  a  movement  by  land  towards  Phila- 
delphia, had  taken  the  precaution  to  give  orders  for  assembling  on 
the  western  bank  of  the  Delaware,  an  army  of  militia,  strengthened  by  a 
few  continental  troops,  the  command  of  which  was  given  to  General  Ar- 

*  The  extreme  severity  of  the  service,  aided  perhaps  by  the  state  of  the  hospitals, 
had  carried  to  the  grave  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  soldiers  who  had  served  the  pre- 
ceding campaign,  and  been  engaged  for  more  than  one  year. 


146  THE  LIFE  OF 

nold,  who  was  then  in  Philadelphia,  employed  in  the  settlement  of  his 
accounts. 

The  first  and  real  object  of  the  campaign,  on  the  part  of  General 
Howe,  was  the  acquisition  of  Philadelphia.  He  intended  to  march 
through  Jersey;  and,  after  securing  the  submission  of  that  state,  to  cross 
the  Delaware  on  a  portable  bridge  constructed  in  the  winter  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  proceed  by  land  to  that  city.  If,  in  the  execution  of  this  plan, 
the  Americans  could  be  brought  to  a  general  action  on  equal  ground,  the 
advantages  of  the  royal  army  must  insure  a  victory.  But  should  Wash- 
ington decline  an  engagement,  and  be  again  pressed  over  the  Delaware, 
the  object  would  be  as  certainly  obtained. 

Had  Sir  William  Howe  taken  the  field  before  the  continental  troops 
were  assembled,  this  plan  might  probably  have  been  executed  without 
any  serious  obstruction ;  but  the  tents  and  camp  equipage  expected  from 
Europe  did  not  arrive  until  General  Washington  had  collected  his  forces, 
and  taken  possession  of  the  strong  post  on  the  heights  of  Middlebrook. 
It  would  be  dangerous  to  attack  him  on  such  advantageous  ground;  for, 
although  his  camp  might  be  forced,  victory  would  probably  be  attended 
with  such  loss,  as  to  disable  the  victor  from  reaping  its  fruits. 

If  it  was  deemed  too  hazardous  to  attack  the  strong  camp  at  Middle* 
brook ;  an  attempt  to  cross  the  Delaware,  in  the  face  of  an  army  col- 
lected on  its  western  bank,  while  that  under  General  Washington  re- 
mained unbroken  in  his  rear,  was  an  experiment  of  equal  danger.  It 
comported  with  the  cautious  temper  of  Sir  William  Howe  to  devise  some 
other  plan  of  operation  to  which  he  might  resort,  should  he  be  unable  to 
seduce  the  American  general  from  his  advantageous  position. 

The  two  great  bays  of  Delaware  and  Chesapeake  suggested  the  alter- 
native of  proceeding  by  water,  should  he  be  unable  to  manoeuvre  General 
Washington  out  of  his  present  encampment. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  being  settled,  and  some  small  reinforce- 
ments with  the  expected  camp  equipage  being  received  from 
Europe,  General  Howe,  leaving  a  garrison  in  New  York,  and 
a  guard  in  Amboy,  assembled  his  army  at  Brunswick,  and  gave  strong 
indications  of  an  intention  to  penetrate  through  the  country  to 
the  Delaware,  and  reach  Philadelphia  by  land. 

Believing  this  to  be  his  real  design,  Washington  placed  a  select  corps 
of  riflemen  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Morgan,  an  officer 
who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  unfortunate  attempt  to 
storm  Quebec,  and  in  whom  those  peculiar  qualities  which  fit  a  man  for 
the  command  of  a  partisan  corps,  designed  to  act  on  the  lines  of  a  for- 
midable enemy,  were  eminently  united. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  147 

He  was  ordered  to  take  post  at  Vanvighton's  Bridge  on  the  Raritan, 
just  above  its  confluence  with  the  Millstone  River,  to  watch  the  left  flank 
of  the  British  army,  and  seize  every  occasion  to  harass  it. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  14th,  Sir  William  Howe,  leaving  two 
thousand  men  under  the  command  of  General  Matthews  at  Brunswick, 
advanced  in  two  columns  towards  the  Delaware.  The  front  of  the  first, 
under  Lord  Cornwallis,  reached  Somerset  Court  House,  nine  miles  from 
Brunswick,  by  the  appearance  of  day ;  and  the  second,  commanded  by 
General  de  Heister,  reached  Middlebush  about  the  same  time. 

This  movement  was  made  with  the  view  of  inducing  General  Wash- 
ington to  quit  his  fortified  camp,  and  approach  the  Delaware,*  in  which 
event,  the  British  General  expected  to  bring  on  an  engagement  on  ground 
less  disadvantageous  than  that  now  occupied  by  the  American  army. 
But  that  officer  understood  the  importance  of  his  position  too  well  to 
abandon  it.  On  the  first  intelligence  that  the  enemy  was  in  motion,  he 
drew  out  his  whole  army,  and  formed  it,  to  great  advantage,  on  the 
heights  in  front  of  his  camp.  This  position  was  constantly  maintained. 
The  troops  remained  in  order  of  battle  during  the  day ;  and,  in  the  night, 
slept  on  the  ground  to  be  defended.  In  the  mean  time  the  Jersey  mi- 
litia, with  an  alacrity  theretofore  unexampled  in  that  state,  took  the  field 
in  great  numbers.  They  principally  joined  General  Sullivan,  who  had 
retired  from  Princeton,  behind  the  Sourland  hills  towards  Flemingtown, 
where  an  army  of  some  respectability  was  forming,  which  could  readily 
co-operate  with  that  under  the  immediate  inspection  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief. 

The  settled  purpose  of  General  Washington  was  to  defend  his  camp, 
but  not  to  hazard  a  general  action  on  other  ground.  He  had  therefore 
determined  not  to  advance  from  the  heights  he  occupied,  into  the  open 
country,  either  towards  the  enemy,  or  the  Delaware. 

The  object  of  General  Howe  seems  to  have  been,  by  acting  on  his 
anxiety  for  Philadelphia,  to  seduce  him  from  the  strong  ground  a\>ut 
Middlebrook,  and  tempt  him  to  approach  the  Delaware,  in  the  hope  of 
defending  its  passage.  Should  he  succeed  in  this,  he  had  little  doubt 
of  being  able  to  bring  on  an  engagement,  in  which  he  counted  with  cer- 
tainty on  victory.  The  considerations  which  restrained  General  Howe 
from  attempting  to  march  through  Jersey,  leaving  the  American  army 
in  full  force  in  his  rear,  had  determined  Washington  to  allow  him  to 
proceed  to  the  Delaware,  if  such  should  be  his  intention.  In  that  event, 
he  had  determined  to  throw  those  impediments  only  in  the  way  of  the 
hostile  army  which  might  harass  and  retard  its  march  j  and,  maintain- 
*  General  Howe's  letter. 


148  THE  LIFE  OF 

ing  the  high  and  secure  grounds  north  of  the  road  to  be  taken  by  the 
enemy,  to  watch  for  an  opportunity  of  striking  some  important  blow  with 
manifest  advantage. 

He  was  not  long  in  penetrating  the  designs  of  his  adversary.  "  The 
views  of  the  enemy,"  he  writes  to  General  Arnold  in  a  letter  of  the  17th, 
"  must  be  to  destroy  this  army,  and  get  possession  of  Philadelphia.  I 
am,  however,  clearly  of  opinion,  that  they  will  not  move  that  way  until 
they  have  endeavoured  to  give  a  severe  blow  to  this  army.  The  risk 
would  be  too  great  to  attempt  to  cross  a  river,  when  they  must  expect  to 
meet  a  formidable  opposition  in  front,  and  would  have  such  a  force  as 
ours  in  their  rear.  They  might  possibly  be  successful,  but  the  probabi- 
lity would  be  infinitely  against  them.  Should  they  be  imprudent  enough 
to  make  the  attempt,  I  shall  keep  close  upon  their  heels,  and  will  do 
every  thing  in  my  power  to  make  the  project  fatal  to  them. 

"  But,  besides  the  argument  in  favour  of  their  intending,  in  the  first 
place,  a  stroke  at  this  army,  drawn  from  the  policy  of  the  measure, 
every  appearance  contributes  to  confirm  the  opinion.  Had  their  design 
been  for  the  Delaware  in  the  first  instance,  they  would  probably  have 
made  a  secret,  rapid  march  for  it,  and  not  have  halted  so  as  to  awaken 
our  attention,  and  give  us  time  to  prepare  for  obstructing  them.  Instead 
of  that  they  have  only  advanced  to  a  position  necessary  to  facilitate  an 
attack  on  our  right,  the  part  in  which  we  are  most  exposed.  In  addition 
to  this  circumstance,  they  have  come  out  as  light  as  possible,  leaving  all 
their  baggage,  provisions,  boats,  and  bridges,  at  Brunswick.  This  plainly 
contradicts  the  idea  of  their  intending  to  push  for  the  Delaware." 

Finding  the  American  army  could  not  be  drawn  from  its  strong  posi- 
tion, General  Howe  determined  to  waste  no  more  time  in  threatening  Phi- 
ladelphia by  land,  but  to  withdraw  from  Jersey,  and  to  embark  his  army 
as  expeditiously  as  possible  for  the  Chesapeake  or  the  Delaware.  On 
the  night  of  the  19th  he  returned  to  Brunswiolc,  and  on  the  22d  to  Am- 
boy,  from  which  place,  the  heavy  baggage  and  a  few  of  his  troops  passed 
into  Staten  Island,  on  the  bridge  which  had  been  designed  for  the  Dela 
ware. 

General  Washington  had  expected  this  movement  from  Brunswick, 
and  had  made  arrangements  to  derive  some  advantage  from  it.  General 
Greene  was  detached  with  three  brigades  to  annoy  the  British  rear ;  and 
Sullivan  and  Maxwell  were  ordered  to  co-operate  with  him.  In  the  mean 
time  the  army  paraded  on  the  heights  of  Middlebrook,  ready  to  act  as 
circumstances  might  require. 

About  sunrise,  Colonel  Morgan  drove  in  a  piquet  guard,  soon  after 
which  that  division  commenced  its  march  to  Amboy.  Some  sharp  skir 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  149 

mishing  took  place  between  this  party  and  Morgan's  regiment,  but  the 
hope  of  gaining  any  important  advantage  was  entirely  disappointed ;  and 
the  retreat  to  Amboy  was  effected  with  inconsiderable  loss. 

In  order  to  cover  his  light  parties,  which  still  hung  on  the  British  flank 
and  rear,  General  Washington  advanced  six  or  seven  miles, 
to  Quibbletown  on  the  road  to  Amboy ;  and  Lord  Stirling's 
division  was  pushed  still  farther,  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Metucking 
Meeting  House,  for  the  purpose  of  co-operating  with  the  light  parties, 
should  the  retreat  to  Staten  Island  afford  an  opportunity  of  striking  at 
the  rear. 

Believing  it  now  practicable  to  bring  on  an  engagement,  and  probably 
hoping  to  turn  the  left  of  the  American  army,  and  gain  the  heights  in  its 
rear,  General  Howe,  in  the  night  of  the  25th,  recalled  the  troops  from 
Staten  Island;  and,  early  next  morning,  made  a  rapid  movement,  hi 
two  columns,  towards  Westfield.  The  right,  under  the  command  of 
Lord  Cornwallis,  took  the  route  by  Woodbridge  to  the  Scotch  Plains ; 
and  the  left,  led  by  Sir  William  Howe  in  person,  marched  by 
Metucking  Meeting  House,  to  fall  into  the  rear  of  the  right  co- 
lumn. It  was  intended  that  the  left  should  take  a  separate  road,  soon 
after  this  junction,  and  attack  the  left  flank  of  the  American  army  at 
Quibbletown;  while  Lord  Cornwallis  should  gain  the  heights  on  the  left 
of  the  camp  at  Middlebrook.  Four  battalions  with  six  pieces  of  cannon 
were  detached  to  Bonhamtown.* 

About  Woodbridge,  the  right  column  fell  in  with  one  of  the  American 
parties  of  observation  which  gave  notice  of  this  movement.  General 
Washington  discerned  his  danger,  put  the  whole  army  instantly  in  motion, 
and  regained  the  camp  at  Middlebrook.  Lord  Cornwallis  fell  in  with 
Lord  Stirling,  and  a  sharp  skirmish  ensued,  in  which  the  Americans  were 
driven  from  their  ground  with  the  loss  of  three  field  pieces,  and  a  few 
men.  They  retreated  to  the  hills  about  the  Scotch  plains,  and  were  pur- 
sued as  far  as  Westfield.  Perceiving  the  passes  in  the  mountains  on 
the  left  of  the  American  camp  to  be  guarded,  and  the  object  of  this  skil- 
ful manoeuvre  to  be,  consequently,  unattainable,  his  lordship 
returned  through  Rahway  to  Amboy ;  and  the  whole  army 
crossed  over  to  Staten  Island. 

General  Washington  was  now  again  left  to  his  conjectures  respecting 
the  plan  of  the  campaign.     Before  Sir  William  Howe  had,  in 
any  degree  disclosed  his  views,  intelligence  was  received  of 
the  appearance  of  Burgoyne  on  Lake  Champlain,  and  that  Ticonde- 
roga  was  threatened.     This  intelligence  strengthened  the  opinion  that 

*  General  Howe's  letter 


150  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  design  of  Howe  must  be  to  seize  the  passes  in  the  mountains  on  the 
Hudson,  secure  the  command  of  that  river,  and  effect  a  junction  between 
the  two  armies.  Yet  he  could  not  permit  himself  to  yield  so  entirely 
to  this  impression,  as  to  make  a  movement  which  might  open  the  way 
by  land  to  Philadelphia.  His  army  therefore  maintained  its  station  at 
Middlebrook ;  but  arrangements  were  made  to  repel  any  sudden  attack 
on  the  posts  which  defended  the  Hudson. 

Some  changes  made  in  the  stations  of  the  British  ships  and  troops 
having  relieved  the  American  General  from  his  apprehensions  of  a  sud- 
den march  to  Philadelphia,  he  advanced  Sullivan's  division  to  Pompton 
Plains,  on  the  way  to  Peekskill ;  and  proceeded  with  the  main  body  of 
his  army,  to  Morristown; — thus  approaching  the  highlands  of  New 
York,  without  removing  so  far  from  Middlebrook  as  to  be  unable  to  re- 
gain that  camp  should  General  Howe  indicate  an  intention  to  seize  it. 

Meanwhile,  the  British  General  prosecuted,  diligently,  his  plan  of 
embarkation,  which  was,  necessarily,  attended  with  circumstances  indi- 
cating a  much  longer  voyage  than  that  up  the  North  River.  These  cir- 
cumstances were  immediately  communicated  to  the  eastern  states,  and 
congress  was  earnestly  pressed  to  strengthen  the  fortifications  on  the 
Delaware,  and  to  increase  the  obstructions  in  that  river. 

In  the  midst  of  these  appearances,  certain  intelligence  was  received 
that  Burgoyne  was  in  great  force  on  the  lakes,  and  was  advancing 
against  Ticonderoga.  This  intelligence  confirmed  the  opinion  that  the 
main  object  of  Howe  must  be  to  effect  a  junction  with  Burgoyne  on  the 
North  River.  Under  this  impression,  General  Washington  ordered  Sul- 
livan to  Peekskill,  and  advanced,  himself,  first  to  Pompton 
Plains,  and  afterwards  to  the  Clove,  where  he  determined  to 
remain  until  the  views  of  the  enemy  should  be  disclosed. 

While  the  General  thus  anxiously  watched  the  movements  of  his  ad- 
versary, an  agreeable  and  unexpected  piece  of  intelligence  was  received 
from  New  England.  The  command  of  the  British  troops  in  Rhode 
Island  had  devolved  on  General  Prescot.  Thinking  himself  perfectly 
secure  in  an  island,  the  water  surrounding  which  was  believed  to  be 
entirely  guarded  by  his  cruisers,  and  at  the  head  of  an  army  greatly 
superior  to  any  force  then  collected  in  that  department,  he  indulged  him- 
self in  convenient  quarters,  rather  distant  from  camp ;  and  was  remiss 
with  respect  to  the  guards  about  his  person.  Information  of  this  negli- 
gence was  communicated  to  the  main,  and  a  plan  was  formed  to  surprise 
him.  This  spirited  enterprise  was  executed,  with  equal  courage  and 
address,  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Barton  of  the  Rhode  Island  militia. 

On  the  night  of  the  10th,  he  embarked  on  board  four  whale  boats,  at 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  151 

Warwick  Neck,  with  a  party  consisting  of  about  forty  persons,  includ- 
ing Captains  Adams,  and  Philips,  and  several  other  officers.  After  pro- 
ceeding about  ten  miles  by  water,  unobserved  by  the  British  guard- 
boats,  although  several  ships  of  war  lay  in  that  quarter,  he  landed  on 
the  west  of  the  island,  about  midway  between  Newport  and  Bristol  ferry, 
and  marching  a  mile  to  the  quarters  of  Prescot,  dexterously  seized  the 
sentinel  at  his  door,  and  one  of  his  aids.  The  general  himself  was 
taken  out  of  bed,  and  conveyed  to  a  place  of  safety. 

The  success  of  this  intrepid  enterprise  diffused  the  more  joy  through- 
out America,  because  it  was  supposed  to  secure  the  liberation  of  General 
Lee,  by  enabling  General  Washington  to  offer  an  officer  of  equal  rank 
in  exchange  for  him. 

Congress  expressed  a  high  sense  of  the  gallant  conduct  of  Colonel 
Barton,  and  his  party ;  and  presented  him  with  a  sword  as  a  mark  of 
approbation. 

As  the  fleet  fell  down  towards  Sandy  Hook,  General  Washington  with- 
drew slowly  from  the  Clove,  and  disposed  his  army  in  different  divi- 
sions, so  as  to  march  to  any  point  which  might  be  attacked. 

At  length,  the  embarkation  was  completed,  and  the  fleet  put  to  sea. 


152  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

General  Washington  commences  his  march  to  the  Delaware. — Takes  measures  for 
checking  Burgoyne. — Expedition  against  Staten  Island. — British  army  lands  at 
Elk  River. — General  Washington  advances  to  Brandy  wine. — Retreat  of  Maxwell. 
— Defeat  at  Brandywine. — Slight  skirmish  near  the  White  Horse,  and  retreat  to 
French  Creek. — General  Wayne  surprised. — General  Howe  takes  possession  ot 
Philadelphia. — Removal  of  Congress  to  Lancaster. 

ON  receiving  intelligence  that  the  British  fleet  had  sailed  from  New 
1777.  York,  the  American  army  commenced  its  march  to  the  Dela- 
Juty.  ware.  About  the  time  of  its  departure,  a  letter  from  Sir  Wil- 
liam Howe,  directed  to  General  Burgoyne  at  Quebec,  was  delivered  to 
General  Putnam  by  the  person  who  had  received  it,  as  was  said,  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  it  to  Quebec,  and  was  transmitted  by  Putnam  to 
the  Commander-in-chief.  In  this  letter,  General  Howe  said  that  "  he 
was  exhibiting  the  appearance  of  moving  to  the  southward,  while  his 
real  intent  was  against  Boston,  from  whence  he  would  co-operate  with 
the  army  of  Canada."  This  stratagem  entirely  failed.  General  Wash- 
ington, at  once,  perceived  that  the  letter  was  written  with  a  design  that 
it  should  fall  into  his  hands,  and  mislead  him  with  respect  to  the  views 
of  the  writer. 

While  the  utmost  vigilance  and  judgment  were  required  to  conduct 
the  operations  of  the  army  under  the  immediate  command  of  General 
Washington,  the  transactions  in  the  north  were  too  vitally  interesting 
not  to  engage  a  large  share  of  his  attention.  He  not  only  .hastened  the 
march  of  those  generals  who  were  designed  to  act  in  that  department, 
and  pressed  the  governors  of  the  eastern  states  to  reinforce  the  retreat- 
ing army  with  all  their  militia,  but  made  large  detachments  cf  choice 
troops  from  his  own; — thus  weakening  himself  in  order  to  strengthen 
other  generals  whose  strength  would  be  more  useful.  The  fame  of  being 
himself  the  leader  of  the  victorious  army  did  not,  with  false  glare, 
dazzle  his  judgment,  or  conceal  the  superior  public  advantage  to  be 
derived  from  defeating  the  plans  of  Burgoyne. 

On  the  30th  of  July,  all  doubts  respecting  the  destination  of  the  British 
fleet  were  supposed  to  be  removed  by  its  appearance  off  the  capes  of  Dela- 
ware ;  and  orders  were  immediately  given  for  assembling  the  detached 
parts  of  the  army  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Philadelphia.  Scarcely  were 
these  orders  given,  when  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  changed,  and  they 
were  countermanded.  An  express  from  Cape  May  brought  the  infor- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  153 

malion  that  the  fleet  had  sailed  out  of  the  bay  of  Delaware,  and  was  pro- 
ceeding eastward.  From  this  time,  no  intelligence  respecting  it  was 
received  until  about  the  7th  of  August,  when  it  appeared  a  few  leagues 
south  of  the  capes  of  Delaware,  after  which  it  disappeared,  and  was  not 
again  seen  until  late  in  that  month.  The  fact  was,  that  on  entering  the 
capes  of  Delaware,  the  difficulties  attending  an  attempt  to  carry  his  fleet 
up  that  bay  and  river,  determined  General  Howe  to  relinquish  his  origi- 
nal design,  and  to  transport  his  army  to  the  Chesapeake.  Contrary  winds 
prevented  his  gaining  the  mouth  of  that  bay  until  the  16th  of  August. 

The  several  divisions  of  the  army  were  immediately  ordered*  to  unite 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  Delaware,  and  the  northern  counties  of  Virginia,  were  directed 
to  take  the  field. 

The  British  fleet,  after  entering  the  Chesapeake,  sailed  up  it  with  favour- 
able winds,  and  entered  Elk  river,  up  which  the  admiral  proceeded  as 
high  as  it  was  safely  navigable ;  and  on  the  25th  of  August  the  troops 
were  landed  at  the  ferry. 

The  British  army,  at  its  disembarkation,  has  been  generally  computed 
at  eighteen  thousand  men.  They  were  in  good  health  and  spirits,  ad- 

*  These  orders  were  received  by  General  Sullivan,  who  had  been  encamped  about 
Hanover,  in  Jersey,  on  his  return  from  an  expedition  to  Staten  Island.  The  British 
force  on  that  island  amounted  to  between  two  and  three  thousand  men,  of  whom  nearly 
one  thousand  were  provincials,  who  were  distributed  along  the  coast,  opposite  the  Jer- 
sey shore.  The  Europeans  occupied  a  fortified  camp  near  the  watering  place;  and 
General  Sullivan  thought  it  practicable  to  surprise  the  provincials,  and  bring  them  off 
before  they  could  be  supported  by  the  Europeans.  Only  six  boats  had  been  procured 
for  the  conveyance  of  his  troops ;  yet  they  crossed  over  into  the  island  before  day  undis- 
covered, and  completely  surprised  two  of  the  provincial  parties,  commanded  by  Colo- 
nels Lawrence  and  Barton,  both  of  whom,  with  several  officers  and  men  were  taken. 
The  alarm  being  given,  Sullivan  attempted  to  withdraw  from  the  island.  The  num- 
ber of  boats  not  being  sufficient  for  the  embarkation  of  all  his  troops  at  the  same  time, 
some  confusion  obtained  among  them.  General  Campbell  advanced  in  force  on  the 
rear  guard  while  waiting  for  the  return  of  the  boats,  which  was  captured  after  making 
a  gallant  resistance. 

This  enterprise  was  well  planned,  and  in  its  commencement,  happily  executed ;  but 
ought  not  to  have  been  undertaken  without  a  number  of  boats  sufficient  to  secure  the 
retreat. 

The  loss  of  the  British  in  prisoners  amounted  to  eleven  officers,  and  one  hundred 
,.nd  thirty  privates.  That  of  the  Americans,  is  stated  by  Sullivan,  at  one  major,  one 
captain,  one  lieutenant,  and  ten  privates  killed,  and  fifteen  wounded,  and  nine  officers, 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  privates  prisoners.  General  Campbell,  in  his  ac- 
count of  the  action  says,  that  he  made  two  hundred  and  fifty-nine  prisoners,  among 
whom  were  one  lieutenant  colonel,  three  majors,  two  captains,  and  fifteen  inferior  offi 
cers. 

o 


154  THE  LIFE  OF 

mirably  supplied  with  all  the  implements  of  war,  and  led  by  an  experi 
enced  general,  of  unquestionable  military  talents. 

The  day  before  Sir  William  Howe  landed,  the  American  army  march- 
ed through  Philadelphia,  and  proceeded  to  the  Brandy  wine.  The  divi- 
sions of  Greene  and  Stephen  were  advanced  nearer  to  the  Head  of  Elk, 
and  encamped  behind  White  Clay  creek. 

Congress  had  directed  General  Smallwood  and  Colonel  Gist  to  take 
command  of  the  militia  of  Maryland,  who  had  been  ordered  by  General 
Washington  to  assemble  near  the  head  of  the  bay.  The  militia  of  the 
lower  counties  of  Delaware,  commanded  by  General  Rodney,  were  di- 
rected also  to  assemble  in  the  British  rear,  and  to  co-operate  with  those 
of  Maryland.  Colonel  Richardson's  continental  regiment,  which  had 
been  stationed  on  the  Eastern  shore,  was  ordered  to  join  this  corps. 

The  militia  of  Pennsylvania,  commanded  by  Major  General  Armstrong, 
were  united  with  the  main  body  of  the  army.  Great  exertions  were  used 
to  bring  them  promptly  into  the  field,  and  they  came  forward  generally 
with  some  degree  of  alacrity.  Although  the  numbers  required  by  con- 
gress did  not  assemble,  more  appeared  than  could  be  armed. 

The  real  strength  of  the  American  army  can  not  be  accurately  stated. 
It  was  estimated  by  Sir  William  Howe  at  fifteen  thousand,  including  mi- 
litia; and  this  estimate  did  not  far  exceed  their  real  total,  as  exhibited  by 
the  returns.  But  it  is  a  fact,  attributable  in  some  degree  to  the  badness  of 
their  clothing,  and  scarcity  of  tents,  and  in  some  degree  to  the  neglect 
of  the  commissary  department,  to  provide  those  articles  of  food  which 
contribute  to  the  preservation  of  health,  that  the  effective  force  was  al- 
ways far  below  the  total  number.  The  effectives,  including  militia,  did 
not  exceed  eleven  thousand. 

Morgan's  regiment  of  riflemen  having  been  detached  to  the  northern 
army,  a  corps  of  light  infantry  was  formed  for  the  occasion,  the  com- 
mand of  which  was  given  to  General  Maxwell.  This  corps  was  ad- 
vanced to  Iron  Hill,  about  three  miles  in  front  of  White  Clay  creek.  The 
cavalry,  consisting  of  four  regiments,  amounting  to  about  nine  hundred 
men,  including  persons  of  every  description,  were  employed  principally 
on  the  lines. 

One  division  of  the  British  army,  commanded  by  Sir  William  Howe 
in  person,  had  taken  post  at  Elkton,  with  its  van  advanced  to  Gray's 
Hill.  General  Knyphausen,  with  a  second  division,  had  crossed  the 
ferry  and  encamped  at  Cecil  Court  House.  He  was  directed  to  march 
up  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river,  and  to  join  Sir  William  Howe  seven 
or  eight  miles  south  of  Christiana.  The  intention  to  make  this  move- 
ment being  disclosed  by  the  preparatory  arrangements,  General  Wash- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  155 

ington  advised  Maxwell  to  post  a  choice  body  of  men  in  the  night  on  an 
advantageous  part  of  the  road,  in  order  to  annoy  him  on  his  march. 
In  the  morning  of  the  third  of  September,  the  two  divisions  under  Lord 
Cornwallis  and  General  Knyphausen,  moved  forward  and  formed  a 
junction  at  Pencader,  or  Atkins'  tavern,  where  they  encamped.  In 
their  way,  the  column  led  by  Lord  Cornwallis  fell  in  with  and  attacked 
Maxwell,  who  retreated  over  White  Clay  creek,  with  the  loss  of  about 
forty  killed  and  wounded. 

The  whole  American  army,  except  the  light  infantry,  took  a  position 
behind  Red  Clay  creek,  on  the  road  leading  from  the  camp  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Howe  to  Philadelphia.  On  this  ground,  the  general  thought  it 
probable  that  the  fate  of  Philadelphia,  and  of  the  campaign,  might  be  de- 
cided ;  and  he  resorted  to  all  the  means  in  his  power  to  encourage  his 
troops,  and  stimulate  them  to  the  greatest  exertions. 

On  the  8th  of  September,  the  British  army  was  again  put  in  motion. 
The  main  body  advanced  by  Newark,  upon  the  right  of  the  Americans, 
and  encamped  within  four  miles  of  that  place,  extending  its  left  still 
farther  up  the  country.  Meanwhile,  a  strong  column  made  a  show  of 
attacking  in  front,  and,  after  manoeuvring  some  time,  halted  at  Milton, 
within  two  miles  of  the  centre. 

General  Washington  was  soon  convinced  that  the  column  in  front  was 
designed  only  to  amuse,  while  the  left  should  effect  the  principal  and 
real  object.  Believing  that  object  to  be  to  turn  his  right,  and  cut  off  his 
communication  with  Philadelphia,  he  changed  his  ground,  and,  crossing 
the  Brandy  wine  early  in  the  night,  took  post  behind  that  river,  at  Chadd's 
Ford.  General  Maxwell  was  advanced  in  front,  and  placed,  advantage- 
ously, on  the  hills  south  of  the  river,  on  the  road  leading  over  the  ford. 
The  militia  under  General  Armstrong,  were  posted  at  a  ford  two  miles 
below  Chadd's ;  and  the  right  extended  some  miles  above,  with  a  view 
to  other  passes  deemed  less  practicable.  In  this  position,  General  Wash- 
ington attended  the  movements  of  the  adverse  army. 

In  the  evening,  Howe  marched  forward  in  two  columns,  which  united, 
early  the  next  morning,  at  Kennet's  Square ;  after  which  he 
advanced  parties  on  the  roads  leading  to  Lancaster,  to  Chadd's 
Ford,  and  to  Wilmington. 

The  armies  were  now  within  seven  miles  of  each  other,  with  only  the 
Brandywine  between  them,  which  opposed  no  obstacle  to  a  general  en- 
gagement. This  was  sought  by  Howe,  and  not  avoided  by  Washington. 
It  was  impossible  to  protect  Philadelphia  without  a  victory,  and  this  ob- 
ject was  deemed  throughout  America,  and  especially  by  congress,  of 


156  THE  LIFE  OF 


such  magnitude  as  to  require  that  an  action  should  be  hazarded  for  its 
attainment. 

In  the  morning  of  the  llth,  soon  after  day,  information  was  received 
that  the  whole  British  army  was  in  motion,  advancing  on  the  direct  road 
leading  over  Chadd's  Ford.  The  Americans  were  immediately  under 
arms,  and  placed  in  order  of  hattle,  for  the  purpose  of  contesting  the  pas- 
sage of  the  river.  Skirmishing  soon  commenced  between  the  advanced 
parties ;  and,  by  ten,  Maxwell's  corps,  with  little  loss  on  either  side,  was 
driven  over  "the  Brandywine  below  the  ford.  Knyphausen,  who  com- 
manded this  column,  paraded  on  the  heights,  reconnoitred  the  American 
army,  and  appeared  to  be  making  dispositions  to  force  the  passage  of  the 
river.  A  skirt  of  woods,  with  the  river,  divided  him  from  Maxwell's 
corps,  small  parties  of  whom  occasionally  crossed  over,  and  kept  up  a 
scattering  fire,  by  which  not  much  execution  was  done.  At  length  one 
of  these  parties,  led  by  Captains  Waggoner  and  Porterfield,  engaged  the 
British  flank  guard  very  closely,  killed  a  captain  with  ten  or  fifteen  pri- 
vates, drove  them  out  of  the  wood,  and  were  on  the  point  of  taking  a 
field  piece.  The  sharpness  of  the  skirmish  soon  drew  a  large  body  of 
the  British  to  that  quarter,  and  the  Americans  were  again  driven  over 
the  Brandywine.* 

About  eleven  in  the  morning,  information  reached  General  Washing- 
ton that  a  large  column  with  many  field  pieces,  had  taken  a  road  lead- 
ing from  Rennet's  Square,  directly  up  the  country,  and  had  entered  the 
great  valley  road,  doAvn  which  they  were  marching  to  the  upper  fords 
of  the  Brandywine.  This  information  was  given  by  Colonel  Ross  of 
Pennsylvania,  who  was  in  their  rear,  and  estimated  their  numbers  at  five 
thousand  men. 

On  receiving  this  information,  Washington  is  said  to  have  determined 
to  detach  Sullivan  and  Lord  Stirling  to  engage  the  left  division  of  the 
British  army,  and  with  the  residue  of  his  troops,  to  cross  Chadd's  Ford 
in  person,  and  attack  Knyphausen.  Before  this  plan  could  be  executed, 
counter  intelligence  was  received  inducing  an  opinion  that  the  movement 
of  the  British  on  their  left  was  a  feint,  and  that  the  column  under  Lord 
Cornwallis,  after  making  demonstrations  of  crossing  the  Brandywine 
above  its  forks,  had  marched  down  the  southern  side  of  that  river  to  re- 
unite itself  with  Knyphausen. 

Not  long  after  the  first  communication  was  made  by  Colonel  Ross, 
information  was  received  from  Colonel  Bland  of  the  cavalry,  which  pro- 
duced some  doubt  respecting  the  strength  of  this  column.     He  saw  only 
two  brigades;  but  the  dust  appeared  to  rise  in  their  rear  for  a  considera- 
*  The  author  was  an  eye-witness  of  this  skirmish, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  157 

ble  distance.  A  major  of  the  militia  came  in,  who  alleged  that  he  left 
the  forks  of  the  Brandywine  so  late  in  the  day  that  it  was  supposed  Lord 
Cornwallis  must  have  passed  them  by  that  time,  had  he  continued  his 
march  in  that  direction,  and  who  asserted  that  no  enemy  had  appeared 
in  thai  quarter.  Some  light  horsemen  who  had  been  sent  to  reconnoitre 
the  road,  returned  with  the  same  information. 

The  uncertainty  produced  by  this  contradictory  intelligence  was  at 
length  removed ;  and  about  two  in  the  afternoon,  it  was  ascertained  that 
the  column  led  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  after  making  a  circuit  of  about 
seventeen  miles,  had  crossed  the  river  above  its  forks,  and  was  advanc- 
ing in  great  force. 

A  change  of  disposition  was  immediately  made.  The  divisions  com- 
manded by  Sullivan,  Stirling,  and  Stephen,  took  new  ground,  advanced 
farther*  up  the  Brandywine,  and  fronted  the  British  column  marching 
down  thlat  river.  The  division  commanded  by  Wayne  remained  at 
Chadd's  Ford,  to  keep  Knyphausen  in  check ;  in  which  service  Maxwell 
was  to  co-operate.  Greene's  division,  accompanied  by  General  Wash- 
ington in  person,  formed  a  reserve,  and  took  a  central  position  between 
the  right  and  left  wings. 

The  divisions  detached  against  Lord  Cornwallis  formed  hastily  on  an 
advantageous  piece  of  ground,  above  Birmingham  Meeting  House,  with 
their  left  near  the  Brandywine,  and  having  both  flanks  covered  by  a  thick 
wood.  The  artillery  was  judiciously  posted,  and  the  disposition  of  the 
whole  was  well  made.  Unfortunately,  Sullivan's  division,  in  taking  its 
ground,  made  too  large  a  circuit,  and  was  scarcely  formed  when  the  at- 
tack  commenced. 

On  perceiving  the  Americans,  the  British  army  was  formed  in  order 
of  battle ;  and,  about  half  past  four,  the  action  began.  It  was  kept  up 
warmly  for  some  time.  The  American  right  first  gave  way,  and  by  its 
flight  exposed  the  flank  of  the  remaining  divisions  to  a  galling  fire.  The 
line  continued  to  break  from  the  right,  and,  in  a  short  time,  was  com- 
pletely routed.  The  right  wing  made  some  attempts  to  rally,  but,  being 
briskly  charged,  again  broke,  and  the  flight  became  general. 

On  the  commencement  of  the  action  on  the  right,  General  Washington 
pressed  forward  with  Greene,  to  the  support  of  that  wing ;  but,  before 
his  arrival,  its  rout  was  cojnplete,  and  he  could  only  check  the  pursuit. 
For  this  purpose,  the  10th  Virginia  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel 
Stevens,  and  a  regiment  of  Pennsylvania  commanded  by  Colonel  Stew- 
art, neither  of  which  had  been  in  action,  were  posted  advantageously  on 
the  road  taken  by  the  defeated  army.  The  impression  made  by  the  fire 

Voi.  i.  11 


158  THE  LIFE  OF 

of  these  regiments,  and  the  approach  of  night,  induced  Sir  William  Howe, 
after  dispersing  them,  to  give  over  the  pursuit. 

When  the  American  right  was  found  to  be  fully  engaged  with  Lord 
Cornwallis,  Knyphausen  made  real  dispositions  for  crossing  the  river. 
Chadd's  Ford  was  defended  by  an  intrenchment  and  battery,  with  three 
field  pieces,  and  a  howitzer.  After  some  resistance,  the  work  was  forced ; 
and,  the  defeat  of  the  right  being  known,  the  left  wing  also  withdrew 
from  its  ground.  The  whole  army  retreated  that  night  to  Chester,  and 
the  next  day  to  Philadelphia. 

The  loss  sustained  by  the  Americans  in  this  action,  has  been  esti- 
mated at  three  hundred  killed,  and  six  hundred  wounded.  Between  three 
and  four  hundred,  principally  the  wounded,  were  made  prisoners. 

As  must  ever  be  the  case  in  new  raised  armies,  unused  to  danger, 
and  from  which  undeserving  officers  have  not  been  expelled,  their  con- 
duct was  not  uniform.  Some  regiments,  especially  those  which  had 
served  the  preceding  campaign,  maintained  their  ground  with  the  firmness 
and  intrepidity  of  veterans,  while  others  gave  way  as  soon  as  they  were 
pressed.  The  authors  of  a  very  correct  history  of  the  war,*  speaking 
of  this  action,  say,  "  a  part  of  their  troops,  among  whom  were  particu- 
larly numbered  some  Virginia^  regiments,  and  the  whole  corps  of  artil- 
lery, behaved  exceedingly  well  in  some  of  the  actions  of  this  day,  exhi- 
biting a  degree  of  order,  firmness,  and  resolution,  and  preserving  such 
a  countenance  in  extremely  sharp  service,  as  would  not  have  discredited 
veterans.  Some  other  bodies  of  their  troops  behaved  very  badly. "^ 

The  official  letter  of  Sir  William  Howe  stated  his  loss  at  rather  less 
than  one  hundred  killed,  and  four  hundred  wounded.  As  the  Ameri- 
cans sustained  very  little  injury  in  the  retreat,  this  inequality  of  loss  can 
be  ascribed  only  to  the  inferiority  of  their  arms.  Many  of  their  mus- 
kets were  scarcely  fit  for  service ;  and,  being  of  unequal  caliber,  their 
cartridges  could  not  be  so  well  fitted,  and,  consequently,  their  fire  could 

*  Annual  Register. 

t  The  third  Virginia  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel  Marshall,  which  had  per- 
formed extremely  severe  duty  in  the  campaign  of  1776,  was  placed  in  a  wood  on  the 
right,  and  in  front  of  Woodford's  brigade,  and  Stephen's  division.  Though  attacked 
by  much  superior  numbers,  it  maintained  its  position  without  losing  an  inch  of  ground, 
until  both  its  flanks  were  turned,  its  ammunition  nearly  expended,  and  more  than 
half  the  officers,  and  one  third  of  the  soldiers  were  killed  and  wounded.  Colonel  Mar- 
shall, whose  horse  had  received  two  balls,  then  retired  in  good  order  to  resume  his 
position  on  the  right  of  his  division ;  but  it  had  already  retreated. 

t  Deboore's  brigade  broke  first;  and,  on  an  inquiry  into  his  conduct  being  directed, 
he  resigned.  A  misunderstanding  existed  between  him  and  Sullivan,  on  whose  right 
he  was  stationed. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  159 

not  do  as  much  execution  as  that  of  the  enemy.  This  radical  defect 
was  felt  in  all  the  operations  of  the  army. 

From  the  ardour  with  which  the  Commander-in-chief  had  inspired  his 
troops  before  this  action,  it  is  probable  that  the  conflict  would  have  been 
more  severe,  had  the  intelligence  respecting  the  movement  on  the  left 
of  the  British  army  been  less  contradictory.  Raw  troops,  changing 
their  ground  in  the  moment  of  action,  and  attacked  in  the  agitation  of 
moving,  are  easily  thrown  into  confusion.  This  was  the  critical  situa- 
tion of  a  part  of  Sullivan's  division,  and  was  the  cause  of  the  right's 
breaking  before  Greene  could  be  brought  up  to  support  it ;  after  which, 
it  was  impossible  to  retrieve  the  fortune  of  the  day. 

But  had  the  best  disposition  of  the  troops  been  made  at  the  time, 
which  subsequent  intelligence  would  suggest,  the  action  could  not  have 
terminated  in  favour  of  the  Americans.  Their  inferiority  in  numbers, 
in  discipline,  and  in  arms,  was  too  great  to  leave  them  a  probable  pros- 
pect of  victory.  A  battle  however  was  not  to  be  avoided.  The  opinion 
of  the  public,  and  of  congress,  demanded  it.  The  loss  of  Philadelphia, 
without  an  attempt  to  preserve  it,  would  have  excited  discontents  which, 
in  the  United  States,  might  be  productive  of  serious  mischief;  and 
action,  though  attended  with  defeat,  provided  the  loss  be  not  too  great, 
must  improve  an  army  in  which,  not  only  the  military  talents,  but  even 
the  courage,  of  officers,  some  of  them  of  high  rank,  remained  to  be 
ascertained. 

Among  the  wounded  was  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  and  Brigadier 
General  Woodford. 

The  battle  of  Brandywine  was  not  considered  as  decisive  by  con- 
gress, the  General,  or  the  army.  The  opinion  was  carefully  cherished 
that  the  British  had  gained  only  the  ground ;  and  that  their  loss  was  still 
more  considerable  than  had  been  sustained  by  the  Americans.  Con- 
gress appeared  determined  to  risk  another  battle  for  the  metropolis  of 
America.  Far  from  discovering  any  intention  to  change  their  place  of 
session,  they  passed  vigorous  resolutions  for  reinforcing  the  army,  and 
directed  General  Washington  to  give  the  necessary  orders  for  complet- 
ing the  defences  of  the  Delaware. 

From  Chester,  the  army  marched  through  Darby,  over  the  Schuyl- 
kill  bridge,  to  its  former  ground,  near  the  falls  of  that  river.  General 
Greene's  division,  which,  having  been  less  in  action,  was  more  entire 
than  any  other,  covered  the  rear ;  and  the  corps  of  Maxwell  remained 
at  Chester  until  the  next  day,  as  a  rallying  point  for  the  small  parties, 
and  straggling  soldiers,  who  might  yet  be  in  the  neighbourhood. 

Having  allowed  his  army  one  day  for  repose  and  refreshment,  Gene 


160  THE  LIFE  OF 

ral  Washington  recrossed  the  Schuylkill,  and  proceeded  on  the  Lancas- 
ter road,  with  the  intention  of  risking  another  engagement. 

Sir  William  Howe  passed  the  night  of  the  llth  on  the  field  of  battle. 
On  the  succeeding  day,  he  detached  Major  General  Grant  with  two 
brigades  to  Concord  meeting-house;  and  on  the  13th,  Lord  Cornwallis 
joined  General  Grant,  and  marched  towards  Chester.  Another  detach- 
ment took  possession  of  Wilmington;  to  which  place  the  sick  and 
wounded  were  conveyed. 

To  prevent  a  sudden  movement  to  Philadelphia  by  the  lower  road, 
the  bridge  over  the  Schuylkill  was  loosened  from  its  moorings,  and 
General  Armstrong  was  directed,  with  the  Pennsylvania  militia  to  guard 
the  passes  over  that  river. 

On  the  15th,  the  American  army,  intending  to  gain  the  left  of  the 
British,  reached  the  Warren  tavern,  on  the  Lancaster  road,  twenty-three 
miles  from  Philadelphia.  Intelligence  was  received,  early  next  morn- 
ing, that  Howe  was  approaching  in  two  columns.  It  being  too  late  to 
reach  the  ground  he  had  intended  to  occupy,  Washington  resolved  to 
meet  and  engage  him  in  front. 

Both  armies  prepared,  with  great  alacrity,  for  battle.  The  advanced 
parties  had  met,  and  were  beginning  to  skirmish,  when  they 
were  separated  by  a  heavy  rain,  which,  becoming  more  and 
more  violent,  rendered  the  retreat  of  the  Americans  a  measure  of  abso- 
lute necessity.  The  inferiority  of  their  arms  never  brought  them  into 
such  imminent  peril  as  on  this  occasion.  Their  gun-locks  not  being  well 
secured,  their  muskets  soon  became  unfit  for  use.  Their  cartridge-boxes 
had  been  so  inartificially  constructed,  as  not  to  protect  their  ammunition 
from  the  tempest.  Their  cartridges  were  soon  damaged ;  and  this  mis- 
chief was  the  more  serious,  because  very  many  of  the  soldiers  were 
without  bayonets. 

The  army  being  thus  rendered  unfit  for  action,  the  design  of  givinf 
battle  was  reluctantly  abandoned,  and  a  retreat  commenced.  It  was  con- 
tinued all  the  day,  and  great  part  of  the  night,  through  a  cold  and  most 
distressing  rain,  and  very  deep  roads.  A  few  hours  before  day,  the 
troops  halted  at  the  Yellow  Springs,  where  their  arms  and  ammunition 
were  examined,  and  the  alarming  fact  was  disclosed,  that  scarcely  a 
musket  in  a  regiment  could  be  discharged,  and  scarcely  one 
cartridge  in  a  box  was  fit  for  use.  This  state  of  things  sug- 
gested the  precaution  of  moving  to  a  still  greater  distance,  in  order  to 
refit  their  arms,  obtain  a  fresh  supply  of  ammunition,  and  revive  the 
spirits  of  the  army.  The  General  therefore  retired  to  Warwick  fur- 
nace, on  the  south  branch  of  French  Creek,  where  ammunition  and  a 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  161 

few  muskets  might  be  obtained  in  time  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the 
Schuylkill,  and  make  yet  another  effort  to  save  Philadelphia. 

The  extreme  severity  of  the  weather  had  entirely  stopped  the  British 
army.  During  two  days,  General  Howe  made  no  other  movement  than 
to  unite  his  columns. 

From  French  Creek,  General  Wayne  was  detached  with  his  division, 
into  the  rear  of  the  British,  with  orders  to  join  General  Smallwood 
and,  carefully  concealing  himself  and  his  movements,  to  seize  every 
occasion  which  this  march  might  offer,  of  engaging  them  to  advantage. 
Meanwhile,  General  Washington  crossed  the  Schuylkill  at  Parker's 
ferry,  and  encamped  on  both  sides  of  Perkyomy  Creek. 

General  Wayne  lay  in  the  woods  near  the  entrance  of  the  road  from 
Darby  into  that  leading  to  Lancaster,  about  three  miles  in  the  rear  of 
the  left  wing  of  the  British  troops  encamped  at  Trydruffin,  where  he 
believed  himself  to  be  perfectly  secure.  But  the  country  was  so  exten- 
sively disaffected  that  Sir  William  Howe  received  accurate  accounts  of 
his  position  and  of  his  force.  Major  General  Gray  was  detached  to 
surprise  him,  and  effectually  accomplished  his  purpose.  About  eleven, 
in  the  night  of  the  20th,  his  piquets,  driven  in  with  charged  bayonets, 
gave  the  first  intimation  of  Gray's  approach.  Wayne  instantly  formed 
his  division ;  and  while  his  right  sustained  a  fierce  assault,  directed  a 
retreat  by  the  left,  under  cover  of  a  few  regiments  who,  for  a  short  time, 
withstood  the  violence  of  the  shock.  In  his  letter  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  he  says  that  they  gave  the  assailants  some  well-directed  fires 
which  must  have  done  considerable  execution ;  and  that,  after  retreating 
from  the  ground  on  which  the  engagement  commenced,  they  formed 
again,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  scene  of  action ;  but  that  both  par- 
ties drew  off  without  renewing  the  conflict.  He  states  his  loss  at  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty*  killed  and  wounded.  The  British  accounts  admit, 
on  their  part,  a  loss  of  only  seven. 

When  the  attack  commenced,  General  Smallwood,  who  was  on  his 
march  to  join  Wayne,  a  circumstance  entirely  unexpected  by  General 
Gray,  was  within  less  than  a  mile  of  him ;  and,  had  he  commanded  regu- 
lars, might  have  given  a  very  different  turn  to  the  night.  But  his  militia 
thought  only  of  their  own  safety;  and,  having  fallen  in  with  a  party  re- 
turning from  the  pursuit  of  Wayne,  fled  in  confusion  with  the  loss  of  only 
one  man. 

Some  severe  animadversions  on  this  unfortunate  affair  having  been 
made  in  the  army,  General  Wayne  demanded  a  court  martial,  which, 

*  The  British  accounts  represent  the  American  loss  to  have  been  much  more  con- 
siderable. It  probably  amounted  to  at  least  three  hundred  men. 


162  THE  LIFE  OF 

after  investigating  his  conduct,  was  unanimously  of  opinion,  "  that  he 
had  done  every  thing  to  be  expected  from  an  active,  brave,  and  vigilant 
officer ;"  and  acquitted  him  with  honour. 

Having  secured  his  rear,  by  compelling  Wayne  to  take  a  greater  dis- 
tance, Sir  William  Howe  marched  along  the  valley  road  to  the 
Schuylkill,  and  encamped  on  the  bank  of  that  river,  from  the 
Fatland  ford  up  to  French  Creek,  along  the  front  of  the  American  army. 
To  secure  his   right  from  being  turned,  General  Washington   again 
changed  his  position,  and  encamped  with  his  left  near,  but  above  tho 
British  right. 

General  Howe  now  relinquished  his  plan  of  bringing  Washington  to 

another  battle ;  and,  thinking  it  adviseable,  perhaps,  to  transfer  the  seat 

of  war  to  the  neighbourhood  of  his  ships,  determined  to  cross 

O  __i       k>Q 

the  Schuylkill,  and  take  possession  of  Philadelphia.  In  the 
afternoon,  he  ordered  one  detachment  to  cross  at  Fatland  ford  which 
was  on  his  right,  and  another  to  cross  at  Gordon's  ford,  on  his  left,  and 
to  take  possession  of  the  heights  commanding  them.  These  orders  were 
executed  without  much  difficulty,  and  the  American  troops  placed  to  de- 
fend these  fords  were  easily  dispersed. 

This  service  being  effected,  the  whole  army  marched  by  its  right, 
about  midnight,  and  crossing  at  Fatland  without  opposition,  proceeded  a 
considerable  distance  towards  Philadelphia,  and  encamped,  with  its  left 
near  Sweed's  ford,  and  its  right  on  the  Manatawny  road,  having  Stony 
run  in  its  front. 

It  was  now  apparent  that  only  immediate  victory  could  save  Philadel- 
phia from  the  grasp  of  the  British  general,  whose  situation  gave  him  the 
option  of  either  taking  possession  of  that  place,  or  endeavouring  to  bring 
on  another  engagement.  If,  therefore,  a  battle  must  certainly  be  risked 
to  save  the  capital,  it  would  be  necessary  to  attack  the  enemy. 

Public  opinion,  which  a  military  chief  finds  too  much  difficulty  in  re- 
sisting, and  the  opinion  of  Congress  required  a  battle ;  but,  on  a  tem- 
perate consideration  of  circumstances,  Washington  came  to  the  wise 
decision  of  avoiding  one  for  the  present. 

His  reasons  for  this  decision  were  conclusive.  Wayne  and  Small- 
wood  had  not  yet  joined  the  army.  The  continental  troops  ordered  from 
Peekskill,  who  had  been  detained  for  a  time  by  an  incursion  from  New 
York,  were  approaching ;  and  a  reinforcement  of  Jersey  militia,  under 
General  Dickenson,  was  also  expected. 

To  these  powerful  motives  against  risking  an  engagement,  other  con- 
siderations of  great  weight  were  added,  founded  on  the  condition  of  his 
soldiers.  An  army,  manosuvring  in  an  open  country,  in  the  face  of  a 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  163 

very  superior  enemy,  is  unavoidably  exposed  to  excessive  fatigue,  and 
extreme  hardship.  The  effect  of  these  hardships  was  much  increased 
by  the  privations  under  which  the  American  troops  suffered.  While  in 
almost  continual  motion,  wading  deep  rivers,  and  encountering  every 
vicissitude  of  the  seasons,  they  were  without  tents,  nearly  without  shoes, 
or  winter  clothes,  and  often  without  food. 

A  council  of  war  concurred  in  the  opinion  the  Commander-in-chief 
had  formed,  not  to  march  against  the  enemy,  but  to  allow  his  harassed 
troops  a  few  days  for  repose,  and  to  remain  on  his  present  ground  until 
the  expected  reinforcements  should  arrive. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Brandy  wine,  the  distressed  situation  of 
the  army  had  been  represented  to  congress,  who  had  recommended  it  to 
the  executive  of  Pennsylvania  to  seize  the  cloths  and  other  military  stores 
in  the  ware  houses  of  Philadelphia,  and,  after  granting  certificates  ex- 
pressing their  value,  to  convey  them  to  a  place  of  safety.  The  execu- 
tive, being  unwilling  to  encounter  the  odium  of  this  strong  measure, 
advised  that  the  extraordinary  powers  of  the  Commander-in-chief  should 
be  used  on  the  occasion.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hamilton,  one  of  the 
general's  aids,  a  young  gentleman  already  in  high  estimation  for  his 
talents  and  zeal,  was  employed  on  this  delicate  business.  "  Your  own 
prudence,"  said  the  General,  in  a  letter  to  him  while  in  Philadelphia, 
"  will  point  out  the  least  exceptionable  means  to  be  pursued ;  but  remem- 
ber, delicacy  and  a  strict  adherence  to  the  ordinary  mode  of  application 
must  give  place  to  our  necessities.  We  must,  if  possible,  accommodate 
the  soldiers  with  such  articles  as  they  stand  in  need  of,  or  we  shall  have 
just  reason  to  apprehend  the  most  injurious  and  alarming  consequences 
from  the  approaching  season." 

All  the  efforts  however  of  this  very  active  officer  could  not  obtain  a 
supply,  in  any  degree,  adequate  to  the  pressing  and  increasing  wants  of 
the  army. 

Colonel  Hamilton  was  also  directed  to  cause  the  military  stores  which 
had  been  previously  collected  to  a  large  amount  in  Philadelphia,  and  the 
vessels  which  were  lying  at  the  wharves,  to  be  removed  up  the  Delaware. 
This  duty  was  executed  with  so  much  vigilance,  that  very  little  public 
property  fell,  with  the  city,  into  the  hands  of  the  British  general,  who 
entered  it  on  the  26th  of  September.  The  members  of  congress  sepa- 
rated on  the  eighteenth,  in  the  evening,  and  reassembled  at  Lancaster  on 
the  twenty-seventh  of  the  same  month. 

From  the  25th  of  August,  when  the  British  army  landed  at  the  Head 
of  Elk,  until  the  26th  of  September  when  it  entered  Philadelphia,  the 
campaign  had  been  active,  and  the  duties  of  the  American  general  uu- 


164  THE  LIFE  OF 

commonly  arduous.  The  best  English  writers  bestow  high  encomiums 
on  Sir  William  Howe  for  his  military  skill,  and  masterly  movements 
during  this  period.  At  Brandy  wine  especially,  Washington  is  supposed 
to  have  been  "  outgeneraled,  more  outgeneraled  than  in  any  action 
during  the  war."  If  all  the  operations  of  this  trying  period  be  examined, 
and  the  means  in  possession  of  both  be  considered,  the  American  chief 
will  appear,  in  no  respect,  inferior  to  his  adversary,  or  unworthy  of  the 
high  place  assigned  to  him  in  the  opinions  of  his  countrymen.  With  an 
army  decidedly  -inferior,  not  only  in  numbers,  but  in  every  military  re- 
quisite except  courage,  in  an  open  country,  he  employed  his  enemy 
near  thirty  days  in  advancing  about  sixty  miles.  In  this  time  he  fought 
one  general  action ;  and,  though  defeated,  was  able  to  reassemble  the 
same  undisciplined,  unclothed,  and  almost  unfed  army ;  and,  the  fifth  day 
afterwards,  again  to  offer  battle.  When  the  armies  were  separated  by 
a  storm  which  involved  him  in  the  most  distressing  circumstances,  he 
extricated  himself  from  them,  and  still  maintained  a  respectable  and  im- 
posing countenance. 

The  only  advantage  he  is  supposed  to  have  given  was  at  the  battle  of 
Brandy  wine ;  and  that  was  produced  by  the  contrariety  and  uncertainty 
of  the  intelligence  received.  A  general  must  be  governed  by  his  intelli- 
gence, and  must  regulate  his  measures  by  his  information.  It  is  his 
duty  to  obtain  correct  information  ;  and  among  the  most  valuable  traits 
of  a  military  character,  is  the  skill  to  select  those  means  which  will  ob- 
tain it.  Yet  the  best  selected  means  are  hot  always  successful ;  and,  in 
a  new  army,  where  military  talent  has  not  been  well  tried  by  the  standard 
of  experience,  the  general  is  peculiarly  exposed  to  the  chance  of  employ- 
ing not  the  best  instruments.  In  a  country,  too,  which  is  covered  with 
wood,  precise  information  of  the  numbers  composing  different  columns 
is  to  be  gained  with  difficulty. 

It  has  been  said  "  that  the  Americans  do  not  appear  to  have  made  all 
the  use  that  might  be  expected  of  the  advantages  which  the  country 
afforded  for  harassing  and  impeding  the  British  army." 

In  estimating  this  objection,  it  ought  to  be  recollected  that  General 
Smalhvood  was  directed,  with  the  militia  of  Maryland  and  Delaware, 
supported  by  a  regiment  of  continental  troops,  to  hang  on  and  harass 
the  rear  of  the  enemy  :  that  General  Maxwell,  with  a  select  corps  con- 
sisting of  a  thousand  men,  was  ordered  to  seize  every  occasion  to  annoy 
him  on  nis  march :  that  General  Wayne  with  his  division,  was  after- 
wards detached  to  unite  with  Smallwood,  and  command  the  whole  force 
collected  in  the  rear,  which  would  have  been  very  respectable. 

If  the  militia  did  not  assemble  in  the  numbers  expected,  or  effect  the 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  165 

service  allotted  to  them,  their  failure  is  not  attributable  to  General  Wash- 
ington. His  calls  on  them  had  been  early  and  energetic;  and  the  state 
of  his  army  did  not  admit  of  his  making  larger  detachments  from  it  to 
supply  the  place  they  had  been  designed  to  fill. 

Loud  complaints  had  been  made  against  General  Maxwell  by  the  offi- 
cers of  his  corps ;  and  a  court  was  ordered  to  inquire  into  his  conduct, 
by  whom  he  was  acquitted.  Whether  that  officer  omitted  to  seize  the 
proper  occasions  to  annoy  the  enemy,  or  the  cautious  and  compact 
movements  of  Sir  William  Howe  afforded  none,  can  not  be  easily  ascer- 
tained. General  Washington  felt  the  loss  of  Morgan,  and  wrote  press- 
ingly  to  Gates,  after  his  success  against  Burgoyne,  to  restore  him  that 
officer,  with  his  regiment,  as  soon  as  possible. 


166  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Measures  to  cut  off  the  communication  between  the  British  army  and  fleet. — Battle 
of  Germantown. — Measures  to  intercept  supplies  to  Philadelphia. — Attack  on  fort 
Mifflin. — On  Red  Bank. — The  Augusta  blows  up. — General  Washington  takes 
post  at  White  Marsh. — Fort  Mifflin  evacuated. — Fort  Mercer  evacuated. — Skir- 
mish at  Gloucester  Point. — The  British  open  the  communication  with  their  fleet. — 
Washington  urged  to  attack  Philadelphia. — General  Howe  marches  out  to  Chesnut 
Hill. — Returns  to  Philadelphia. — General  Washington  goes  into  winter  quarters. 

PHILADELPHIA  being  lost,  General  Washington  sought  to  make  its 
occupation  inconvenient  and  insecure,  by  rendering  it  inacces- 
sible to  the  British  fleet.  With  this  design,  works  had  been 
erected  on  a  low  marshy  island  in  the  Delaware,  near  the  junction  of 
the  Schuylkill,  which,  from  the  nature  of  its  soil,  was  called  Mud  island. 
On  the  opposite  shore  of  Jersey,  at  a  place  called  Red  Bank,  a  fort  had 
also  been  constructed  which  was  defended  with  heavy  artillery.  In  the 
deep  channel  between,  or  under  cover  of  these  batteries,  several  ranges 
of  frames  had  been  sunk,  to  which,  from  their  resemblance  to  that  ma- 
chine, the  name  of  chevaux-de-frise  had  been  given.  These  frames  were 
so  strong  and  heavy  as  to  be  destructive  of  any  ship  which  might  strike 
against  them,  and  were  sunk  in  such  a  depth  of  water  as  rendered  it 
equally  difficult  to  weigh  them  or  cut  them  through ;  no  attempt  to  raise 
them,  or  to  open  the  channel  in  any  manner  could  be  successful  until 
the  command  of  the  shores  on  both  sides  should  be  obtained. 

Other  ranges  of  these  machines  had  been  sunk  about  three  miles  lower 
down  the  river ;  and  some  considerable  works  were  in  progress  at  Bil- 
lingsport  on  the  Jersey  side,  which  were  in  such  forwardness  as  to  be 
provided  with  artillery.  These  works  and  machines  were  farther  sup- 
ported by  several  galleys  mounting  heavy  cannon,  together  with  two 
floating  batteries,  a  number  of  armed  vessels,  and  some  fire  ships. 

The  present  relative  situation  of  the  armies  gave  a  decisive  importance 
to  these  works.  Cutting  off  the  communication  of  General  Howe  with 
his  fleet,  they  prevented  his  receiving  supplies  by  water,  while  the  Ame- 
rican vessels  in  the  river  above  fort  Mifflin,  the  name  given  to  the  fort  on 
Mud  island,  rendered  it  difficult  to  forage  in  Jersey,  General  Washington 
hoped  to  render  his  supplies  on  the  side  of  Pennsylvania  so  precarious, 
as  to  compel  him  to  evacuate  Philadelphia. 

The  advantages  of  this  situation  were  considerably  diminished  by  the 
capture  of  the  Delaware  frigate. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  167 


The  day  after  Lord  Cornwallis  entered  Philadelphia,  three  hi 
were  commenced  for  the  purpose  of  acting  against  any  American  ships 
which  might  appear  before  the  town.  While  yet  incomplete,  they  were 
attacked  by  two  frigates,  assisted  by  several  gallics  and  gondolas.  The 
Delaware,  being  left  by  the  tide  while  engaged  with  the  battery,  grounded 
and  was  captured;  soon  after  which,  the  smaller  frigate,  and  the  other 
vessels,  retired  under  the  guns  of  the  fort.  This  circumstance  was  the 
more  interesting,  as  it  gave  the  British  General  the  command  of  the 
ferry,  and,  consequently,  free  access  to  Jersey,  and  enabled  him  to  in- 
tercept the  communication  between  the  forts  below,  and  Trenton,  from 
which  place  the  garrisons  were  to  have  drawn  their  military  stores. 

All  the  expected  reinforcements,  except  the  state  regiment  and  militia 
from  Virginia,  being  arrived,  and  the  detached  parties  being  called  in, 
the  effective  strength  of  the  army  amounted  to  eight  thousand  continental 
troops,  and  three  thousand  militia.  With  this  force,  General  Washing- 
ton determined  to  approach  the  enemy,  and  seize  the  first  favourable 

moment  to  attack  him.     In  pursuance  of  this  determination,  . 

Sept.  30. 
the  army  took  a  position  on  the  okippack  road,  about  twenty 

miles  from  Philadelphia,  and  sixteen  from  Germantown,  —  a  long  village 
stretching  on  both  sides  the  great  road  leading  northward  from  Phila- 
delphia, which  forms  one  continued  street  nearly  two  miles  in  length. 
The  British  line  of  encampment  crossed  this  village  at  right  angles  near 
the  centre,  and  Lord  Cornwallis,  with  four  regiments  of  grenadiers,  oc- 
cupied Philadelphia.  The  immediate  object  of  General  Howe  being  the 
removal  of  the  obstructions  in  the  river,  Colonel  Stirling,  with  two  regi- 
ments, had  been  detached  to  take  possession  of  the  fort  at  Billingsport, 
which  he  accomplished  without  opposition.  This  service  being  effected, 
and  the  works  facing  the  water  destroyed,  Colonel  Stirling  was  directed 
to  escort  a  convoy  of  provisions  from  Chester  to  Philadelphia.  Some 
apprehensions  being  entertained  for  the  safety  of  this  convoy, 
another  regiment  was  detached  from  Germantown,  with  direc- 
tions to  join  Colonel  Stirling.* 

This  division  of  the  British  force  appeared  to  Washington  to  furnish 
a  fair  opportunity  to  engage  Sir  William  Howe  with  advantage.  Deter- 
mining to  avail  himself  of  it,  he  formed  a  plan  for  surprising  the  camp 
at  Germantown,  and  attacking  both  wings,  in  front  and  rear,  at  the  same 
instant. 

The  divisions  of  Sullivan  and  Wayne,  flanked  by  Conway's  brigade, 
were  to  march  down  the  main  road,  and,  entering  the  town  by  the  way 
of  Chesnut  Hill,  to  attack  the  left  wing  ;  while  General  Armstrong,  with 
*  Annual  Register.  -  -Stedman. 


168  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  Pennsylvania  militia,  was  to  move  down  the  Manatawny  road*  by 
Vanduring's  mill,  and  turning  the  left  flank  to  attack  in  the  rear.  The 
Commander-in-chief  accompanied  this  column. 

The  divisions  of  Greene  and  Stephens,  flanked  by  M'Dougal's  brigade, 
were  to  take  a  circuit  by  the  Lime  Kiln  road,  and,  entering  the  town  at 
the  market  house,  to  attack  the  right  wing. 

The  militia  of  Maryland  and  Jersey,  under  Generals  Smallwood  and 
Forman,  were  to  march  down  the  old  York  road,  and  turning  the  right 
to  fall  upon  its  rear. 

The  division  of  Lord  Stirling,  and  the  brigades  of  Nash  and  Maxwell, 
were  to  form  a  corps  de  reserve. 

Parties  of  cavalry  were  silently  to  scour  the  roads  to  prevent  observa- 
tion, and  to  keep  up  the  communication  between  the  heads  of  the  several 
columns. 

The  necessary  arrangements  being  made,  the  army  moved  from  its 

ground  at  seven  in  the  afternoon.     Before  sunrise  the  next 

Oct  4 

morning,  the  advance  of  the  column  led  by  Sullivan,  encoun- 
tered and  drove  in  a  picket  placed  at  Mount  Airy,  the  house  of  Mr. 
Allen,  f  The  main  body  followed  close  in  the  rear,  and  engaging  the 
light  infantry  and  the  40th  regiment,  posted  at  the  head  of  the  village, 
soon  forced  them  to  give  way,  leaving  their  baggage  behind  them. 
Though  closely  pursued,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Musgrave  threw  himself 
with  five  companies  of  the  40th  regiment  into  a  large  stone  house  be- 
longing to  Mr.  Chew,  which  stood  directly  in  the  way  of  Wayne's  divi- 
sion, and  poured  on  the  Americans  an  incessant  and  galling  fire  of  mus- 
ketry from  its  doors  and  windows.  After  making  some  unsuccessful, 
and  bloody  attempts  to  carry  this  house  by  storm,  and  then  battering  it 
for  a  few  minutes  with  field  artillery,  which  was  found  too  light  to  make 
any  impression  on  its  walls,  a  regiment  was  left  to  observe  the  party 
within  it,  while  the  troops  who  had  been  checked  by  Colonel  Musgrave 
again  moved  forward,  passing  to  the  left  of  the  house. 

In  rather  more  than  half  an  hour  after  Sullivan  had  been  engaged, 

DO         ' 

the  left  wing,  having  formed  the  line,  came  also  into  action ;  and,  at- 
tacking the  light  infantry  posted  in  front  of  the  British  right  wing,  soon 
drove  it  from  its  ground.  While  rapidly  pursuing  the  flying  enemy, 
Woodford's  brigade,:}:  which  was  on  the  right  of  this  wing,  was  arrested 
by  a  heavy  fire  from  Chew's  house,  directed  against  its  right  flank. 

*  Better  known  as  the  Ridge  road.  t  Since  Robinson's. 

*  The  author  was  in  this  brigade,  and  describes  this  part  of  the  action  from  his  own 
observation. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  169 

The  inefficiency  of  musketry  against  troops  thus  sheltered  being  instantly 
perceived,  the  brigade  was  drawn  off  to  the  left  by  its  commanding  offi- 
cer, and  the  field-pieces  attached  to  it  were  ordered  up  to  play  on  the 
house,  but  were  too  light  to  be  of  service.  Some  time  was  consumed 
in  this  operation,  and  the  advance  of  the  brigade  was,  of  course,  retard- 
ed. This  part  of  the  line  was  consequently  broken,  and  the  two  bri- 
gades composing  the  division  of  Stephens  were  not  only  separated  from 
each  other,  but  from  the  other  division  which  was  led  by  General 
Greene  in  person.  That  division,  consisting  of  the  brigades  of  Muhlen- 
berg  and  Scott,  pressing  forward  with  eagerness,  encountered  and  broke 
a  part  of  the  British  right  whig,  entered  the  village,  and  made  a  consi- 
derable number  of  prisoners. 

Thus  far  the  prospect  was  flattering.  The  attack  had  been  made 
with  great  spirit ;  several  brigades  had  entered  the  town ;  and  such  an 
impression  had  been  made  on  the  British  army  as  to  justify  the  expecta- 
tion that  its  wings  might  be  separated  from  each  other,  and  a  complete 
victory  be  obtained.  Had  the  American  troops  possessed  the  advantages 
given  by  experience;  had  every  division  of  the  army  performed  with 
precision  the  part  allotted  to  it,  there  is  yet  reason  to  believe  that  the 
hopes  inspired  by  this  favourable  commencement  would  not  have  been 
disappointed.  But  the  face  of  the  country,  and  the  darkness  of  the 
morning  produced  by  a  fog  of  uncommon  density,  co-operating  with  the 
want  of  discipline  in  the  army,  and  the  derangements  of  the  corps  from 
the  incidents  at  Chew's  house,  blasted  these  flattering  appearances,  and 
defeated  the  enterprise. 

The  grounds  over  which  the  British  were  pursued  abounded  with 
small  and  strong  enclosures,  which  frequently  broke  the  line  of  the  ad- 
vancing army.  The  two  divisions  of  the  right  wing  had  been  separated 
at  Chew's  house ;  and  immediately  after  their  passing  it,  the  right  of  the 
left  wing  was  stopped  at  the  same  place,  so  as  to  cause  a  division  of  that 
wing  also.  The  darkness  of  the  morning  rendered  it  difficult  to  distin- 
guish objects  even  at  an  inconsiderable  distance ;  and  it  was  impossible 
for  the  Commander-in-chief  to  learn  the  situation  of  the  whole,  or  to 
correct  the  confusion  which  was  commencing.  The  divisions  and  bri- 
gades separated  at  Chew's  house  could  not  be  reunited ;  and,  even 
among  those  parts  which  remained  entire,  a  considerable  degree  of  dis- 
order was  soon  introduced  by  the  impediments  to  their  advance.  Some 
regiments  pursuing  with  more  vivacity  than  others,  they  were  separated 
from  each  other,  their  weight  lessened,  and  their  effect  impaired.  The 
darkness  which  obstructed  the  reunion  of  the  broken  parts  of  the  Ame- 
rican army,  also  prevented  their  discerning  the  real  situation  of  the 


170  THE  LIFE  OF 

enemy,  so  as  to  improve  the  first  impression ;  and,  in  some  instances, 
some  corps  being  in  advance  of  others,  produced  uncertainty  whethei 
the  troops,  seen  indistinctly,  were  friends  or  foes. 

The  attacks  on  the  flanks  and  rear,  which  formed  a  part  of  the  ori 
ginal  plan,  do  not  appear  ever  to  have  been  made.  The  Pennsylvania 
militia  came  in  view  of  the  chasseurs  who  flanked  the  left  of  the  British 
line,  but  did  not  engage  them  closely.  The  Maryland  and  Jersey  mili- 
tia just  showed  themselves  on  the  right  flank,  about  the  time  Greene  was 
commencing  a  retreat. 

These  embarrassments  gave  the  British  time  to  recover  from  the  con- 
sternation into  which  they  had  been  thrown.  General  Knyphausen, 
who  commanded  their  left,  detached  two  brigades  to  meet  the  right  of 
Sullivan  which  had  penetrated  far  into  the  village,  before  his  left,  which 
had  been  obtained  at  Chew's  house,  could  rejoin  him ;  and  the  action 
became  warm  in  this  quarter.  The  British  right  also  recovered  from 
its  surprise,  and  advanced  on  that  part  of  Greene's  division  which  had 
entered  the  town.  After  a  sharp  engagement  these  two  brigades  began 
to  retreat,  and  those  which  were  most  in  advance  were  surrounded  and 
compelled  to  surrender.  About  the  same  time  the  right  wing  also  began 
to  retreat.  It  is  understood  that  they  had  expended  their  ammunition. 

Every  effort  to  stop  this  retrograde  movement  proved  ineffectual.  The 
division  of  Wayne  fell  back  on  that  of  Stephens,  and  was  for  an  in- 
stant mistaken  for  the  enemy.  General  confusion  prevailed,  and  the 
confidence  felt  in  the  beginning  of  the  action  was  lost.  With  infinite 
chagrin  General  Washington  was  compelled  to  relinquish  his  hopes 
of  victory,  and  turn  his  attention  to  the  security  of  his  army.  The 
enemy  not  being  sufficiently  recovered  to  endanger  his  rear,  the  retreat 
was  made  without  loss,  under  cover  of  the  division  of  Stephens,  which 
had  scarcely  been  in  the  engagement. 

In  this  battle,  about  two  hundred  Americans  were  killed,  near  three 
times  that  number  wounded,  and  about  four  hundred  were  made  prison- 
ers. Among  the  killed  was  General  Nash  of  North  Carolina;  and 
among  the  prisoners,  was  Colonel  Matthews  of  Virginia,  whose  regiment 
had  penetrated  into  the  centre  of  the  town. 

The  loss  of  the  British,  as  stated  in  the  official  return  of  General 
Howe,  did  not  much  exceed  five  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded,  of 
whom  less  than  one  hundred  were  killed ;  among  the  latter  were  Briga- 
dier General  Agnew  and  Colonel  Bird. 

The  American  army  retreated  the  same  day,  about  twenty  miles,  to 
Perkiomen  Creek,  where  a  small  reinforcement,  consisting  of  fifteen  hun- 
dred militia  and  a  state  regiment,  was  received  from  Virginia;  after 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  171 

which  it  again  advanced  towards  Philadelphia,  and  encamped  once  more 
on  Skippack  creek. 

The  plan  of  the  battle  of  Germantown  must  be  admitted  to  have  been 
judiciously  formed ;  and,  in  its  commencement,  to  have  been  happily 
conducted.  But  a  strict  adherence  to  it  by  those  who  were  entrusted 
with  the  execution  of  its  several  parts,  was  indispensable  to  its  success. 

Major  General  Stephen,  who  commanded  the  right  division  of  the  left 
wing,  was  cashiered  for  misconduct  on  the  retreat,  and  for  intoxication. 

Congress  expressed,  in  decided  terms,  their  approbation  both  of  the 
plan  of  this  enterprise,  and  of  the  courage  with  which  it  was  executed ; 
for  which  their  thanks  were  given  to  the  general  and  the  army.* 

The  attention  of  both  armies  was  now  principally  directed  to  the  forts 
l>elow  Philadelphia. 

The  loss  of  the  Delaware  frigate,  and  of  Billingsport,  greatly  dis- 
couraged the  seamen  by  whom  the  gallies  and  floating  batteries  were 
manned.  Believing  the  fate  of  America  to  be  decided,  an  opinion 
strengthened  by  the  intelligence  received  from  their  connexions  in  Phila- 
delphia, they  manifested  the  most  alarming  defection,  and  several  offi- 
cers as  well  as  sailors  deserted  to  the  enemy.  This  desponding  temper 
was  checked  by  the  battle  of  Germantown,  and  by  throwing  a  garrison 

*  On  hearing  that  General  Howe,had  landed  at  the  head  of  the  Chesapeake,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  for  the  purpose  of  averting  those  aids  which  Washington  might  draw 
from  the  north  of  the  Delaware,  entered  Jersey  at  the  head  of  three  thousand  men. 
On  the  approaci  of  General  M'Dougal  with  a  body  of  continental  troops  from  Peeks- 
kill,  and  on  hearing  that  the  militia  were  assembling  under  General  Dickinson,  he  re- 
turned to  New  York  and  Staten  Island  with  the  cattle  he  had  collected,  having  lost 
in  the  expedition  only  eight  men  killed  and  twice  as  many  wounded. 

M'Dougal  continued  his  march  towards  the  Delaware ;  and  the  utmost  exertions 
were  made  both  by  Governor  Livingston  and  General  Dickinson  to  collect  the  militia 
for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  army  in  Pennsylvania.  The  success  of  their  exertions 
did  not  equal  their  wishes.  The  militia  being  of  opinion  that  there  was  danger  of  a 
second  invasion  from  New  York,  and  that  their  services  were  more  necessary  at  home 
than  in  Pennsylvania,  assembled  slowly  and  reluctantly.  Five  or  six  hundred  crossed 
the  Delaware  at  Philadelphia,  about  the  time  Sir  William  Howe  crossed  the  Schuyl- 
kill,  and  were  employed  in  the  removal  of  stores.  On  the  approach  of  the  British 
army,  they  were  directed  to  avoid  it  by  moving  up  the  Frankford  road ;  but  the  com- 
manding officer,  having  separated  himself  from  his  corps,  was  taken  by  a  party  of 
British  horse  employed  in  scouring  the  country;  on  which  the  regiment  dispersed, 
and  returned  by  different  roads  to  Jersey.  With  much  labour  General  Dickinson 
assembled  two  other  corps  amounting  to  about  nine  hundred  men,  with  whom  he  was 
about  to  cross  the  Delaware  when  intelligence  was  received  of  the  arrival  at  New 
York  of  a  reinforcement  from  Europe.  He  was  detained  in  Jersey  for  the  defence 
of  the  state,  and  the  militia  designed  to  serve  in  Pennsylvania  were  placed  under 
General  Forman.  About  six  hundred  of  them  reached  the  army  a  few  days  before 
the  battle  of  Germantown,  immediately  after  which  they  were  permitted  to  return. 


172  THE  LIFE  OF 

of  continental  troops  into  the  fort  at  Red  Bank,  called  fort  Mercer,  the 
defence  of  which  had  been  entrusted  to  militia.  This  fort  commanded 
the  channel  between  the  Jersey  shore  and  Mud  Island ;  and  the  American 
vessels  were  secure  under  its  guns.  The  militia  of  Jersey  were  relied 
on  to  reinforce  its  garrison,  and  also  to  form  a  corps  of  observation  which 
might  harass  the  rear  of  any  detachment  investing  the  place. 

To  increase  the  inconvenience  of  General  Howe's  situation  by  inter- 
cepting his  supplies,  six  hundred  militia,  commanded  by  General  Potter, 
crossed  the  Schuylkill,  with  orders  to  scour  the  country  between  that 
river  and  Chester;  and  the  militia  on  the  Delaware,  above  Philadelphia, 
were  directed  to  watch  the  roads  in  that  vicinity. 

The  more  effectually  to  stop  those  who  were  seduced  by  the  hope  of 
gold  and  silver  to  supply  the  enemy  at  this  critical  time,  congress 
passed  a  resolution  subjecting  to  martial  law  and  to  death,  all  who  should 
furnish  them  with  provisions,  or  certain  other  enumerated  articles,  who 
should  be  taken  within  thirty  miles  of  any  city,  town  or  place,  in  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  or  Delaware,  occupied  by  British  troops. 

These  arrangements  being  made  to  cut  off  supplies  from  the  country, 
General  Washington  reoccupied  the  ground  from  which  he  had  marched 
to  fight  the  battle  of  Germantown. 

Meanwhile,  General  Howe  was  actively  preparing  to  attack  fort  Mif- 
flin  from  the  Pennsylvania  shore.  He  erected  some  batteries  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Schuylkill,  in  order  to  command  Webb's  ferry,  which  were 
attacked  by  Commodore  Hazlewood,  and  silenced,  but,  the  following 
night,  a  detachment  crossed  over  Webb's  ferry  into  Province  Island,  and 
constructed  a  slight  work  opposite  fort  Mifflin,  within  two  musket  shots 
of  the  block-house,  from  which  they  were  enabled  to  throw  shot  and 
shells  into  the  barracks.  When  day-light  discovered  this  work,  three 
gallies  and  a  floating  battery  were  ordered  to  attack  it,  and  the  garrison 
surrendered.  While  the  boats  were  bringing  off  the  prisoners,  a  large 
column  of  British  troops  were  seen  marching  into  the  fortress,  upon 
which  the  attack  on  it  was  renewed,  but  without  success ;  and  two  at- 
tempts made  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Smith  to  storm  it,  failed.  In  a  few 
nights,  works  were  completed  on  the  high  ground  of  Province  Island 
which  enfiladed  the  principal  battery  of  fort  Mifflin,  and  rendered  it  ne- 
cessary to  throw  up  some  cover  on  the  platform  to  protect  the  men  who 
worked  the  guns. 

The  aids  expected  from  the  Jersey  militia  were  not  received.  "  Assure 
yourself,"  said  Lieutenant  Colonel  Smith,  in  a  letter,  pressing  earnestly 
for  a  reinforcement  of  continental  troops,  "  that  no  »endence  is  to  bo 
put  on  the  militia;  whatever  men  your  excellency  detei mines  on  sending, 


.   I 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  173 

no  time  is  to  be  lost."  The  garrison  of  fort  Mifflin  was  now  reduced  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty-six  effectives,  and  that  of  Red  Bank  did  not  much 
exceed  two  hundred. 

In  consequence  of  these  representations,  Colonel  Angel,  of  Rhode 
Island,  with  his  regiment,  was  ordered  to  Red  Bank,  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  John  Greene,  of  Virginia,  with  about  two  hundred  men,  to  fort 
Mifflin. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Brandy  wine,  Admiral  Howe  sailed  for 
the  Delaware,  where  he  expected  to  arrive  in  time  to  meet  and  co-operate 
with  the  army  in  and  about  Philadelphia.  But  the  winds  were  so  un- 
favourable, and  the  navigation  of  the  bay  of  Delaware  so  difficult,  that 
his  van  did  not  get  into  the  river  until  the  4th  of  October.  The  ships  of 
war  and  transports  which  followed,  came  up  from  the  sixth  to  the  eighth, 
and  anchored  from  New  Castle  to  Reedy  Island. 

The  frigates,  in  advance  of  the  fleet,  had  not  yet  succeeded  in  their 
endeavours  to  effect  a  passage  through  the  lower  double  row  of  chevaux- 
de-frise.  Though  no  longer  protected  by  the  fort  at  Billingsport,  they 
were  defended  by  the  water  force  above,  and  the  work  was  found  more 
difficult  than  had  been  expected.  It  was  not  until  the  middle  of  October 
that  the  impediments  were  so  far  removed  as  to  afford  a  narrow  and  in- 
tricate passage  through  them.  In  the  mean  time,  the  fire  from  the  Penn- 
sylvania shore  had  not  produced  all  the  effect  expected  from  it ;  and  it 
was  perceived  that  greater  exertions  would  be  necessary  for  the  re- 
duction of  the  works  than  could  safely  be  made  in  the  present  relative 
situation  of  the  armies.  Under  this  impression,  General  Howe,  soon 
after  the  return  of  the  American  army  to  its  former  camp  on  the  Skip- 
pack,  withdrew  his  troops  from  Germantown  into  Philadelphia,  as  pre- 
paratory to  a  combined  attack  by  land  and  water  on  forts  Mercer  and 
Mifflin. 

After  effecting  a  passage  through  the  works  sunk  in  the  river  at  Bil- 
lingsport, other  difficulties  still  remained  to  be  encountered  by  the  ships 
of  war.  Several  rows  of  chevaux-de-frise  had  been  sunk  about  half  a 
mile  below  Mud  Island,  which  were  protected  by  the  guns  of  the  forts, 
as  well  as  by  the  moveable  water  force.  To  silence  these  works,  there- 
fore, was  a  necessary  preliminary  to  the  removal  of  these  obstructions  in 
the  channel. 

On  the  21st  of  October,  a  detachment  of  Hessians,  amounting  to  twelve 
hundred  men,  commanded  by  Colonel  Count  Donop,  crossed  the  Dela- 
ware at  Philadelphia,  with  orders  to  storm  the  fort  at  Red  Bank.  The 
fortifications  consisted  of  extensive  outer  works,  within  which  was  an 
intrenchment  eight  or  nine  feet  high,  boarded  and  fraized.  Late  in 

VOL.  i.  12 


174  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  evening  of  the  twenty-second,  Count  Donop  appeared  before  the 
fort,  and  attacked  it  with  great  intrepidity.  It  was  defended  with  equal 
resolution.  The  outer  works  being  too  extensive  to  be  manned  by  the 
troops  in  the  fort,  were  used  only  to  gall  the  assailants  while  advancing. 
On  their  near  approach,  the  garrison  retired  within  the  inner  intrench- 
ment,  whence  they  poured  upon  the  Hessians  a  heavy  and  destructive 
fire.  Colonel  Donop  received  a  mortal  wound ;  and  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Mengerode,  the  second  in  command,  fell  about  the  same  time.  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel  Minsing,  the  oldest  remaining  officer,  drew  off  his  troops, 
and  returned  next  day  to  Philadelphia.  The  loss  of  the  assailants  was 
estimated  by  the  Americans  at  four  hundred  men.  The  garrison  was 
reinforced  from  fort  Mifflin,  and  aided  by  the  galleyswhich  flanked  the 
Hessians  in  their  advance  and  retreat.  The  American  loss,  in  killed  and 
wounded,  amounted  to  only  thirty-two  men. 

The  ships  having  been  ordered  to  co-operate  with  Count  Donop,  the 
Augusta,  with  four  smaller  vessels,  passed  the  lower  line  of  chevaux-de- 
frise,  opposite  to  Billingsport,  and  lay  above  it,  waiting  until  the  assault 
should  be  made  on  the  fort.  The  flood  tide  setting  in  about  the  time  the 
attack  commenced,  they  moved  with  it  up  the  river.  The  obstructions 
sunk  in  the  Delaware  had  in  some  degree  changed  its  channel,  in  con- 
sequence of  which  the  Augusta  and  the  Merlin  grounded,  a  considerable 
distance  below  the  second  line  of  chevaux-de-frise  and  a  strong  wind 
from  the  north  so  checked  the  rising  of  the  tide,  that  these  vessels  could 
not  be  floated  by  the  flood.  Their  situation,  however,  was  not  discerned 
that  evening,  as  the  frigates  which  were  able  to  approach  the  fort,  and 
the  batteries  from  the  Pennsylvania  shore,  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  on 
the  garrison,  till  night  put  an  end  to  the  cannonade.  Early  next  morn- 
ing it  was  recommenced,  in  the  hope  that,  under  its  cover,  the  Augusta 
and  the  Merlin  might  be  got  off.  The  Americans,  on  discovering  their 
situation,  sent  four  fire  ships  against  them,  but  without  effect.  Mean- 
while, a  warm  cannonade  took  place  on  both  sides,  in  the  course  of  which 
the  Augusta  took  fire,  and  it  was  found  impracticable  to  extinguish  the 
flames.  Most  of  the  men  were  taken  out,  the  frigates  withdrawn,  and 
the  Merlin  set  on  fire ;  after  which  the  Augusta  blew  up,  and  a  few  of  the 
crew  were  lost  in  her. 

This  repulse  inspired  congress  with  flattering  hopes  for  the  permanent 
defence  of  the  posts  on  the  Delaware.  That  body  expressed  its  high 
sense  of  the  merits  of  Colonel  Greene  of  Rhode  Island,  who  had  com- 
manded in  fort  Mercer;  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Smith  of  Maryland,  who 
had  commanded  in  fort  Mifflin ;  and  of  Commodore  Hazlewood,  who 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  175 

commanded  the  galleys;  and  presented  a  sword  to  each  of  these  officers, 
as  a  mark  of  estimation  in  which  their  services  were  held. 

The  situation  of  these  forts  was  far  from  justifying  this  confidence  of 
their  being  defensible.  That  on  Mud  Island  had  been  unskilfully  con- 
structed, and  required  at  leas^  eight  hundred  men  fully  to  man  the  lines. 
The  island  is  about  half  a  mile  long.  Fort  Mifflin  was  placed  at  the 
lower  end,  having  its  principal  fortifications  in  front  for  the  purpose  of 
repelling  ships  coming  up  the  river.  The  defences  in  the  rear  consisted 
only  of  a  ditch  and  palisade,  protected  by  two  block  houses,  the  upper 
story  of  one  of  which  had  been  destroyed  in  the  late  cannonade.  Above 
the  fort  were  two  batteries  opposing  those  constructed  by  the  British  on 
Province  and  Carpenter's  Islands,  which  were  separated  from  Mud  Island 
only  by  a  narrow  passage  between  four  and  five  hundred  yards  wide. 

The  vessels  of  war,  engaged  in  the  defence  of  the  Delaware,  were 
partly  in  the  service  of  the  continent,  and  partly  in  that  of  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania,  under  a  Commodore  who  received  his  commission  from 
the  state.  A  misunderstanding  took  place  between  him  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Smith,  and  also  between  him  and  the  officers  of  the  continental 
navy ;  and  it  required  all  the  authority  of  the  Commander-in-chief  to 
prevent  these  differences  from  essentially  injuring  the  service. 

The  garrison  of  fort  Mifflin  consisted  of  only  three  hundred  continen- 
tal troops,  who  were  worn  down  with  fatigue,  and  constant  watching, 
under  the  constant  apprehension  of  being  attacked  from  Province  Island, 
from  Philadelphia,  and  from  the  ships  below. 

Having  failed  in  every  attempt  to  draw  the  militia  of  Jersey  to  the 
Delaware,  General  Washington  determined  to  strengthen  the  garrison 
by  farther  drafts  from  his  army.  Three  hundred  Pennsylvania  militia 
were  detached,  to  be  divided  between  the  two  forts ;  and,  a  few  days 
afterwards,  General  Varnum  was  ordered,  with  his  brigade,  to  take  a 
position  about  Woodbury,  near  Red  Bank,  and  to  relieve  and  reinforce 
the  garrisons  of  both  forts  as  far  as  his  strength  would  permit.  The 
hope  was  entertained  that  the  appearance  of  so  respectable  a  continental 
force  might  encourage  the  militia  to  assemble  in  greater  numbers. 

Aware  of  the  advantage  to  result  from  a  victory  over  the  British  army 
while  separated  from  the  fleet,  General  Washington  had  been  uniformly 
determined  to  risk  much  to  gain  one.  He  had,  therefore,  after  the  battle 
of  Germantown,  continued  to  watch  assiduously  for  an  opportunity  to 
attack  his  enemy  once  more  to  advantage.  The  circumspect  caution  of 
General  Howe  afforded  none.  After  the  repulse  at  Red  Bank,  his  mea- 
sures were  slow  but  certain ;  and  were  calculated  to  insure  the  possession 
of  the  forts  without  exposing  his  troops  to  the  hazard  of  an  assault. 


176  THE  LIFE  OF 

In  this  state  of  things,  intelligence  was  received  of  the  successful  ter- 
mination of  the  northern  campaign,  in  consequence  of  which  great  part 
of  the  troops  who  had  been  employed  against  Burgoyne,  might  be  drawn 
to  the  aid  of  the  army  in  Pennsylvania.  But  it  was  feared  that,  before 
these  reinforcements  could  arrive,  Sir  William  Howe  would  gain  posses- 
sion of  the  forts,  and  remove  the  obstructions  to  the  navigation  of  the 
Delaware.  This  apprehension  furnished  a  strong  motive  for  vigorous 
attempts  to  relieve  fort  Mifflin.  But  the  relative  force  of  the  armies,  the 
difficulty  of  acting  offensively  against  Philadelphia,  and,  above  all,  the 
reflection  that  a  defeat  might  disable  him  from  meeting  his  enemy  in  the 
field  even  after  the  arrival  of  the  troops  expected  from  the  north,  deter- 
mined General  Washington  not  to  hazard  a  second  attack  under  existing 
circumstances. 

To  expedite  the  reinforcements  for  which  he  waited,  Colonel  Hamilton 
was  despatched  to  General  Gates  with  directions  to  represent  to  him  the 
condition  of  the  armies  in  Pennsylvania ;  and  to  urge  him,  if  he  con- 
templated no  other  service  of  more  importance,  immediately  to  send  the 
regiments  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  to  aid  the  army  of  the 
middle  department.  These  orders  were  not  peremptory,  because  it  was 
possible  that  some  other  object  (as  the  capture  of  New  York)  still  more 
interesting  than  the  expulsion  of  General  Howe  from  Philadelphia,  might 
be  contemplated  by  Gates  ;  and  Washington  meant  not  to  interfere  with 
the  accomplishment  of  such  object. 

On  reaching  General  Putnam,  Colonel  Hamilton  found  tnat  a  consi- 
derable part  of  the  northern  army  had  joined  that  officer,  but  that  Gates 
had  detained  four  brigades  at  Albany  for  an  expedition  intended  to  be 
made  in  the  winter  against  Ticonderoga. 

Having  made  such  arrangements  with  Putnam  as  he  supposed  would 
secure  the  immediate  march  of  a  large  body  of  continental  troops  from 
that  station,  Colonel  Hamilton  proceeded  to  Albany  for  the  purpose  of 
remonstrating  to  General  Gates  against  retaining  so  large  and  valuable 
a  part  of  the  army  unemployed  at  a  time  when  the  most  imminent  dan- 
ger threatened  the  vitals  of  the  country.  Gates  was  by  no  means  dis- 
posed to  part  with  his  troops.  He  could  not  believe  that  an  expedition 
then  preparing  at  New  York,  was  designed  to  reinforce  General  Howe ; 
and  insisted  that,  should  the  troops  then  embarked  at  that  place,  instead 
of  proceeding  to  the  Delaware,  make  a  sudden  movement  up  the  Hudson, 
it  would  be  in  their  power,  should  Albany  be  left  defenceless,  to  destroy 
the  valuable  arsenal  which  had  been  there  erected,  and  the  military  stores 
captured  with  Burgoyne,  which  had  been  chiefly  deposited  in  that  town. 

Having,  after  repeated  remonstrances,  obtained  an  order  directing 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  177 

three  brigades  to  the  Delaware,  Hamilton  hastened  back  to  Putnam,  and 
found  the  troops  which  had  been  ordered  to  join  General  Washington, 
still  at  Peekskill.  The  detachment  from  New  York  had  suggested  to 
Putnam  the  possibility  of  taking  that  place ;  and  he  does  not  appear  to 
have  made  very  great  exertions  to  divest  himself  of  a  force  he  deemed 
necessary  for  an  object  the  accomplishment  of  which  would  give  so  much 
splendour  to  his  military  character.  In  addition  to  this  circumstance, 
an  opinion  had  gained  ground  among  the  soldiers  that  their  share  of 
service  for  the  campaign  had  been  performed,  and  that  it  was  time  for 
them  to  go  into  winter  quarters.  Great  discontents  too  prevailed  con- 
cerning their  pay,  which  the  government  had  permitted  to  be  more  than 
six  months  in  arrear ;  and  in  Poor's  brigade,  a  mutiny  broke  out,  in  the 
course  of  which  a  soldier  who  was  run  through  the  body  by  his 
captain,  before  he  expired,  shot  the  captain  dead  who  gave  the  wound. 
Colonel  Hamilton  came  in  time  to  borrow  money  from  the  governor 
of  New  York,  to  put  the  troops  in  motion ;  and  they  proceeded  by  bri- 
gades to  the  Delaware.  But  these  several  delays  retarded  their  arrival 
until  the  contest  for  the  forts  on  that  river  was  terminated. 

The  preparations  of  Sir  William  Howe  being  completed,  a  large  bat- 
tery on  Province  Island  of  twenty-four  and  thirty-two  pounders,  and  two 
howitzers  of  eight  inches  each,  opened,  early  in  the  morning  of  the  10th 
of  November,  upon  fort  Mifflin,  at  the  distance  of  five  hundred  yards, 
and  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  for  several  successive  days.  The  block- 
houses were  reduced  to  a  heap  of  ruins;  the  palisades  were  beaten  down; 
and  most  of  the  guns  dismounted  and  otherwise  disabled.  The  barracks 
were  battered  in  every  part,  so  that  the  troops  could  not  remain  in  them. 
They  were  under  the  necessity  of  working  and  watching  the  whole  night 
to  repair  the  damages  of  the  day,  and  to  guard  against  a  storm,  of  which 
they  were  in  perpetual  apprehension.  If  in  the  day,  a  few  moments 
were  allowed  for  repose,  it  was  taken  on  the  wet  earth,  which,  in  conse- 
quence of  heavy  rains,  had  become  a  soft  mud.  The  garrison  was  re- 
lieved by  General  Varnum  every  forty-eight  hours ;  but  his  brigade  was 
so  weak  that  half  the  men  were  constantly  on  duty. 

Colonel  Smith  was  decidedly  of  opinion,  and  General  Varnum  con- 
curred with  him,  that  the  garrison  could  not  repel  an  assault,  and  ought 
to  be  withdrawn ;  but  General  Washington  still  cherished  the  hope  that 
the  place  might  be  maintained  until  he  should  be  reinforced  from  the 
northern  army.  Believing  that  an  assault  would  not  be  attempted  until 
the  works  were  battered  down,  he  recommended  that  the  whole  night 
should  be  employed  in  making  repairs.  His  orders  were  that  ths  p  Y^e 

Q 


178  THE  LIFE  OF 

should  be  defended  to  the  last  extremity  ;  and  never  were  orders  more 
faithfully  executed. 

Several  of  the  garrison  were  killed,  and  among  them  Captain  Treat,  a 
gallant  officer,  who  commanded  the  artillery.  Colonel  Smith  received 
a  contusion  on  his  hip  and  arm  which  compelled  him  to  give  up  the 
command,  and  retire  to  Red  Bank.  Major  Fleury,  a  French 
officer  of  distinguished  merit,  who  served  as  engineer,  report- 
ed to  the  Commander-in-chief  that,  although  the  block  houses  were 
beaten  down,  all  the  guns  in  them,  except  two,  disabled,  and  several 
breaches  made  in  the  walls,  the  place  was  still  defensible ;  but  the  garri- 
son was  so  unequal  to  the  numbers  required  by  the  extent  of  the  lines, 
and  was  so  dispirited  by  watching,  fatigue,  and  constant  exposure  to  the 
cold  rains  which  were  almost  incessant,  that  he  dreaded  the  event  of  an 
attempt  to  carry  the  place  by  storm.  Fresh  troops  were  ordered  to  their 
relief  from  Varnum's  brigade,  and  the  command  was  taken,  first  by 
Colonel  Russell,  and  afterwards  by  Major  Thayer.  The  artillery,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Lee,  continued  to  be  well  served.  The  besiegers  were 
several  times  thrown  into  confusion,  and  a  floating  battery  which  opened 
on  the  morning  of  the  14th,  was  silenced  in  the  course  of  the  day. 
The  defence  being  unexpectedly  obstinate,  the  assailants  brought  up 

their  ships  as  far  as  the  obstructions  in  the  river  permitted. 
Nov.  15. 

and  added  their  fire  to  that  of  the  batteries,  which  was  the  more 

fatal  as-  the  cover  for  the  troops  had  been  greatly  impaired.  The  brave 
garrison,  however,  still  maintained  their  ground  with  unshaken  firmness. 
In  the  midst  of  this  stubborn  conflict,  the  Vigilant  and  a  sloop  of  war 
were  brought  up  the  inner  channel,  between  Mud  and  Province  Islands, 
which  had,  unobserved  by  the  besieged,  been  deepened  by  the  current 
in  consequence  of  the  obstructions  in  the  main  channel ;  and,  taking  a 
station  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  works,  not  only  kept  up  a  de- 
structive cannonade,  but  threw  hand  grenades  into  them;  while  the 
musketeers  from  the  round  top  of  the  Vigilant  killed  every  man  that 
appeared  on  the  platform. 

Major  Thayer  applied  to  the  Commodore  to  remove  these  vessels,  and 
he  ordered  six  galleys  on  the  service;  but,  after  reconnoitring  their  situa- 
tion, the  galleys  returned  without  attempting  any  thing.  Their  report 
was  that  these  ships  were  so  covered  by  the  batteries  on  Province  Island 
as  to  be  unassailable. 

It  was  now  apparent  to  all  that  the  fort  could  be  no  longer  defended. 
The  works  were  in  ruins.  The  position  of  the  Vigilant  rendered  any 
farther  continuance  on  the  island  a  prodigal  and  useless  waste  of  human 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  17P 

life;  and  on  the  16th,  about  eleven  at  night,  the  garrison  was  with 
drawn.* 

A  second  attempt  was  made  to  drive  the  vessels  from  their  stations 
with  a  determination,  should  it  succeed,  to  repossess  the  island ;  but  the 
galleys  effected  nothing;  and  a  detachment  from  Province  Island  soon 
occupied  the  ground  which  had  been  abandoned. 

The  day  after  receiving  intelligence  of  the  evacuation  of  fort  Mif- 
flin,  General  Washington  deputed  Generals  De  Kalb,  and  Knox,  to 
confer  with  General  Varnum  and  the  officers  at  fort  Mercer  on  the 
practicability  of  continuing  to  defend  the  obstructions  in  the  channel,  to 
report  thereon,  and  to  state  the  force  which  would  be  necessary  for  that 
purpose.  Their  report  was  in  favour  of  continuing  the  defence.  A 
council  of  the  navy  officers  had  already  been  called  by  the  Commodore 
in  pursuance  of  a  request  of  the  Commander-in-chief  made  before  the 
evacuation  had  taken  place,  who  were  unanimously  of  opinion  that  it 
would  be  impracticable  for  the  fleet,  after  the  loss  of  the  island,  to  main- 
tain its  station,  or  to  assist  in  preventing  the  chevaux-de-frise  from  being 
weighed  by  the  ships  of  the  enemy. 

General  Howe  had  now  completed  a  line  of  defence  from  the  Schuyl- 
kill  to  the  Delaware ;  and  a  reinforcement  from  New  York  had  arrived 
at  Chester.  These  two  circumstances  enabled  him  to  form  an  army  in 
the  Jerseys  sufficient  for  the  reduction  of  fort  Mercer,  without  weaken- 
ing himself  so  much  in  Philadelphia  as  to  put  his  lines  in  hazard.  Still 
deeming  it  of  the  utmost  importance  to  open  the  navigation  of  the  Dela- 
ware completely,  he  detached  Lord  Cormvallis  about  one  in  the  morning 
of  the  17th,  with  a  strong  body  of  troops  to  Chester.  From  that  place, 
his  lordship  crossed  over  to  Billingsport,  where  he  was  joined  by  the 
reinforcement  from  New  York. 

General  Washington  received  immediate  intelligence  of  the  march  of 
this  detachment,  which  h?  communicated  to  General  Varnum  with  orders 
that  fort  Mercer  should  be  defended  to  the  last  extremity.  With  a  view 
to  military  operations  in  that  quarter,  he  ordered  one  division  of  the  army 
to  cross  the  river  at  Burlington,  and  despatched  expresses  to  the  north- 
ern troops  who  were  marching  on  by  brigades,  directing  them  to  move 
down  the  Delaware  on  its  northern  side  until  they  should  receive  far- 
ther orders. 

Major  General  Greene,  an  officer  who  had  been  distinguished  early 
in  the  war  by  the  Commander-in-chief  for  the  solidity  of  his  judgment 
and  his  military  talents,  was  selected  for  this  expedition.  A  hope  was 

*  In  stating  the  defence  of  Mud  Island,  the  author  has  availed  himself  of  the  jour 
sal  of  Major  Fleury. 


180  THE  LIFE  OF 

entertained  that  he  would  be  able,  not  only  to  protect  fort  Mercer,  but  to 
obtain  some  decisive  advantage  over  Lord  Cornwallis ;  as  the  situation 
of  the  fort,  which  his  lordship  could  not  invest  without  placing  himself 
between  Timber  and  Manto  Creeks,  would  expose  the  assailants  to  great 
peril  from  a  respectable  force  in  their  rear.  But,  before  Greene  could 
cross  the  Delawarej  Lord  Cornwallis  approached  with  an  army  rendered 
more  powerful  than  had  been  expected  by  the  junction  of  the  reinforce- 
ment from  New  York ;  and  fort  Mercer  was  evacuated. 

A  few  of  the  smaller  galleysescaped  up  the  river,  and  the  others  were 
burnt  by  their  crews. 

Washington  still  hoped  to  recover  much  of  what  had  been  lost.  A 
victory  would  restore  the  Jersey  shore,  and  this  object  was  deemed  so 
important,  that  General  Greene's  instructions  indicated  the  expectation 
that  he  would  be  in  a  condition  to  fight  Lord  Cornwallis. 

That  judicious  officer  feared  the  reproach  of  avoiding  an  action  les* 
than  the  just  censure  of  sacrificing  the  real  interests  of  his  country  by 
engaging  the  enemy  on  disadvantageous  terms.  The  numbers  of  the 
British  exceeded  his,  even  counting  his  militia  as  regulars ;  and  he  de- 
termined to  wait  for  Glover's  brigade,  which  was  marching  from  the 
north.  Before  its  arrival,  Lord  Cornwallis  took  post  on  Gloucester  Point, 
a  point  of  land  making  deep  into  the  Delaware,  which  was  entirely 
under  cover  of  the  guns  of  the  ships,  from  which  place  he  was  embark- 
ing his  baggage  and  the  provisions  he  had  collected  for  Philadelphia.* 

Believing  that  Lord  Cornwallis  would  immediately  follow  the  maga- 
zines he  had  collected,  and  that  the  purpose  of  Sir  William  Howe  was 
with  his  united  forces,  to  attack  the  American  army  while  divided,  Gene- 
ral Washington  ordered  Greene  to  recross  the  Delaware,  and  join  the 
army. 

Thus  after  one  continued  struggle  of  more  than  six  weeks,  in  which 
the  continental  troops  displayed  great  military  virtues,  the  army  in  Phila- 
delphia secured  itself  in  the  possession  of  that  city,  by  opening  a  free 
communication  with  the  fleet,  f 

*  While  Lord  Cornwallis  lay  on  Gloucester  Point,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men 
of  Morgan's  rifle  corps  under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Butler,  and  an  equal  number  of 
militia,  the  whole  under  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  still  served  as  a  volunteer, 
attacked  a  picket  consisting  of  about  three  hundred  men,  and  drove  them  with  the 
loss  of  twenty  or  thirty  killed,  and  a  greater  number  wounded,  quite  into  their  camp; 
after  which  the  Americans  retired  without  being  pursued. 

t  While  tbese  transactions  were  passing  on  the  Delaware,  General  Dickinson  pro- 
jected another  expedition  against  the  post  on  Staten  Island.  He  collected  about  two 
thousand  men,  and  requested  General  Putnam  to  make  a  diversion  on  the  side  of 
Kingsbridge,  in  order  to  prevent  a  reinforcement  from  New  York. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  181 

While  Lord  Cornwallis  was  in  Jersey,  and  General  Greene  on  the 
Delaware  above  him,  the  reinforcements  from  the  north  being  received, 
an  attack  on  Philadelphia  was  strongly  pressed  by  several  officers  high 
in  rank ;  and  was  in  some  measure  urged  by  that  torrent  of  public  opi- 
nion, which,  if  not  resisted  by  a  very  firm  mind,  overwhelms  the  judg- 
ment, and  by  controlling  measures  not  well  comprehended,  may  fre- 
quently produce,  especially  in  military  transactions,  the  most  disastrous 
effects. 

It  was  stated  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  that  his  army  was  now  in  - 
greater  force  than  he  could  expect  it  to  be  at  any  future  time ;  that  being 
joined  by  the  troops  who  had  conquered  Burgoyne,  his  own  reputation, 
the  reputation  of  his  army,  the  opinion  of  congress,  and  of  the  nation, 
required  some  decisive  blow  on  his  part.  That  the  rapid  depreciation  of 
the  paper  currency,  by  which  the  resources  for  carrying  on  the  war  were 
dried  up,  rendered  indispensable  some  grand  effort  to  bring  it  to  a  speedy 
termination. 

The  plan  proposed  was,  that  General  Greene  should  embark  two 
thousand  men  at  Dunks'  ferry,  and  descending  the  Delaware  in  the 
night,  land  in  the  town  just  before  day,  attack  the  enemy  in  the  rear, 
and  take  possession  of  the  bridge  over  the  Schuylkill.  That  a  strong 
corps  should  march  down  on  the  west  side  of  that  river,  occupy  the 
heights  enfilading  the  works  of  the  enemy,  and  open  a  brisk  cannonade 
apon  them,  while  a  detachment  from  it  should  march  down  to  the  bridge, 
and  attack  in  front  at  the  same  instant,  that  the  party  descending  the 
river  should  commence  its  assault  on  the  rear. 

Not  only  the  Commander-in-chief,  but  some  of  his  best  officers,  those 
who  could  not  be  impelled  by  the  clamours  of  the  ill-informed  to  ruin 
the  public  interests,  were  opposed  to  this  mad  enterprise. 

The  two  armies  they  said  were  now  nearly  equal  in  point  of  numbers, 
and  the  detachment  under  Lord  Cornwallis  could  not  be  supposed  to 
have  so  weakened  Sir  William  Howe  as  to  compensate  for  the  advan- 
tages of  his  position.  His  right  was  covered  by  the  Delaware,  his  left 
by  the  Schuylkill,  his  rear  by  the  junction  of  those  two  rivers,  as  well  as 
by  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  his  front  by  a  line  of  redoubts  extending 

Knowing  that  success  depended  on  secrecy,  he  had  concealed  his  object  even  from 
his  field-officers,  until  eight  of  the  night  in  which  it  was  to  be  executed.  Yet  by 
three  next  morning,  information  of  his  design  was  given  to  General  Skinner,  who, 
being  on  his  guard,  saved  himself  and  his  brigade,  by  taking  refuge,  on  the  first 
alarm,  in  some  works  too  strong  to  be  carried  by  assault.  A  few  prisoners  were  made 
and  a  few  mpn  killed,  after  which  General  Dickinson  brought  off  his  party  with  the 
.oss  of  only  three  killed  and  ten  slightly  wounded. 


182  THE  LIFE  OF 

from  river  to  river,  and  connected  by  an  abbattis,  and  by  circular  works. 
It  would  be  indispensably  necessary  to  carry  all  these  redoubts ;  since  to 
leave  a  part  of  them  to  play  on  the  rear  of  the  columns,  while  engaged 
in  front  with  the  enemy  in  Philadelphia,  would  be  extremely  hazardous. 

Supposing  the  redoubts  carried,  and  the  British  army  driven  into  the 
town,  yet  all  military  men  were  agreed  on  the  great  peril  of  storming  a 
town.  The  streets  would  be  defended  by  an  artillery  greatly  superior  to 
that  of  the  Americans,  which  would  attack  in  front,  while  the  brick 
houses  would  be  lined  with  musketeers,  whose  fire  must  thin  the  ranks 
of  the  assailants. 

A  part  of  the  plan,  on  the  successful  execution  of  which  the  whole  de- 
pended, was,  that  the  British  rear  should  be  surprised  by  the  corps 
descending  the  Delaware.  This  would  require  the  concurrence  of  too 
many  favourable  circumstances  to  be  calculated  on  with  any  confidence. 
As  the  position  of  General  Greene  was  known,  it  could  not  be  supposed 
that  Sir  William  Howe  would  be  inattentive  to  him.  It  was  probable 
that  not  even  his  embarkation  would  be  made  unnoticed ;  but  it  was  pre- 
suming a  degree  of  negligence  which  ought  not  to  be  assumed,  to  sup- 
pose that  he  could  descend  the  river  to  Philadelphia  undiscovered.  So 
soon  as  his  movement  should  be  observed,  the  whole  plan  would  be 
comprehended,  since  it  would  never  be  conjectured  that  General  Greene 
was  to  attack  singly. 

If  the  attack  in  front  should  fail,  which  was  not  even  improbable,  the 
total  loss  of  the  two  thousand  men  hi  the  rear  must  follow ;  and  General 
Howe  would  maintain  his  superiority  through  the  winter. 

The  situation  of  America  did  not  require  these  desperate  measures. 
The  British  general  would  be  compelled  to  risk  a  battle  on  equal  terms, 
or  to  manifest  a  conscious  inferiority  to  the  American  army.  The  de- 
preciation of  paper  money  was  the  inevitable  consequence  of  immense 
emissions  without  corresponding  taxes.  It  was  by  removing  the  cause, 
not  by  sacrificing  the  army,  that  this  evil  was  to  be  corrected. 

Washington  possessed  too  much  discernment  to  be  dazzled  by  the 
false  brilliant  presented  by  those  who  urged  the  necessity  of  storming 
Philadelphia,  in  order  to  throw  lustre  round  his  own  fame,  and  that  of 
his  army ;  and  too  much  firmness  of  temper,  too  much  virtue  and  real 
patriotism,  to  be  diverted  from  a  purpose  believed  to  be  right,  by  the 
clamours  of  faction  or  the  discontents  of  ignorance.  Disregarding  the 
importunities  of  mistaken  friends,  the  malignant  insinuations  of  enemies, 
and  the  expectations  of  the  ill-informed ;  he  persevered  in  his  resolution 
to  make  no  attempt  on  Philadelphia.  He  saved  his  army,  and  was  able 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  183 

to  keep  the  field  in  the  face  of  his  enemy ;  while  the  clamour  of  the  mo- 
ment wasted  in  air,  and  is  forgotten. 

The  opinion  that  Sir  William  Howe  meditated  an  attack  on  the 
American  camp,  was  not  ill  founded.  Scarcely  had  Lord  Cornwallis 
returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  Greene  to  the  American  army,  when  un 
questionable  intelligence  was  received  that  the  British  general  was  pre- 
paring to  march  out  in  full  strength,  with  the  avowed  object  of  forcing 
Washington  from  his  position,  and  driving  him  beyond  the  mountains. 

On  the  4th  of  December,  Captain  M'Lane,  a  vigilant  officer  on  the 
lines,  discovered  that  an  attempt  to  surprise  the  American  camp  at 
White  Marsh  was  about  to  be  made,  and  communicated  the  information 
to  the  Commander-in-chief.  In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  General 
Howe  marched  out  of  Philadelphia  with  his  whole  force ;  and,  about 
eleven  at  night,  M'Lane,  who  had  been  detached  with  one  hundred 
chosen  men,  attacked  the  British  van  at  the  Three  Mile  Run,  on  the 
Germantown  road,  and  compelled  their  front  division  to  change  its 
line  of  march.  He  hovered  on  the  front  and  flank  of  the  advancing 
army,  galling  them  severely  until  three  next  morning,  when  the  British 
encamped  on  Chestnut  Hill,  in  front  of  the  American  right,  and  distant 
from  it  about  three  miles.  A  slight  skirmish  had  also  taken 
pkce  between  the  Pennsylvania  militia  under  General  Irvine, 
and  the  advanced  light  parties  of  the  enemy,  in  which  the  general  was 
wounded,  and  the  militia,  without  much  other  loss,  were  dispersed. 

The  range  of  hills  on  which  the  British  were  posted,  approached  nearer 
to  those  occupied  by  the  Americans,  as  they  stretched  northward. 

Having  passed  the  day  in  reconnoitring  the  right,  Sir  William  Howe 
changed  his  ground  in  the  course  of  the  night,  and  moving  along  the 
hills  to  his  right,  took  an  advantageous  position,  about  a  mile  in  front 
of  the  American  left.  The  next  day  he  inclined  still  farther  to  his  right, 
and,  in  doing  so,  approached  still  nearer  to  the  left  wing  of  the 
American  army.  Supposing  a  general  engagement  to  be  ap- 
proaching, Washington  detached  Gist  with  some  Maryland  militia,  and 
Morgan  with  his  rifle  corps,  to  attack  the  flanking  and  advanced  parties 
of  the  enemy.  A  sharp  action  ensued,  in  which  Major  Morris,  of  Jer- 
sey, a  brave  officer  in  Morgan's  regiment,  was  mortally  wounded,  and 
twenty-seven  of  his  men  were  killed  and  wounded.  A  small  loss  was 
also  sustained  in  the  militia.  The  parties  first  attacked  were  driven  in ; 
but  the  enemy  reinforcing  in  numbers,  and  Washington,  unwilling  to 
move  from  the  heights,  and  engage  on  the  ground  which  was  the  scene 
of  the  skirmish,  declining  to  reinforce  Gist  and  Morgan,  they,  in  turn, 
were  compelled  to  retreat. 


184  THE  LIFE  OF 

Sir  William  Howe  continued  to  manoeuvre  towards  the  flank,  and  in 
front  of  the  left  wing  of  the  American  army.  Expecting  to  be  attacked 
in  that  quarter  in  full  force,  Washington  made  such  changes  in  the  dis- 
position of  his  troops  as  the  occasion  required ;  and  the  day  was  con- 
sumed in  these  movements.  In  the  course  of  it,  the  American  chief  rode 
through  every  brigade  of  his  army,  delivering,  in  person,  his  orders, 
respecting  the  manner  of  receiving  the  enemy,  exhorting  his  troops  to 
rely  principally  on  the  bayonet,  and  encouraging  them  by  the  steady 
firmness  of  his  countenance,  as  well  as  by  his  words,  to  a  vigorous  per- 
formance of  their  duty.*  The  dispositions  of  the  evening  indicated  an 
intention  to  attack  him  the  ensuing  morning ;  but  in  the  afternoon  of 
the  eighth,  the  British  suddenly  filed  off  from  their  right,  which  extended 
beyond  the  American  left,  and  retreated  to  Philadelphia.  The  parties 
detached  to  harass  their  rear  could  not  overtake  it. 

The  loss  of  the  British  in  this  expedition,  as  stated  in  the  official  let- 
ter of  General  Howe,  rather  exceeded  one  hundred  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing  ;  and  was  sustained  principally  in  the  skirmish  of  the  7th, 
in  which  Major  Morris  fell. 

On  no  former  occasion  had  the  two  armies  met,  uncovered  by  works, 
with  superior  numbers  on  the  side  of  the  Americans:  The  effective 
force  of  the  British  was  then  stated  at  twelve  thousand  men.  It  has 
been  since  declared  by  an  authorf  who  then  belonged  to  it,  but  who, 
though  a  candid  writer,  appears  to  have  imbibed  prejudices  against  Sir 
William  Howe,  to  have  amounted  to  fourteen  thousand.  The  American 
army  consisted  of  precisely  twelve  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty-one 
continental  troops,  and  three  thousand  two  hundred  and  forty-one  mili- 
tia. This  equality  in  point  of  numbers,  rendered  it  a  prudent  precau- 
tion to  maintain  a  superiority  of  position.  As  the  two  armies  occupied 
heights  fronting  each  other,  neither  could  attack  without  giving  to  its 
adversary  some  advantage  in  the  ground;  and  this  was  an  advantage 
which  neither  seemed  willing  to  relinquish. 

The  return  of  Sir  William  Howe  to  Philadelphia  without  bringing  on 
an  action,  after  marching  out  with  the  avowed  intention  of  fighting,  is 
the  best  testimony  of  the  respect  which  he  felt  for  the  talents  of  his 
adversary,  and  the  courage  of  the  troops  he  was  to  encounter. 

The  cold  was  now  becoming  so  intenee  that  it  was  impossible  for  an 
army  neither  well  clothed,  nor  sufficiently  supplied  with  blankets,  longer 
to  keep  the  field  in  tents.  It  had  become  necessary  to  place  the  troops 
in  winter  quarters ;  but  in  the  existing  state  of  things  the  choice  of  win- 

*  The  author  states  this  on  his  own  observation.  t  Stedman, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  185 

fer  quarters  was  a  subject  for  serious. reflection.  It  was  impossible  to 
place  them  in  villages  without  uncovering  the  country,  or  exposing  them 
to  the  hazard  of  being  beaten  in  detachment. 

To  avoid  these  calamities,  it  was  determined  to  take  a  strong  position 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Philadelphia,  equally  distant  from  the  Delaware 
above  and  below  that  city ;  and  there  to  construct  huts,  in  the  form  of  a 
regular  encampment,  which  might  cover  the  army  during  the  winter. 
A  strong  piece  of  ground  at  Valley  Forge,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Schuyl- 
kill,  between  twenty  and  thirty  miles  from  Philadelphia,  was  selected  for 
that  purpose;  and  some  time  before  day  on  the  morning  of  the  llth  of 
December,  the  army  marched  to  take  possession  of  it.  By  an  accidental 
concurrence  of  circumstances,  Lord  Cornwallis  had  been  detached  the 
same  morning  at  the  head  of  a  strong  corps,  on  a  foraging  party  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Schuylkill.  He  had  fallen  in  with  a  brigade  of  Penn- 
sylvania militia  commanded  by  General  Potter,  which  he  soon  dispersed ; 
and,  pursuing  the  fugitives,  had  gained  the  heights  opposite  Matron's 
ford,  over  which  the  Americans  had  thrown  a  bridge  for  the  purpose  of 
crossing  the  river,  and  had  posted  troops  to  command  the  defile  called 
the  Gulph,  just  as  the  front  division  of  the  American  army  reached  the 
bank  of  the  river.  This  movement  had  been  made  without  any  know- 
ledge of  the  intention  of  General  Washington  to  change  his  position,  or 
any  design  of  contesting  the  passage  of  the  Schuylkill ;  but  the  troops 
had  been  posted  in  the  manner  already  mentioned  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  covering  the  foraging  party. 

Washington  apprehended,  from  his  first  intelligence,  that  General 
Howe  had  taken  the  field  in  full  force.    He  therefore  recalled  the  troops 
already  on  the  west  side,  and  moved  rather  higher  up  the  river,  for  the 
purpose  of  understanding  the  real  situation,  force,  and  designs 
of  the  enemy.     The  next  day  Lord  Cornwallis  returned  to 
Philadelphia;   and,  in  the  course  of  the  night,  the  American  army 
crossed  the  river. 

Here  the  Commander-in-chief  communicated  to  his  army,  in  general 
orders,  the  manner  in  which  he  intended  to  dispose  of  them  during  the 
winter.  He  expressed,  in  strong  terms,  his  approbation  of  their  con- 
duct, presented  them  with  an  encouraging  state  of  the  future  prospects 
of  their  country,  exhorted  them  to  bear  with  continuing  fortitude  the 
hardships  inseparable  from  the  position  they  were  about  to  take,  and 
endeavoured  to  convince  their  judgments  that  those  hardships  were  not 
imposed  on  them  by  unfeeling  caprice,  but  were  necessary  for  the  good 
of  their  country. 

The  winter  had  set  in  with  great  severity,  and  the  sufferings  of  the 


186  THE  LIFE  OF 

army  were  extreme.  In  a  few  days,  however,  these  sufferings  were 
considerably  diminished  by  the  erection  of  logged  huts,  filled  up  with 
mortar,  which,  after  being  dried,  formed  comfortable  habitations,  and 
gave  content  to  men  long  unused  to  the  conveniences  of  life.  The 
order  of  a  regular  encampment  was  observed ;  and  the  only  appearance 
of  winter  quarters,  was  the  substitution  of  huts  for  tents. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  187 


CHAPTER  X. 

Inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  General  Schuyler. — Burgoyne  appears  before  Ticonde- 
roga. — Evacuation  of  that  place, — of  Skeensborough. — Colonel  Warner  defeated. — 
Evacuation  of  fort  Anne. — Proclamation  of  Burgoyne. — Counter-proclamation  of 
Schuyler. — Burgoyne  approaches  fort  Edward.— Schuyler  retires  to  Saratoga — to 
Stillwater. — St.  Leger  invests  fort  Schuyler. — Herkimer  defeated — Colonel  Baum 
detached  to  Bennington — is  defeated. — Breckman  defeated. — St.  Leger  abandons 
the  siege  of  fort  Schuyler. — Murder  of  Miss  M'Crea. — General  Gates  takes  com- 
mand.— Burgoyne  encamps  on  the  heights  of  Saratoga. — Battle  of  Stillwater. — 
Battle  of  the  7th  of  October. — Burcovne  retreats  to  Saratoga, — Capitulates. — The 
British  take  forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton. — The  forts  Independence  and  Consti- 
tution evacuated  by  the  Americans. — Ticonderoga  evacuated  by  the  British. 

WHILE,  with  inferior  numbers,  General  Washington  maintained  a 
stubborn  contest  in  the  middle  states,  events  of  great  variety     1777 
and  importance  were  passing  in  the  north. 

After  Sir  Guy  Carlton  had  distributed  his  army,  for  winter  quarters, 
in  the  several  villages  from  the  Isle  Aux  Noix  and  Montreal  to  Quebec, 
General  Burgoyne,  who  had  served  under  him,  embarked  for  England, 
in  order  to  communicate  a  full  statement  of  affairs  in  the  northern  de- 
partment ;  and  to  assist  in  making  arrangements  for  the  ensuing  cam- 
paign. The  American  army,  having  been  formed  for  only  one  year, 
dissolved  of  itself  at  the  expiration  of  that  term,  and  could  scarcely 
furnish  even  the  appearance  of  garrisons  in  their  forts. 

The  defence  of  this  frontier  was  assigned  to  the  regiments  directed  to 
be  raised  in  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and  the  north  western  parts 
of  New  York ;  but  the  recruiting  service  advanced  so  slowly,  and  so 
much  difficulty  was  found  in  clothing  and  arming  those  who  were  enlist- 
ed, that  it  became  indispensable  to  call  in  the  aid  of  the  militia ;  and  the 
plan  of  the  campaign  on  the  part  of  the  British  was  involved  in  so  much 
obscurity  that  General  Washington  deemed  it  adviseable  to  direct  eight 
of  the  regiments  of  Massachusetts  to  rendezvous  at  Peekskill. 

The  service  of  General  Schuyler  in  the  northern  department  had 
been  more  solid  than  brilliant.  Dissatisfied  with  his  situation,  and  dis- 
gusted with  the  injustice*  he  supposed  himself  to  experience,  he  had  for 

*  When  the  command  of  the  operating  army  was  given  to  General  Thomas  in 
March  1776,  the  head  quarters  of  General  Schuyler  had  been  fixed  by  congress  at 
Albany,  and  that  resolution  remained  in  force.  General  Gates  was  now  directed  to 
repair  to  Ticonderoga  and  take  command  of  the  army ;  and  Major  General  St  Clair 
was  ordered  to  the  same  place  to  serve  under  him. 


188  THE  LIFE  OF 

some  time  meditated  a  resignation,  and  had  been  retained  in  the  service 
only  by  the  deep  interest  he  felt  in  the  struggle  of  his  country  for  inde- 
pendence. So  soon  as  his  fears  for  Ticonderoga  were  removed  by  the 
partial  opening  of  Lake  Champlain,  he  waited  in  person  on  congress  for 
the  purpose  of  adjusting  his  accounts,  obtaining  an  inquiry  into  his  con- 
duct, and  supporting  those  necessary  measures  of  defence  in  the  north, 
which  were  suggested  by  his  perfect  knowledge  of  the  country.  At  his 
request,  a  committee,  consisting  of  a  member  from  each  state,  was  ap- 
pointed to  inquire  into  his  conduct  during  the  time  he  had  held  a  com- 
mand in  the  army.  The  arduous  services  performed  by  this  merito- 
rious officer,  when  investigated,  were  found  so  far  to  exceed  any  estimate 
which  had  been  made  of  them,  that  congress  deemed  it  essential  to  the 

public  interest  to  prevail  on  him  to  retain  his  commission. 
May  22. 

The  resolution  which  fixed  his  head  quarters  at  Albany  was 

repealed,  and  he  was  directed  to  proceed  forthwith  to  the  northern  de- 
partment, and  to  take  the  command  of  it. 

On  his  arrival,  he  found  the  army  of  the  north  not  only  too  weak  for 
the  objects  entrusted  to  it,  but  badly  supplied  with  arms,  clothes,  and  pro- 
visions. From  a  spy  who  had  been  seized  near  Onion  River,  he  obtained 
information  that  General  Burgoyne  was  at  Quebec,  and  was  to  command 
the  British  forces  in  that  department  so  soon  as  they  should  march  out 
of  Canada.  That  while  Ticonderoga  should  be  attacked  by  the  main 
army,  Sir  John  Johnson,  with  a  strong  body  of  British,  Canadians,  and 
Indians,  was  to  penetrate  to  the  Mohawk  by  Oswego,  and  place  himself 
between  fort  Stanwix  and  fort  Edward. 

General  Schuyler  was  sensible  of  the  danger  which  threatened  him, 
and  made  every  exertion  to  meet  it.  After  completing  his  arrangements 
at  Ticonderoga  for  sustaining  a  siege,  he  had  proceeded  to  Albany,  for 
the  purpose  of  attending  to  his  supplies,  and  of  expediting  the  march  of 
reinforcements,  when  he  received  intelligence  from  General  St.  Clair,  who 
was  entrusted  with  the  defence  of  Ticonderoga,  that  Burgoyne  had  ap- 
peared before  that  place. 

In  the  course  of  the  preceding  winter,  a  plan  for  penetrating  to  the 
Hudson,  from  Canada,  by  the  way  of  the  lakes,  had  been  digested  in  the 
cabinet  of  London.  General  Burgoyne,  who  assisted  in  forming  it,  was 
entrusted  with  its  execution,  and  was  to  lead  a  formidable  army  against 
Ticonderoga  as  soon  as  the  season  would  permit.  At  the  same  time  a 
smaller  party  under  Colonel  St.  Leger,  composed  of  Canadians,  newly 
raised  Americans,  and  a  few  Europeans,  aided  by  a  powerful  body  of 
Indians,  was  to  march  from  Oswego,  to  enter  the  country  by  the  way 
of  the  Mohawk,  and  to  join  the  grand  army  on  the  Hudson, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  189 

Burgoyne  reached  Quebec  as  soon  as  it  was  practicable  to  sail  up  the 

St.  Lawrence,  and  appeared  in  full  force  on  the  river  Bou- 

June  22 
quet,  on  the  western  banks  of  lake  Champlain,  much  earlier 

than  the  American  general  had  supposed  to  be  possible.  At  this  place 
he  met  the  Indians  in  a  grand  council,  after  which  he  gave  them  a  war 
feast.  Much  of  the  cruelty  afterwards  perpetrated  by  the  savages  has 
been  attributed  to  this  unfortunate  officer;  but  justice  requires  the  ad- 
mission that  his  speech  was  calculated  rather  to  diminish  than  increase 
their  habitual  ferocity.  He  endeavoured  to  impress  on  them  the  dis- 
tinction between  enemies  in  the  field,  and  the  unarmed  inhabitants,  many 
of  whom  were  friends;  and,  addressing  himself  to  their  avarice,  promised 
rewards  for  prisoners,  but  none  for  scalps.  It  was  perhaps  fortunate  for 
America,  that,  in  some  instances,  peculiarly  calculated  to  excite  and  in- 
terest the  human  feelings,  these  feeble  restraints  were  disregarded. 

After  publishing  a  manifesto  at  Putnam  River,  designed  to  act  on  the 
hopes  and  fears  of  the  people  of  the  country  through  which  he  was  to 
pass,  he  halted  a  few  days  at  Crown  Point,  to  make  the  necessary  dis- 
positions for  investing  Ticonderoga. 

From  Crown  Point,  the  royal  army  advanced  on  both  sides  the  lake, 
keeping  up  a  communication  between  its  divisions,  by  means  of  the  fleet; 
and  on  the  1st  of  July  encamped  within  four  miles  of  the  American 
works.  A  strong  party  was  pushed  forward  to  Three  Mile  Point ;  and 
the  fleet  anchored  just  beyond  the  range  of  the  guns  of  the  fort.  The 
next  day  they  took  possession,  without  opposition,  of  the  important  post 
at  Mount  Hope,  which  commanded,  in  part,  the  lines  on  the  northern 
side,  and  entirely  cut  off  the  communication  with  lake  George. 

The  weakness  of  his  garrison  induced  General  St.  Clair,  to  give  up 
this  post  without  a  struggle.  Believing  it  to  be  impracticable  to  support 
it  without  hazarding  a  general  action,  he  determined  to  concentrate  his 
force  about  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence. 

After  taking  possession  of  Mount  Hope,  the  British  lines  were  extended 
on  the  western  side  of  Champlain,  from  the  mountain  quite  to  the  lake, 
so  as  completely  to  inclose  the  garrison  on  that  side.  The  German  di- 
vision under  Major  General  Reidisel,  which  occupied  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  lake,  was  encamped  at  Three  Mile  Point,  and  had  pushed  for- 
ward a  detachment  near  the  rivulet,  which  runs  east  of  Mount  Inde- 
pendence. 

The  besiegers  laboured  assiduously  to  bring  up  their  artillery  and 
complete  their  works.  Sugar  Hill,  a  rugged  mountain  standing  at  the 
confluence  of  the  waters  that  unite  at  Ticonderoga,  which  overlooks  the 
fortress  and  had  been  thought  inaccessible,  was  examined ;  and  the  re- 

VOL.  i.  R  13 


190  THE  LIFE  OF 

port  being  that  the  ascent,  though  extremely  difficult,  was  practicable, 
the  work  was  immediately  commenced,  and  was  pressed  with  so  much 
vigour  that  the  batteries  might  have  opened  next  day.  The  garrison  was 
not  in  a  condition  to  check  these  operations. 

The  situation  of  St.  Clair  was  now  at  its  crisis.  Only  the  ground  be- 
tween the  Eastern  run  and  the  South  river  remained  open ;  and  this  he 
was  informed  would  be  occupied  the  next  day,  so  that  the  investment 
would  be  complete.  The  place  must  be  immediately  evacuated,  or  main- 
tained at  the  hazard  of  losing  the  garrison  when  it  should  be  no  longer 
tenable. 

Between  these  cruel  alternations,  General  St.  Clair  did  not  hesitate  to 
choose  the  first ;  but  deeming  it  prudent  to  take  the  advice  of  a  council 
of  war,  he  convened  the  general  officers,  who  unanimously  advised  the 
immediate  evacuation  of  the  fort. 

Preparations  for  the  retreat  were  instantly  commenced.  The  invalids, 
the  hospital,  and  such  stores  as  could  be  moved  in  the  course  of  the  night, 
were  put  on  board  the  batteaux,  which  proceeded  under  the  guard  of 
Colonel  Long,  up  the  South  river  to  Skeensborough  ;  and,  before  day  on 
the  morning  of  the  6th  of  July,  the  main  body  of  the  army  directed  its 
march  to  the  same  place. 

In  the  hope  of  making  considerable  progress  before  his  retreat  should 
be  discovered,  General  St.  Clair  had  ordered  the  troops  to  observe  the 
most  profound  silence,  and,  particularly,  to  set  nothing  on  fire.  These 
judicious  orders  were  disobeyed  ;  and,  before  the  rear  guard  was  in  mo 
tion,  the  house  which  had  been  occupied  by  General  De  Fermoy  was  ii» 
flames.  This  served  as  a  signal  to  the  besiegers,  who  immediately  en- 
tered the  works.  The  main  body  of  the  retreating  army  was  rapidly 
pursued  by  Generals  Frazer  and  Reidisel,  while  General  Burgoyne,  in 
person,  followed  the  detachment  under  Colonel  Long. 

The  bridge,  the  boom,  and  those  other  works,  the  construction  of  which 
had  employed  the  labour  of  ten  months,  were  cut  through  by  nine  in  the 
morning,  so  as  to  afford  a  passage  for  the  Royal  George  and  Inflexible 
frigates,  as  well  as  for  the  gun  boats,  which  engaged  the  American  gal- 
leys,about  three  in  the  afternoon,  near  the  falls  of  Skeensborough. 

In  the  mean  time,  three  regiments  had  disembarked  at  some  distance 
from  the  fort,  with  the  intention  of  attacking  it  by  land,  and  cutting  off" 
the  retreat  of  the  garrison,  as  well  as  that  of  the  detachment  in  the  boats 
and  galleys.  This  manoeuvre  being  discovered,  the  works  and  batteaux 
were  set  on  fire,  and  the  troops  retired  to  fort  Anne.  On  this  occasion, 
the  baggage  of  the  army,  and  a  great  quantity  of  military  stores,  were 
cither  destroyed  by  the  Americans,  or  taken  by  the  British. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  191 

Knowing  that  he  could  save  his  army  only  by  the  rapidity  of  his 
march,  General  St.  Clair  reached  Castletown,  thirty  miles  from  Ticon- 
deroga,  on  the  night  succeeding  the  evacuation  of  the  fort.  The  rear 
guard  under  Colonel  Warner  halted  six  miles  short  of  that  place.  Hav- 
ing been  augmented  by  those  who  from  excessive  fatigue  had  fallen  out 
of  the  line  of  march,  it  amounted  to  rather  more  than  one  thousand  men. 

The  next  morning  at  five,  they  were  overtaken  and  attacked  by  Gene- 
ral Frazer  with  eight  hundred  and  fifty  men.   The  action  was 
warm  and  well  contested.     In  its  commencement,  two  regi- 
ments of  militia,  which  lay  within  two  miles  of  Colonel  Warner,  were 
ordered  to  his  assistance.     Instead  of  obeying  these  orders,  they  con- 
sulted their  own  safety,  and  hastened  to  Castletown.     Had  these  orders 
been  executed,  the  corps  which  attacked  Warner  would  probably  have 
been  cut  to  pieces.     While  the  action  was  maintained  with  equal  spirit 
on  both  sides,  General  Reidisel  arrived  with  his  division  of  Germans, 
and  the  Americans  were  routed. 

In  this  action,  Colonel  Francis,  several  other  officers,  and  upwards  of 
two  hundred  men  were  left  dead  on  the  field ;  and  one  colonel,  seven 
captains,  ten  subalterns,  and  two  hundred  and  ten  privates  were  made 
prisoners.  Near  six  hundred  are  supposed  to  have  been  wounded,  many 
of  whom  must  have  perished  in  attempting  to  escape  through  the  woods 
towards  the  inhabited  country.  The  British  state  their  own  loss  at 
thirty-five  killed,  among  whom  was  one  field  officer,  and  one  hundred 
and  forty-four  wounded,  including  two  majors,  and  five  inferior  officers. 
It  is  scarcely  credible,  notwithstanding  the  difference  in  arms,  that  in  a 
well  contested  action,  the  disparity  in  the  killed  could  have  been  so  con- 
siderable. It  is  the  less  probable,  as  the  pursuit  was  not  of  long  con- 
tinuance. 

To  avoid  that  division  of  the  British  army  which  had  proceeded  up 
the  North  River,  St.  Clair  changed  his  route ;  and  directed  his  march  to 
Rutland,  to  which  place  he  ordered  Warner  also  to  retire.  At  Rutland 
he  fell  in  with  several  soldiers  who  had  been  separated  from  their  corps; 
and,  two  days  afterwards,  at  Manchester,  was  joined  by  Warner  with 
about  ninety  men.  From  this  place  he  proceeded  to  fort  Edward,  where 
he  met  General  Schuyler. 

After  taking  possession  of  Skeensborough,  Burgoyne  had  found  it  ne- 
cessary to  suspend  the  pursuit,  and  to  give  his  army  refreshment.  The 
troops  were  in  some  disorder;  distinct  corps  were  intermingled,  and  his 
detachments  were  far  apart  from  each  other.  He  determined  therefore 
to  halt  a  few  days  at  that  place,  in  order  to  reassemble  and  arrange  his 
army. 


192  THE  LIFE  OF 

Colonel  Long  having  been  directed  to  defend  fort  Anne,  the  ninth  re- 
giment of  British,  under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hill,  had  been  detached 
against  that  place.  It  being  understood  that  the  Americans  were  in 
some  force,  two  other  regiments,  under  Brigadier  Powell,  were  ordered 
to  support  the  Jirst  party.  Before  the/  arrival  of  this  reinforcement, 
Colonel  Long  attacked  the  ninth  regiment,  and  a  sharp  skirmish  ensued, 
in  which  the  British  kept  their  ground,  and  the  advantage  was  claimed 
by  both  parties.  Hearing  that  a  reinforcement  was  approaching,  Long 
set  fire  to  the  works  at  fort  Anne,  and  retired  to  fort  Edward. 

At  Stillwater,  on  his  way  to  Ticonderoga,  General  Schuyler  was 
informed  of  the  evacuation  of  that  place ;  and,  on  the  same  day,  at  Sara- 
toga, of  the  loss  of  the  stores  at  Skeensborough.  He  had  heard  nothing 
from  General  St.  Clair;  and  was  seriously  apprehensive  for  that  officer 
and  his  army,  which,  after  the  junction  of  Colonel  Long,  consisted  of 
about  fifteen  hundred  continental  troops,  and  the  same  number  of  mili- 
tia. They  were  dispirited  by  defeat,  without  tents,  badly  armed,  and 
had  lost  great  part  of  their  stores  and  baggage.  The  country  was  gene- 
rally much  alarmed ;  and  even  the  well  affected  discovered  more  incli- 
nation to  take  care  of  themselves  than  to  join  the  army.  In  this  gloomy 
state  of  things,  no  officer  could  have  exerted  more  diligence  and  skill 
than  were  displayed  by  Schuyler.  Having  fixed  his  head  quarters  at 
fort  Edward,  he  employed  to  the  utmost  advantage  the  short  respite  from 
action  which  Burgoyne  unavoidably  gave.  The  country  between  Skeens- 
borough and  fort  Edward  was  almost  entirely  unsettled,  was  covered 
with  thick  woods,  and  of  a  surface  extremely  rough,  and  much  inter- 
sected with  creeks  and  morasses.  Wood  creek  was  navigable  with  bat- 
teaux  as  far  as  fort  Anne;  and  military  stores  of  every  description  might 
be  transported  up  it.  He  obstructed  its  navigation  by  sinking  numerous 
impediments  in  its  course,  broke  up  the  bridges,  and  rendered  the  roads 
impassable.  He  was  also  indefatigable  in  driving  the  live  stock  out  of 
the  way,  and  in  bringing  from  fort  George  to  fort  Edward,  the  ammu- 
nition and  other  military  stores  which  had  been  deposited  at  that  place. 
Still  farther  to  delay  the  movements  of  the  British,  he  posted  Colonel 
Warner  on  their  left  flank,  with  instructions  to  raise  the  militia  in  that 
quarter.  The  hope  was  entertained,  that  the  appearance  of  a  respecta- 
ble force,  threatening  the  flank  and  rear  of  the  invading  army,  would 
not  only  retard  its  advance,  but  would  induce  General  Burgoyne  to 
weaken  it,  in  order  to  strengthen  the  garrison  of  Ticonderoga. 

While  thus  endeavouring  to  obstruct  the  march  of  the  enemy,  Schuy- 
ler was  not  less  attentive  to  the  best  means  of  strengthening  his  own 
army.  Reinforcements  of  regular  troops  were  earnestly  solicited ;  the 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  193 

militia  of  New  England  and  New  York  were  required  to  take  the  field, 
and  all  his  influence  in  the  surrounding  country  was  exerted  to  reani- 
mate the  people,  and  to  prevent  their  defection  from  the  American  cause. 

While  at  Skeensborough  General  Burgoyne  issued  a  second  procla- 
mation* summoning  the  people  of  the  adjacent  country  to  send  ten  depu- 
ties from  each  township  to  meet  Colonel  Skeene  at  Casfletown,  in  order 
to  deliberate  on  such  measures  as  might  still  be  adopted  to  save  those 
who  had  not  yet  conformed  to  his  first,  and  submitted  to  the  royal  au- 
thority. General  Schuyler  apprehending  some  effect  from  this  paper, 
issued  a  counter  proclamation,  stating  the  insidious  designs  of  the  ene- 
my. Warning  the  inhabitants,  by  the  example  of  Jersey,  of  the  danger 
to  which  their  yielding  to  this  seductive  proposition  would  expose  them, 
and  giving  them  the  most  solemn  assurances  that  all  who  should  send 
deputies  to  this  meeting,  or  in  any  manner  aid  the  enemy,  would  be  con- 
sidered as  traitors,  and  should  suffer  the  utmost  rigour  of  the  law. 

The  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  was  a  shock  for  which  no  part  of  the 
United  States  was  prepared.  Neither  the  strength  of  the  invading  army, 
nor  of  the  garrison  had  been  understood.  When  therefore  intelligence  was 
received  that  a  place,  o^  the  fortifications  of  which  much  money  and  labour 
had  been  expended,  which  was  considered  as  the  key  to  the  whole  north- 
western country,  and  supposed  to  contain  a  garrison  nearly  equal  to  the 
invading  army,  had  been  abandoned  without  a  siege ;  that  an  immense 
train  of  artillery,  and  all  the  military  stores,  had  either  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  or  been  destroyed ;  that  the  army,  on  its  retreat, 
had  been  attacked,  defeated,  and  dispersed ;  astonishment  pervaded  all 
ranks  of  men ;  and  the  conduct  of  the  officers  was  universally  condemned. 
Congress  recalled  all  the  generals  of  the  department,  and  directed  an 
inquiry  into  their  conduct.  Throughout  New  England  especially,  the 
most  bitter  aspersions  were  cast  on  them; and  General  Schuyler,  who, 
from  some  unknown  cause,  had  never  been  viewed  with  favour  in  that 
part  of  the  continent,  was  involved  in  the  common  charge  of  treachery, 
to  which  this  accumulation  of  unlocked  for  calamity  was  generally  at- 
tributed by  the  mass  of  the  people. 

On  the  representations  of  General  Washington,  the  recall  of  the  offi- 
cers was  suspended,  until  he  should  be  of  opinion  that  the  service  would 
not  suffer  by  the  measure ;  and,  on  a  full  inquiry  afterwards  made  into 
their  conduct,  they  were  acquitted  of  all  blame. 

In  a  letter  of  St.  Clair  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  stating  his  motives 
for  evacuating  Ticonderoga,  he  represented  the  strength  of  his  garrison, 
including  nine  hundred  militia,  who  would  consent  to  stay  but  a  few 

*  Remem. 


194  THE  LIFE  OF 

days,  at  only  three  thousand  effective  rank  and  file,  many  of  whom  were 
without  bayonets.  The  lines  required  ten  thousand  to  man  them  pro- 
perly. He  also  affirmed,  that  his  supply  of  provisions  was  sufficient  for 
only  twenty  days,  and  that  the  works  on  the  Ticonderoga  side  were  in- 
complete, with  their  flanks  undefended.  He  justified  his  having  failed 
to  call  in  a  large"?  reinforcement  of  militia,  by  the  scarcity  of  provisions, 
the  supply  on  hand  not  having  been  procured  until  General  Schuyler 
had  resumed  the  command  in  the  department;  and  attributed  his  not 
having  evacuated  the  place  in  time  to  preserve  his  army  and  stores,  to 
the  prevalent  opinion  that  there  was  not  a  sufficient  force  in  Canada  fo 
attempt  so  hardy  an  enterprise,  and  to  his  not  being  at  liberty  to  adopt 
that  measure  but  in  the  last  necessity. 

A  court  of  inquiry  justified  his  conduct,  and  he  retained  the  confidence 
of  the  Commander-in-chief. 

On  learning  the  distressed  state  of  the  remnant  of  the  army,  General 
Washington  made  great  exertions  to  repair  its  losses,  and  to  reinforce  it. 
The  utmost  industry  was  used  to  procure  a  supply  of  tents ;  artillery  and 
ammunition  were  forwarded  from  Massachusetts ;  the  remaining  troops 
of  that  state  were  ordered  to  that  department;  and^General  Lincoln,  who 
possessed,  in  a  high  degree,  the  confidence  of  the  New  England  militia, 
was  directed  to  raise  and  command  them.  General  Arnold,  so  often 
distinguished  for  his  gallantry  in  the  field,  was  ordered  to  the  northern 
army,  in  the  hope  that  his  presence  and  reputation  might  reanimate  the 
troops;  and  Colonel  Morgan,  with  his  corps  of  riflemen,  was  detached 
on  the  same  service.  Through  the  present  dark  gloom,  Washington 
discerned  a  ray  of  light,  and  already  cherished  the  Jiope  that  much  good 
might  result  from  present  evil.  "  The  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  and 
Mount  Independence,"  said  he  in  a  letter  of  the  15th  of  July,  to  General 
Schuyler,  "  is  an  event  of  chagrin  and  surprise,  not  apprehended,  nor 
within  the  compass  of  my  reasoning.  This  stroke  is  severe  indeed,  and 
has  distressed  us  much.  But,  notwithstanding,  things  at  present  wear  a 
dark  and  gloomy  aspect,  I  hope  a  spirited  opposition  will  check  the  pro- 
gress of  General  Burgoyne's  arms,  and  that  the  confidence  derived  from 
success  will  hurry  him  into  measures  that  will,  in  their  consequences,  be 
favourable  to  us.  We  should  never  despair.  Our  situation  has  before 
been  unpromising,  and  has  changed  for  the  better.  So,  I  trust,  it  will 
again.  If  new  difficulties  arise,  we  must  only  put  forth  new  exertions, 
and  proportion  our  efforts  to  the  exigency  of  the  times." 

On  receiving  a  letter  from  General  Schuyler  of  the  seventeenth,  stal- 
ing the  divided  situation  of  the  British  army,  he  seemed  to  anticipate  the 
event  which  afterwards  occurred,  and  to  suggest  the  measure  in  which 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  195 

originated  that  torrent  of  misfortune  with  which  Burgoyne  was  over- 
whelmed. "  Though  our  affairs,"  he  said  in  reply  to  this  information, 
"  have  for  some  days  past  worn  a  dark  and  gloomy  aspect,  I  yet  look 
forward  to  a  fortunate  and  happy  change.  I  trust  General  Burgoyne's 
army  will  meet,  sooner  or  later,  an  effectual  check;  and,  as  I  suggested 
before,  that  the  success  he  has  met  with  will  precipitate  his  ruin.  From 
your  accounts,  he  appears  to  be  pursuing  that  line  of  conduct  which,  of 
all  others,  is  most  favourable  to  us.  I  mean  acting  in  detachment.  This 
conduct  will  certainly  give  room  for  enterprise  on  our  part,  and  expose 
his  parties  to  great  hazard.  Could  we  be  so  happy  as  to  cut  one  of  them 
off,  though  it  should  not  exceed  four,  five,  or  six  hundred  men,  it  would 
inspirit  the  people,  and  do  away  much  of  their  present  anxiety.  In  such 
an  event,  they  would  lose  sight  of  past  misfortunes ;  and,  urged  at  the 
same  time  by  a  regard  for  their  own  security,  would  fly  to  arms,  and 
afford  every  aid  in  their  power." 

After  allowing  a  short  repose  to  his  army,  General  Burgoyne  pro- 
ceeded with  ardour  to  the  remaining  objects  of  the  campaign.  The  toils 
and  delays  which  must  be  encountered  in  reaching  the  Hudson  were 
soon  perceived.  He  found  it  necessary  to  open  Wood  creek,  and  to  re- 
pair the  roads  and  bridges  which  Schuyler  had  broken  up.  Such  was 
the  unavoidable  delay  of  this  difficult  operation,  that  the  army  did  not 
arrive  on  the  Hudson,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  fort  Edward,  till  the 
fourteenth  of  July.  At -this  place  it  was  necessary  again  to  halt,  in  order 
to  bring  artillery,  provisions,  batteaux,  and  other  articles  from  fort 
George. 

The  time  afforded  by  this  delay  had  been  employed  by  Schuyler  to 
the  utmost  advantage.  Some  reinforcements  of  continental  troops  had 
arrived  from  Peekskill,  and  the  militia  had  been  assembled ;  but  his 
strength  did  not  yet  afford  a  reasonable  prospect  of  success  in  a  contest 
with  the  enemy  opposed  to  him.  On  this  account,  as  Burgoyne  ap- 
proached fort  Edward,  Schuyler  retired  over  the  Hudson  to  Saratoga, 
and  soon  afterwards  to  Stillwater,  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mo- 
hawk. At  this  place,  General  Lincoln,  who  had  been  detached  to  take 
command  of  the  militia  assembling  at  Manchester,  was  ordered  to  re- 
join him,  and  he  fortified  his  camp  in  the  hope  of  being  strong  enough  to 
defend  it. 

At  Stillwater,  information  was  obtained  that  Burgoyne  had  evacuated 
Castletown;  so  that  the  only  communication  with  Ticonderoga,  whence 
nearly  all  his  supplies  were  drawn,  was  through  lake  George;  and  that 
the  garrison  of  that  important  place  had  been  reduced  to  three  hundred 
men.  In  consequence  of  this  intelligence,  the  orders  to  General  Lin- 


196  THE  LIFE  OF 

coin  were  countermanded,  and  he  was  directed  with  the  militia  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, New  Hampshire,  and  of  the  Grants,  making,  as  was  under- 
stood, a  total  of  between  two  and  three  thousand  men,  to  place  himseli 
in  the  rear  of  the  British  army,  and  cut  off  its  communication  with  the 
lakes.  Here  too  he  was  informed  that  Colonel  St.  Leger,  with  a  large 
body  of  Indians,  in  addition  to  his  regulars,  had  penetrated  from  Oswego, 
by  the  way  of  the  Oneida  lake  and  Wood  creek,  to  the  Mohawk,  where 
he  had  laid  siege  to  fort  Schuyler,  and  had  totally  defeated  General  Her- 
kimer,  who  had  raised  the  militia  of  Tryon  county,  in  order  to  relieve 
the  fort.  The  importance  of  protecting  the  inhabitants  from  the  sava- 
ges, and  of  preventing  a  junction  between  St.  Leger  and  Burgoyne,  and 
the  consequent  loss  of  the  country  on  the  Mohawk,  determined  Schuyler, 
weak  as  he  was,  to  detach  Major  General  Arnold  with  three  continental 
regiments  to  raise  the  siege.  The  army  was  so  enfeebled  by  this  mea- 
sure, that  its  removal  to  a  place  of  greater  security  became  necessary, 
and  it  was  withdrawn  to  some  islands  in  the  confluence  of  the  Hudson 
and  the  Mohawk,  where  the  camp  was  deemed  more  defensible.  Bur- 

govne  had  no*.v  marched  down  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson, 
Aug.  15.        ,  ....  •     ,     i  ,   ,       • 

and  his  advanced  parties  had  crossed  the  river,  and  occupied 

the  ground  at  Saratoga. 

On  the  3d  of  August,  after  a  message  vaunting  of  his  strength,  and 
demanding  a  surrender,  which  was  answered  by  a  declaration  that  the 
fort  would  be  defended  to  the  last  extremity,  St.  Leger  invested  fort 
Schuyler.  The  garrison  amounted  to  six  hundred  men,  all  continental 
troops,  who  were  commanded  by  Colonel  Gansevoort.  The  besieging 
army  rather  exceeded  fifteen  hundred,  of  whom  from  six  to  nine  hundred 
were  Indians. 

On  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  General  Herkimer,  who  commanded 
the  militia  of  Tryon  county,  assembled  them  in  considerable  numbers, 
and  gave  information  to  the  garrison,  about  eleven  in. the  morning  of  the 
sixth,  of  his  intention  to  force  a  passage  that  day  through  the  besieging 
army.  Gansevoort  determined  to  favour  the  execution  of  this  design  by 
a  vigorous  sortie ;  and  upwards  of  two  hundred  men,  to  be  commanded 
by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Willet,  were  drawn  out  for  that  purpose. 

Unfortunately  St.  Leger  received  information  the  preceding  day  of 
Herkimer's  approach,  and,  early  in  the  morning,  placed  a  strong  party, 
composed  of  regulars  and  Indians,  in  ambuscade  on  the  road  along 
which  he  was  to  march.  His  first  notice  of  it  was  given  by  a  heavy  dis- 
charge of  small  arms,  which  was  followed  by  a  furious  attack  from  the 
Indians  with  their  tomahawks.  He  defended  himself  with  resolution ; 
but  was  defeated  with  great  slaughter.  The  general  and  several  of  th« 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  197 

field  officers  were  wounded ;  and  many  others,  among  whom  were  seve- 
ral persons  of  distinction,  were  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  The  loss  was 
estimated  at  four  hundred  men.  The  destruction  was  prevented  from 
being  still  more  complete,  by  the  very  timely  sortie  made  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Willet,  which  checked  the  pursuit,  and  recalled  those  engaged 
in  it  to  the  defence  of  their  own  camp. 

As  soon  as  Gansevoort  understood  that  Herkimer  was  advancing,  the 
sortie  which  he  had  planned  was  made.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Willet  fell 
on  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  and  routed  them  at  the  first  onset.  After 
driving  them,  some  into  the  woods,  and  others  over  the  river,  he  return- 
ed to  the  fort  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

Burgoyne  had  received  early  intimation  of  the  arrival  of  St.  Leger 
before  fort  Schuyler;  and  was  aware  of  the  advantage  to  be  derived 
from  an  immediate  and  rapid  movement  down  the  Hudson.  But  the 
obstacles  to  his  progress  multiplied  daily,  and  each  step  produced  new 
embarrassments.  Not  more  than  one-third  of  the  horses  expected  from 
Canada  had  arrived ;  and  Schuyler  had  been  active  in  removing  the 
draft  cattle  of  the  country.  With  unremitting  exertion,  he  had  been 
able  to  transport  from  fort  George  to  the  Hudson,  a  distance  of  eighteen 
miles,  only  twelve  batteaux,  and  provisions  for  four  days  in  advance. 
The  defectiveness  of  his  means  to  feed  his  army  until  it  should  reach 
the  abundant  country  below  him,  presented  an  impediment  to  his  farther 
progress,  not  readily  to  be  surmounted.  The  difficulty  of  drawing  sup- 
plies from  fort  George  would  increase  every  day  with  the  increasing  dis- 
tance; and  the  communications,  already  endangered  by  a  considerable 
body  of  militia  assembling  at  White  Creek,  could  be  secured  only  by 
larger  detachments  from  his  army  than  he  was  in  a  condition  to  make. 
These  weie  strong  inducements  to  attempt  some  other  mode  of  supply. 

It  was  well  known  that  large  magazines  of  provisions  for  the  use  of 
the  American  army  were  collected  at  Bennington,  which  place  was 
generally  guarded  by  militia,  whose  numbers  varied  from  day  to  day. 
The  possession  of  these  magazines  would  enable  him  to  prosecute  his 
ulterior  plans  without  relying  for  supplies  from  Lake  George ;  and  he 
determined  to  seize  them. 

To  try  the  affections  of  the  country,  to  complete  a  corps  of  loyalists, 
and  to  mount  Reidisel's  dragoons,  were  subordinate  objects  of  the  expe- 
dition.* Lieutenant  Colonel  Baum  with  five  hundred  Europeans,  and  a 
body  of  American  loyalists,  was  detached  on  this  service. 

To  facilitate  the  enterprise,  and  be  ready  to  take  advantage  of  its 
success,  Burgoyne  moved  down  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson,  and  threw 

*  Letter  of  Burgoyne. 


198  THE  LIFE  OF 

a  bridge  of  rafts  over  that  river  for  the  passage  of  his  van,  which  took 
post  at  Saratoga.  At  the  same  time  Lieutenant  Colonel  Brechman,  with 
IBB  corps,  was  advanced  to  Batten  Hill,  in  order,  if  necessary,  to  support 
Colonel  Baurn.* 

On  approaching  Bennington,  Baum  discovered  that  he  should  have  to 
encounter  a  much  more  considerable  force  than  had  been  suspected. 
The  New  Hampshire  militia,  commanded  by  General  Starke,  had  reach- 
ed that  place  on  their  way  to  camp;  and,  uniting  with  Colonel  Warner, 
made  in  the  whole  about  two  thousand  men. 

Perceiving  his  danger,  Baum  halted  about  four  miles  from  Benning- 
ton, and  despatched  an  express  for  a  reinforcement.  In  the  mean  time, 
he  strengthened  his  position  by  intrenchments. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Brechman  was  immediately  ordered  to  his  assist- 
ance ;  but,  such  was  the  state  of  the  roads  that,  though  the  distance  was 
only  twenty -foor  miles,  and  his  march  was  pressed  unremittingly  from 
eight  in  the  morning  of  the  15th,  he  did  not  reach  the  ground  on  which 
Baum  had  encamped,  until  four  in  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day.f 

In  the  mean  time,  General  Starke  determined  to  attack  him  in  his 
intrenchments.  So  confident  were  the  provincials  belonging  to  this 
party,  of  the  attachment  of  the  country  to  the  royal  cause,  that  the 
American  troops,  while  making  their  dispositions  for  the  attack,  were 
mistaken  for  armed  friends  coming  to  join  them.  On  discovering  his 
error,  Baum  prepared  for  the  contest,  and  made  a  gallant  defence.  His 
works  however  were  carried  by  storm,  and  great  part  of  his  detachment 
killed,  or  taken  prisoners.  A  few  escaped  into  the  woods,  and  saved 
themselves  by  flight. 

Brechman  arrived  daring  the  pursuit,  and  obtained  from  the  fugitives, 
the  first  intelligence  of  the  disaster  which  had  befallen  them.  He  im- 
mediately attacked  the  parties  of  militia  who  were  engaged  in  the  pur- 
suit, and  sained  some  advantage  over  them.  Fortunately  for  the  Ame- 
ricans, Cofonel  Waraerf  came  up  at  this  critical  juncture  with  his  conti- 
nental regiment,  and  restored,  and  continued  the  action,  until  the  main 
body  of  the  mSitia  re-assetnbled,  and  came  to  support  him.  Brechman 
in  turn  wag  compelled  to  retire;  but  he  maintained  the  engagement 
until  dark,  when,  abandoning  hJa  artillery  and  baggage,  he  saved  his 
party  under  carer  of  the  night. 

One  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  nine  hundred  swords  were  taken  in 
this  battle.  General  Btngoyne  represented  his  loss  in  men  at  about  four 
hundred ;  but  thirty-two  officers,  and  five  hundred  and  sixty-four  pri- 
vatea,  iocinding  Canadians  and  loyalists,  were  made  prisoners.  The 

*  Letter  of  Bargoyne.  t  Ibid.  5  Gordon. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  199 

number  of  the  dead  was  not  ascertained,  because  the  action  with  Breeb- 
man  had  been  fought  in  the  woods,  and  been  continued  for  several 
miles. 

The  British  general  therefore  must  have  included  in  his  estimate  of 
loss,  only  his  European  troops. 

This  important  success  was  soon  followed  by  another  of  equal  aAt- 
ence  on  the  fate  of  the  campaign. 

Fort  Schuyler  had  been  fortified  with  more  skill,  and  was  defended 
with  more  courage,  than  St.  Leger  had  expected.  His  artillery  made 
no  impression  on  its  walls ;  and  his  Indians,  who  were  much  better 
pleased  with  obtaining  plunder  and  scalps,  than  besieging  fcxiticiacs, 
became  intractable,  and  manifested  great  disgust  with  the  service.  In 
this  temper,  they  understood  that  Arnold  was  advancing  with  a  large 
body  of  continental  troops;  and,  soon  afterwards  were  told  that  Bur- 
goyne  and  his  army  had  been  totally  defeated ;  a  report  probably  found- 
ed on  the  afikir  at  Bennington.  Unwilling  to  share  the  misfortune  of 
their  friends,  they  manifested  a  determination  not  to  await  the  arrival  of 
Arnold.  The  efibrte  of  St.  Leger  to  detain  them  being  ineSectual, 
many  of  them  decamped  immediately,  and  the  rest  threatened  to  follow. 

The  time  for  deliberation  was  past.  The  camp  was  broken  up  with 
indications  of  excessive  alarm.  The  tents  were  left  standing ;  and  the 
artillery,  with  great  part  of  the  baggage,  ammunition,  and  prorisaaBS, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  The  retreating  army  was  pur- 
sued by  a  detachment  from  the  garrison ;  and  it  was  stated  by  desert- 
ers, that  the  Indians  plundered  the  remaining  baggage  of  the  officers, 
and  massacred  such  soldiers  as  could  not  keep  up  with  the  line  of  march. 
St,  Leger  returned  to  Montreal,  whence  l>e  proceeded  to  Ticonderoga, 
with  the  intention  of  joining  General  Burgoyne  by  that  route. 

The  decisive  victory  at  Bennington,  and  the  retreat  of  St.  Leger  from 
fort  Schuyler,  however  important  in  themselves,  were  still  more  so  in 
their  consequences.  An  army,  which  had  spread  terror  and  dismay  in 
every  direction,  which  had,  previously,  experienced  no  reverse  of  for- 
tune, was  considered  as  already  beaten ;  and  the  opinion  became  com- 
mon, that  the  appearance  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  in  arms,  would 
secure  the  emancipation  of  their  coontry.  It  was  too  an  advantage  of 
no  inconsiderable  importance  resulting  from  this  change  of  public  opi- 
nion, that  the  disaffected  became  timid,  and  the  wavering  who,  had  the 
t<>rrent  of  success  continued,  would  have  made  a  merit  of  contributing 
their  aid  to  the  victor,  were  no  longer  disposed  to  put  themselves  and 
their  fortunes  in  hazard,  to  support  an  army  whose  fate  was  so  tn> 
attain. 


200  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  barbarities  which  had  been  perpetrated  by  the  Indians  belonging 
to  the  invading  armies,  excited  still  more  resentment  than  terror.  As 
the  prospect  of  revenge  began  to  open,  their  effect  became  the  more 
apparent ;  and  their  influence  on  the  royal  cause  was  the  more  sensibly 
felt  because  they  had  been  indiscriminate. 

The  murder  of  Miss  M'Crea  passed  through  all  the  papers  of  the  con- 
tinent :  and  the  story,  being  retouched  by  the  hand  of  more  than  one 
master,  excited  a  peculiar  degree  of  sensibility.*  But  there  were  other 
causes  of  still  greater  influence  in  producing  the  events  which  after- 
wards took  place.  The  last  reinforcements  of  continental  troops  arrived 
in  camp  about  this  time,  and  added  both  courage  and  strength  to  the 
army.  The  harvest,  which  had  detained  the  northern  militia  upon  their 
farms,  was  over ;  and  General  Schuyler,  whose  continued  and  eminent 
services  had  not  exempted  him  from  the  imputation  of  being  a  traitor, 
was  succeeded  by  General  Gates,  who  possessed  a  large  share  of  the 
public  confidence. 

When  Schuyler  was  directed  by  congress  to  resume  the  command  of 
the  northern  department,  Gates  withdrew  himself  from  it.  When  the  re- 
solution passed  recalling  the  general  officers  who  had  served  in  that  de- 
partment, General  Washington  was  requested  to  name  a  successor  to 
Schuyler.  On  his  expressing  a  wish  to  decline  this  nomination,  and  re- 
presenting the  inconvenience  of  removing  all  the  general  officers,  Gates 
was  again  directed  to  repair  thither  and  take  the  command,  and  their 
resolution  to  recall  the  brigadiers  was  suspended  until  the  Commander- 
in-chief  should  be  of  opinion  that  it  might  be  carried  into  effect  with 
safety. 

Schuyler  retained  the  command  until  the  arrival  of  Gates,  which  was 
on  the  19th  of  August,  and  continued  his  exertions  to  restore  the  affairs 
of  the  department,  though  he  felt  acutely  the  disgrace  of  being  recalled 
in  this  critical  and  interesting  state  of  the  campaign.  "  It  is"  said  he,  in 
a  letter  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  "matter  of  extreme  chagrin  to  me  to 
be  deprived  of  the  command  at  a  time  when,  soon  if  ever,  we  shall  pro- 
bably be  enabled  to  face  the  enemy;  when  we  are  on  the  point  of  taking 
ground*  where  they  must  attack  to  a  disadvantage,  should  our  force  be 
inadequate  to  facing  them  in  the  field ;  when  an  opportunity  will,  in  all 
probability,  occur,  in  which  I  might  evince  that  I  am  not  what  congress 
have  too  plainly  insinuated  by  taking  the  command  from  me." 

If  error  be  attributable  to  the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga,  no  portion 
of  it  was  committed  by  Schuyler.  His  removal  from  the  command  was 

*  See  note  No.  IX.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 
t  The  islands  in  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  201 

probably  severe  and  unjust  as  respected  himself;  but  perhaps  wise  as 
respected  America.  The  frontier  towards  the  lakes  was  to  be  defended 
by  the  troops  of  New  England ;  and,  however  unfounded  their  prejudices 
against  him  might  be,  it  was  prudent  to  consult  them. 

Notwithstanding  the  difficulties  which  multiplied  around  him,  Bur- 
goyne  remained  steady  to  his  purpose.  The  disasters  at  Bennington  and 
on  the  Mohawk  produced  no  disposition  to  abandon  the  enterprise  and 
save  his  army. 

It  had  now  become  necessary  to  recur  to  the  slow  and  toilsome  mode 
of  obtaining  supplies  from  fort  George.  Having,  with  persevering  la- 
bour, collected  provision  for  thirty  days  in  advance,  he  crossed  the  Hud- 
son on  the  13th  and  14th  of  September,  and  encamped  on  the  heights 
and  plains  of  Saratoga,  with  a  determination  to  decide  the  fate  of  the  ex 
pedition  in  a  general  engagement. 

General  Gates,  having  been  joined  by  all  the  continental  troops  des- 
tined for  the  northern  department,  and  reinforced  by  large  bodies  of  mi- 
litia, had  moved  from  his  camp  in  the  islands,  and  advanced  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Stillwater. 

The  bridges  between  the  two  armies  having  been  broken  'down,  the 
roads  being  excessively  bad,  and  the  country  covered  with  wood,  the 
progress  of  the  British  army  down  the  river  was  slow.  On  the  night 
of  the  17th,  Burgoyne  encamped  within  four  miles  of  the  American 
army,  and  the  next  day  was  employed  in  repairing  the  bridges  between 
the  two  camps.*  In  the  morning  of  the  19th  he  advanced  in  full  force 
towards  the  American  left.  Morgan  was  immediately  detached  with  his 
corps  to  observe  the  enemy,  and  to  harass  his  front  and  flanks.  He  fell 
in  with  a  picket  in  front  of  the  right  wing,  which  he  attacked  with  viva- 
city, and  drove  in  upon  the  main  body.  Pursuing  with  too  much  ardour, 
he  was  met  in  considerable  force,  and,  after  a  severe  encounter,  was 
compelled,  in  turn,  to  retire  in  some  disorder.  Two  regiments  being 
advanced  to  his  assistance,  his  corps  was  rallied,  and  the  action  became 
more  general.  The  Americans  were  formed  in  a  wood,  with  an  open 
field  in  front,  and  invariably  repulsed  the  British  corps  which  attacked 
them ;  but  when  they  pursued  those  corps  to  the  main  body,  they  were 
in  turn  driven  back  to  their  first  ground.  Reinforcements  were  conti- 
nually brought  up,  and  about  four  in  the  afternoon,  upwards  of  three 
thousand  American  troopsf  were  closely  engaged  with  the  whole  right 
wing  of  the  British  army  commanded  by  General  Burgoyne  in  person. 

*  Letter  of  Burgoyne. 

t  The  accounts  of  the  day  stated  that  the  Americans  were  commanded  by  General 
Arnold,  but  General  Wilkinson  says  that  no  general  officer  was  in  the  field. 

s 


202  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  conflict  was  extremely  severe,  and  only  terminated  with  the  day. 
At  dark,  the  Americans  retired  to  their  camp,  and  the  British,  who  had 
found  great  difficulty  in  maintaining  their  ground,  lay  all  night  on  their 
arms  near  the  field  of  battle. 

In  this  action  the  killed  and  wounded  on  the  part  of  the  Americans 
were  between  three  and  four  hundred.  Among  the  former  were  Colo- 
nels Coburn  and  Adams,  and  several  other  valuable  officers.  The  Bri- 
tish loss  has  been  estimated  at  rather  more  than  five  hundred  men. 

Each  army  claimed  the  victory ;  and  each  believed  itself  to  have  beaten 
near  the  whole  of  the  hostile  army  with  only  a  part  of  its  own  force. 
The  advantage  however,  taking  all  circumstances  into  consideration,  was 
decidedly  with  the  Americans.  In  a  conflict  which  nearly  consumed  the 
day,  they  found  themselves  at  least  equal  to  their  antagonists.  In  every 
quarter  they  had  acted  on  the  offensive ;  and,  after  an  encounter  for  se- 
veral hours,  had  not  lost  an  inch  of  ground.  They  had  not  been  driven 
from  the  field,  but  had  retired  from  it  at  the  close  of  day,  to  the  camp 
from  which  they  had  marched  to  battle.  Their  object,  which  was  to 
check  the  advancing  enemy,  had  been  obtained ;  while  that  of  the  British 
General  had  failed.  In  the  actual  state  of  things,  to  fight  without  being 
beaten  was,  on  their  part,  victory  ;  while,  on  the  part  of  the  British,  to 
fight  without  a  decisive  victory,  was  defeat.  The  Indians,  who  found 
themselves  beaten  in  the  woods  by  Morgan,  and  restrained  from  scalping 
and  plundering  the  unarmed  by  Burgoyne,  who  saw  before  them  the 
prospect  of  hard  fighting  without  profit,  grew  tired  of  the  service,  and 
deserted  in  great  numbers.  The  Canadians  and  Provincials  were  not 
much  more  faithful ;  and  Burgoyne  soon  perceived  that  his  hopes  must 
rest  almost  entirely  on  his  European  troops. 

With  reason,  therefore,  this  action  was  celebrated  throughout  the 
United  States  as  a  victory,  and  considered  as  the  precursor  of  the  total 
ruin  of  the  invading  army.  The  utmost  exultation  was  displayed,  and 
the  militia  were  stimulated  to  fly  to  arms,  and  complete  the  work  so  hap- 
pily begun. 

General  Lincoln,  in  conformity  with  directions  which  have  been  stated, 
had  assembled  a  considerable  body  of  New  England  militia  in  the  rear 
of  Burgoyne,  from  which  he  drew  three  parties  of  about  five  hundred 
men  each.  One  of  these  was  detached  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Brown,  to  the  north  end  of  lake  George,  principally  to  relieve  a  num- 
ber of  prisoners  who  were  confined  there,  but  with  orders  to  push  his 
success,  should  he  be  fortunate,  as  far  as  prudence  would  admit.  Colo- 
nel Johnson,  at  the  head  of  another  party,  marched  towards  Mount 
Independence,  and  Colonel  Woodbury,  with  a  third,  was  detached  to 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  203 

Skeensborough  to  cover  the  retreat  of  both  the  others.  With  the  resi- 
due, Lincoln  proceeded  to  the  camp  of  Gates. 

Colonel  Brown,  after  marching  all  night,  arrived,  at  the  break  of  day, 
on  the  north  end  of  the  lake,  where  he  found  a  small  post  which  he  car- 
ried without  opposition.  The  surprise  was  complete ;  and  he  took  pos- 
session of  Mount  Defiance,  Mount  Hope,  the  landing  place,  and  about 
two  hundred  batteaux.  With  the  loss  of  only  three  killed  and  five 
wounded,  he  liberated  one  hundred  American  prisoners,  and  captured 
two  hundred  and  ninety-three  of  the  enemy.  This  success  was  joyfully 
proclaimed  through  the  northern  states.  It  was  believed  confidently  that 
Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence  were  recovered ;  and  the  militia 
were  exhorted,  by  joining  their  brethren  in  the  army,  to  insure  that 
event  if  it  had  not  already  happened. 

The  attempt  on  those  places  however  failed.  The  garrison  repulsed 
the  assailants  ;  who,  after  a  few  days,  abandoned  the  siege.  On  their 
return  through  lake  George  in  the  vessels  they  had  captured,  the  militia 
made  an  attack  on  Diamond  Island,  the  depot  of  all  the  stores  collected 
at  the  north  end  of  the  lake.  Being  again  repulsed,  they  destroyed  the 
vessels  they  had  taken,  and  returned  to  their  former  station.* 

The  day  after  the  battle  of  Stillwater,  General  Burgoyne  took  a  posi- 
tion almost  within  cannon  shot  of  the  American  camp,  fortified  his  right, 
and  extended  his  left  to  the  river.  Directly  after  taking  this  ground  he 
received  a  letter  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  informing  him  that  he  should 
attack  fort  Montgomery  about  the  20th  of  September.  The  messenger 
returned  with  information  that  Burgoyne  was  in  extreme  difficulty,  and 
would  endeavour  to  wait  for  aid  until  the  12th  of  October.f 

Both  armies  retained  their  position  until  the  7th  of  October.  Burgoyne, 
in  the  hope  of  being  relieved  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton ;  and  Gates,  in  the 
confidence  of  growing  stronger  every  day. 

Having  received  no  farther  intelligence  from  Sir  Henry,  and  being 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  diminishing  the  ration  issued  to  his  soldiers, 
the  British  General  determined  to  make  one  more  trial  of  strength  with 
his  adversary.  In  execution  of  this  determination,  he  drew  out  on  his 
right  fifteen  hundred  choice  troops,  whom  he  commanded  in  person, 
assisted  by  Generals  Philips,  Reidisel,  and  Frazer. 

The  right  wing  was  formed  within  three-quarters  of  a  mile  of  the  left 
of  the  American  camp ;  and  a  corps  of  rangers,  Indians,  and  provin- 
cials, was  pushed  on  through  secret  paths,  to  show  themselves  in  its 
rear,  and  excite  alarm  in  that  quarter.* 

These  movements  were  perceived  by  General  Gates,  who  determined 
*  Remem.  t  Letter  of  Burgoyne. 


204  THE  LIFE  OF 

to  attack  their  left,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  fall  on  their  right  flank 
Poor's  brigade,  and  some  regiments  from  New  Hampshire, 
were  ordered  to  meet  them  in  front ;  while  Morgan  with  his 
rifle  corps  made  a  circuit  unperceived,  and  seized  a  very  advantageous 
height  covered  with  wood  on  their  right.     As  soon  as  it  was  supposed 
that  Morgan  had  gained  the  ground  he  intended  to  occupy,  the  attack 
was  made  in  front  and  on  the  left,  in  great  force.     At  this  critical  mo- 
ment Morgan  poured  in  a  deadly  and  incessant  fire  on  the  front  and 
right  flank. 

While  the  British  right  wing  was  thus  closely  pressed  in  front,  and  on 
its  flank,  a  distinct  division  of  the  American  troops  was  ordered  to  in- 
tercept its  retreat  to  camp,  and  to  separate  it  from  the  residue  of  the 
army.  Burgoyne  perceived  the  danger  of  his  situation,  and  ordered  the 
light  infantry  under  General  Frazer,  with  part  of  the  24th  regiment, 
to  form  a  second  line,  in  order  to  cover  the  light  infantry  of  the  right, 
and  secure  a  retreat.  While  this  movement  was  in  progress,  the  left  of 
the  British  right  was  forced  from  its  ground,  and  the  light  infantry  was 
ordered  to  its  aid.  In  the  attempt  to  execute  this  order,  they  were  at- 
tacked by  the  rifle  corps,  with  great  effect ;  and  Frazer  was  mortally 
wounded.  Overpowered  by  numbers,  and  pressed  on  all  sides  by  a 
superior  weight  of  fire,  Burgoyne,  with  great  difficulty,  and  with  the  loss 
of  his  field  pieces,  and  great  part  of  his  artillery  corps,  regained  his 
camp.  The  Americans  followed  close  in  his  rear ;  and  assaulted  his 
works  throughout  their  whole  extent.  Towards  the  close  of  day,  the 
intrenchments  were  forced  on  their  right ;  and  General  Arnold,  with  a 
few  men,  actually  entered  their  works ;  but  his  horse  being  killed  under 
him,  and  himself  wounded,  the  troops  were  forced  out  of  them ;  and  it 
being  nearly  dark,  they  desisted  from  the  assault.  The  left  of  Arnold's 
division  was  still  more  successful.  Jackson's  regiment  of  Massachusetts, 
then  led  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Brooks,  turned  the  right  of  the  encamp- 
ment, and  stormed  the  works  occupied  by  the  German  reserve.  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Breckman  who  commanded  in  them  was  killed,  and  the 
works  were  carried.  The  orders  given  by  Burgoyne  to  recover  them 
were  not  executed ;  and  Brooks  maintained  the  ground  he  had  gained. 
Darkness  put  an  end  to  the  action  ;  and  the  Americans  lay  all  night 
with  their  arms  in  their  hands,  about  half  a  mile  from  the  British  lines 
ready  to  renew  the  assault  with  the  return  of  day.  The  advantage  they 
had  gained  was  decisive.  They  had  taken  several  pieces  of  artillery, 
killed  a  great  number  of  men,  made  upwards  of  two  hundred  prisoners, 
among  whom  were  several  officers  of  distinction,  and  had  penetrated  the 
lines  in  a  part  which  exposed  the  whole  to  considerable  danger. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  205 

Unwilling  to  risk  the  events  of  the  next  day  on  the  same  ground,  Bur- 
goyne  changed  his  position  in  the  course  of  the  night,  and  drew  his 
whole  army  into  a  strong  camp  on  tne  river  heights,  extending  his  right 
up  the  river.  This  movement  extricated  him  from  the  danger  of  being 
attacked  the  ensuing  morning  by  an  enemy  already  in  possession  of 
part  of  his  works. 

General  Gates  perceived  the  strength  of  this  position,  and  was  not 
disposed  to  hazard  an  assault.  Aware  of  the  critical  situation  of  his 
adversary,  he  detached  a  party  higher  up  the  Hudson  for  the  purpose  of 
intercepting  the  British  army  on  its  retreat,  while  strong  corps  were 
posted  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  to  guard  its  passage. 

This  movement  compelled  Burgoyne  again  to  change  his  position,  and 
to  retire  to  Saratoga.     About  nine  at  night  the  retreat  was  commenced, 
and  was  effected  with  the  loss  of  his  hospital,  containing  about  three  hun- 
dred sick,  and  of  several  batteaux  laden  with  provision  and  baggage. 
On  reaching  the  ground  to  be  occupied,  he  found  a  strong  corps 
already  intrenched  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  prepared 
to  dispute  its  passage. 

From  Saratoga,  Burgoyne  detached  a  company  of  artificers,  under  a 
strong  escort,  to  repair  the  roads  and  bridges  towards  fort  Edward. 
Scarcely  had  this  detachment  moved,  when  the  Americans  appeared  in 
force  on  the  heights  south  of  Saratoga  creek,  and  made  dispositions 
which  excited  the  apprehension  of  a  design  to  cross  it  and  attack  his 
camp.  The  Europeans  escorting  the  artificers  were  recalled,  and  a  pro- 
vincial corps,  employed  in  the  same  service,  being  attacked  by  a  small 
party,  ran  away  and  left  the  workmen  to  shift  for  themselves. 

No  hope  of  repairing  the  roads  remaining,  it  became  impossible  to 
move  the  baggage  and  artillery. 

The  British  army  was  now  almost  completely  environed  by  a  superior 
force.  No  means  remained  of  extricating  itself  from  difficulties  and 
dangers  which  were  continually  increasing,  but  fording  a  river,  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  which  a  formidable  body  of  troops  was  already  posted ; 
and  then  escaping  to  fort  George,  through  roads  impassable  by  artillery 
or  wagons,  while  its  rear  was  closely  pressed  by  a  victorious  enemy.* 

*  Mr.  Gordon,  in  his  history  of  the  war,  states  himself  to  have  received  from  General 
Glover  an  anecdote,  showing,  that  all  these  advantages  were  on  the  point  of  being  ex- 
posed to  imminent  hazard.  "  On  the  morning  of  the  eleventh,  Gates  called  the  general 
officers  together,  and  informed  them  of  his  having  received  certain  intelligence,  which 
might  be  depended  upon,  that  the  main  body  of  Burgoyne's  army  was  marched  off  for 
fort  Edward  with  what  they  could  take;  and  that  the  rear  guard  only  was  left  in  the 
ramp,  who,  after  awhile,  were  to  push  off  as  fast  as  possible,  leaving  the  heavy  baggage 
uchind.  On  this  it  was  concluded  to  advance  and  attack  the  camp  in  half  an  hour. 
VOL.  i.  14 


206  THE  LIFE  OF 

A  council  of  general  officers  called  to  deliberate  on  their  situation, 
took  the  bold  resolution  to  abandon  every  thing  but  their  arms  and  such 
provisions  as  the  soldiers  could  carry ;  and,  by  a  forced  march  in  the 
night  up  the  river,  to  extricate  themselves  from  the  American  army ;  and 
crossing  at  fort  Edward,  or  at  a  ford  above  it,  to  press  on  to  fort  George 

Gates  had  foreseen  this  movement,  and  had  prepared  for  it.  In  ad- 
dition to  placing  strong  guards  at  the  fords  of  the  Hudson,  he  had  formed 
an  intrenched  camp  on  the  high  grounds  between  fort  Edward  and  fort 
George.  The  scouts  sent  to  examine  the  route  returned  with  this  infor- 
mation, and  the  plan  was  abandoned  as  impracticable. 

Nothing  could  be  more  hopeless  than  the  condition  of  the  British  ar- 
my, or  more  desperate  than  that  of  their  general,  as  described  by  him- 
self. In  his  letter  to  Lord  George  Germain,  secretary  of  state  for  Ameri- 
can affairs,  he  says,  "  A  series  of  hard  toil,  incessant  effort,  stubborn 
action,  until  disabled  in  the  collateral  branches  of  the  army  by  the  total 
defection  of  the  Indians ;  the  desertion,  or  timidity  of  the  Canadians  and 
provincials,  some  individuals  excepted ;  disappointed  in  the  last  hope  of 
any  co-operation  from  other  armies ;  the  regular  troops  reduced  by  losses 
from  the  best  parts,  to  three  thousand  five  hundred  fighting  men,  not  two 
thousand  of  which  were  British ;  only  three  days  provisions,  upon  short 
allowance,  in  store;  invested  by  an  army  of  sixteen  thousand  men;  and 
no  appearance  of  retreat  remaining;  I  called  into  council  all  the  gene- 
rals, field  officers,  and  captains  commanding  corps,  and  by  their  unani- 
mous concurrence  and  advice,  I  was  induced  to  open  a  treaty  with  Major 
General  Gates." 

A  treaty  was  opened  with  a  general  proposition,  stating  the  willing- 
ness of  the  British  general  to  spare  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  provided 
a  negotiation  could  be  effected  on  honourable  terms. 

This  proposition  was  answered  by  a  demand  that  the  whole  army  should 
ground  their  arms  in  their  encampment,  and  surrender  themselves  pri- 

The  officers  repaired  immediately  to  their  respective  commands.  General  Nixon's 
being  the  eldest  brigade,  crossed  the  Saratoga  creek  first.  Unknown  to  the  Ameri- 
cans, Burgoyne  had  a  line  formed  behind  a  parcel  of  brush-wood,  to  support  the  park 
of  artillery  where  the  attack  was  to  be  made.  General  Glover  was  upon  the  point  of 
following  Nixon.  Just  as  he  entered  the  water,  he  saw  a  British  soldier  making  across, 
whom  he  called  and  examined.'1  This  soldier  was  a  deserter,  and  communicated  the 
very  important  fact  that  the  whole  British  army  were  in  their  encampment.  Nixon 
was  immediately  stopped:  and  the  intelligence  conveyed  to  Gates,  who  countermand- 
ed his  orders  for  the  assault,  and  called  back  his  troops,  not  without  sustaining  some 
loss  from  the  British  artillery. 

Gordon  is  confirmed  by  General  Wilkinson,  who  was  adjutant  general  in  the 
American  army.  The  narrative  of  the  general  varies  from  that  of  Gordon  only  in 
minor  circumstances. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  207 

soners  of  war.     This  demand  was  instantly  rejected,  with  a  declaration 
that  if  General  Gates  designed  to  insist  on  it,  the  negotiation  must  imme- 
diately break  off,  and  hostilities  recommence.     On  receiving  this  decided 
answer,  Gates  receded  from  the  rigorous  terms  at  first  proposed ;  and  a 
convention  was  signed,  in  which  it  was  agreed  that  the  Bri- 
tish army,  after  marching  out  of  their  encampment  with  all 
the  honours  of  war,  should  lay  down  their  arms,  and  not  serve  against 
the  United  States  till  exchanged.     They  were  not  to  be  detained  in  cap 
tivity,  but  to  be  permitted  to  embark  for  England. 

The  situation  of  the  armies  considered,*  these  terms  were  highly 
honourable  to  the  British  general,  and  favourable  to  his  nation.  They 
were  probably  more  advantageous  than  would  have  been  granted  by 
General  Gates,  had  he  entertained  no  apprehension  from  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  who  was,  at  length,  making  the  promised  diversion  on  the  North 
River,  up  which  he  had  penetrated  as  far  as  ^Esopus. 

The  draughts  made  from  Peekskill  for  both  armies  had  left  that  post 
in  a  situation  to  require  the  aid  of  militia  for  its  security.  The  requisi- 
tions of  General  Putnam  were  complied  with ;  but  the  attack  upon  them 
being  delayed,  the  militia,  who  were  anxious  to  seed  their  farms,  became 
impatient;  many  deserted;  and  General  Putnam  was  induced  to  discharge 
the  residue. 

Governor  Clinton  immediately  ordered  out  half  the  militia  of  New 
York,  with  assurances  that  they  should  be  relieved  in  one  month  by  the 
other  half.  This  order  was  executed  so  slowly  that  the  forts  were  car- 
ried before  the  militia  were  in  the  field. 

Great  pains  had  been  taken,  and  much  labour  employed,  to  render 
this  position,  which  is  naturally  strong,  still  more  secure.  The  princi- 
pal defences  were  forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton.  They  had  been  con- 
structed on  the  western  bank  of  the  Hudson,  on  very  high  ground, 
extremely  difficult  of  access,  and  were  separated  from  each  other  by  a 
small  creek  which  runs  from  the  mountains  into  the  river.  These  forts 
were  too  much  elevated  to  be  battered  from  the  water,  and  the  hills  on 
which  they  stood  were  too  steep  to  be  ascended  by  troops  landing  at  the 
foot  of  them  The  mountains,  which  commence  five  or  six  miles  below 
them,  are  so  high  and  rugged,  the  defiles,  through  which  the  roads  lead- 
ing to  them  pass,  so  narrow,  and  so  commanded  by  the  heights  on  both 
sides,  that  the  approaches  to  them  are  extremely  difficult  and  dangerous. 

*  The  American  army  consisted  of  nine  thousand  and  ninety-three  continental 
troops.  The  number  of  the  militia  fluctuated;  but  amounted,  at  the  signature  of  the 
convention,  to  four  thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine.  The  sick  exceeded  two 
thousand  five  hundred  men. 


U08  THE  LIFE  OF 

To  prevent  ships  from  passing  the  forts,  chevaux-de-frise  had  been 
sunk  in  the  river,  and  a  boom  extended  from  bank  to  bank,  which 
was  covered  with  immense  chains  stretched  at  some  distance  in  its 
front.  These  works  were  defended  by  the  guns  of  the  forts,  and  by 
a  frigate  and  galleysstationed  above  them,  capable  of  opposing  with  an 
equal  fire  in  front  any  force  which  might  attack  them  by  water  from  be- 
low. 

Fort  Independence  is  four  or  five  miles  below  forts  Montgomery  and 
Clinton,  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  on  a  high  point  of  land; 
and  fort  Constitution  is  rather  more  than  six  miles  above  them,  on  an 
island  near  the  eastern  shore.  Peekskill,  the  general  head  quarters  of 
the  officer  commanding  at  the  station,  is  just  below  fort  Independence, 
and  on  the  same  side  of  the  river.  The  garrisons  had  been  reduced  to 
about  six  hundred  men ;  and  the  whole  force  under  General  Putnam  did 
not  much  exceed  two  thousand.  Yet  this  force,  though  far  inferior  to 
that  which  General  Washington  had  ordered  to  be  retained  at  the  sta- 
tion, was,  if  properly  applied,  more  than  competent  to  the  defence  of  the 
forts  against  any  numbers  which  could  be  spared  from  New  York.  To 
insure  success  to  the  enterprise,  it  was  necessary  to  draw  the  attention 
of  Putnam  from  the  real  object,  and  to  storm  the  works  before  the  gar- 
risons could  be  aided  by  his  army.  This  Sir  Henry  Clinton  accom- 
plished. 

Between  three  and  four  thousand  men  embarked  at  New  York,  and 
landed  on  the  5th  of  October  at  Verplank's  Point,  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Hudson,  a  short  distance  below  Peekskill,  upon  which  General  Putnam 
retired  to  the  heights  in  his  rear.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  a 
part  of  these  troops  re-embarked,  and  the  fleet  moved  up  the  river  to 
Peekskill  Neck,  in  order  to  mask  King's  ferry,  which  was  below  them. 
The  next  morning,  at  break  of  day,  the  troops  destined  for  the  enter- 
prise, landed  on  the  west  side  of  Stony  Point,  and  commenced  their 
march  through  the  mountains,  into  the  rear  of  forts  Clinton  and  Mont- 
gomery.* This  disembarkation  was  observed ;  but  the  morning  was  so 
foggy  that  the  numbers  could  not  be  distinguished ;  and  a  large  fire, 
which  was  afterwards  perceived  at  the  landing  place,  suggested  the  idea 
that  the  sole  object  of  the  party  on  shore  was  the  burning  of  some  store 
houses.  In  the  mean  time,  the  manoeuvres  of  the  vessels,  and  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  small  detachment  left  at  Verplank's  Point,  persuaded 
General  Putnam  that  the  meditated  attack  was  on  fort  Independence. 

His  whole  attention  was  directed  to  this  object ;  and  the  real  designs 

*  Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  209 

of  the  enemy  were  not  suspected,  until  a  heavy  firing  from  the  other  side 
of  the  river  announced  the  assault  on  forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery. 
Five  hundred  men  were  instantly  detached  to  reinforce  the  garrisons  of 
those  places ;  but,  before  this  detachment  could  cross  the  river  the  forts 
were  in  possession  of  the  British. 

Having  left  a  battalion  at  the  pass  of  Thunderhill,  to  keep  up  a  com- 
munication, Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  formed  his  army  into  two  divisions; 
one  of  which  consisting  of  nine  hundred  men,  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Campbell,  made  a  circuit  by  the  forest  of  Deane,  in  order  to  fall 
on  the  back  of  fort  Montgomery ;  while  the  other,  consisting  of  twelve 
hundred  men,  commanded  by  General  Vaughan,  and  accompanied  by 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  person,  advanced  slowly  against  fort  Clinton.* 

Both  posts  were  assaulted  about  five  in  the  afternoon.  The  works 
were  defended  with  resolution,  and  were  maintained  until  dark,  when, 
the  lines  being  too  extensive  to  be  completely  manned,  the  assailants  en- 
tered them  in  different  places.  The  defence  being  no  longer  possible, 
some  of  the  garrison  were  made  prisoners,  while  their  better  knowledge 
of  the  country  enabled  others  to  escape.  Governor  Clinton  passed  the 
river  in  a  boat,  and  General  James  Clinton,  though  wounded  in  the 
thigh  by  a  bayonet,  also  made  his  escape.  Lieutenant  Colonels  Living- 
ston and  Bruyn,  and  Majors  Hamilton  and  Logan  were  among  the 
prisoners.  The  loss  sustained  by  the  garrisons  was  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  That  of  the  assailants,  wasstated  by  SirH.  Clinton, atless 
than  two  hundred.  Among  the  killed  were  Lieutenant  Colonel  Camp- 
bell, and  two  other  field  officers. 

As  the  boom  and  chains  drawn  across  the  river  could  no  longer  be 
defended,  the  continental  frigates  and  galleys  lying  above  them  were 
burnt,  to  prevent  their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Fort  Inde- 
pendence and  fort  Constitution  were  evacuated  the  next  day,  and  Put- 
nam retreated  to  Fishkill.  General  Vaughan,  after  burning  Continental 
village,  where  stores  to  a  considerable  amount  had  been  deposited,  pro- 
ceeded, at  the  head  of  a  strong  detachment,  up  the  river  to  ^Esopus, 
which  he  also  destroyed.f 

General  Putnam,  whose  army  had  been  augmented  by  reinforcements 
of  militia  to  six  thousand  men,  detached  General  Parsons  with  two  thou- 

*  Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 

t  Intelligence  of  the  success  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  on  the  North  River  was  received 
by  General  Burgoyne,  in  the  night  after  the  convention  at  Saratoga  had  been  agreed 
upon,  but  before  the  articles  had  been  signed  and  executed.  The  British  general  had 
serious  thoughts  of  breaking  off  the  treaty. 


illO  THE  LIFE  OF 

sand,  to  repossess  himself  of  Peckskill,  and  of  the  passes  in  the  high- 
lands ;  while,  with  the  residue,  he  watched  the  progress  of  the  enemy  up 
the  river.  The  want  of  heavy  artillery  prevented  his  annoying  their 
ships  in  the  Hudson. 

On  the  capitulation  of  Burgoyne,  near  five  thousand  men  had  been 
detached  by  Gates  to  his  aid.  Before  their  arrival,  General  Vaughan 
had  returned  to  New  York,  whence  a  reinforcement  to  General  Howe 
was  then  about  to  sail. 

Great  as  was  the  injury  sustained  by  the  United  States  from  this  en- 
terprise, Great  Britain  derived  from  it  no  solid  advantage.  It  was 
undertaken  at  too  late  a  period  to  save  Burgoyne ;  and  though  the  passes 
in  the  highlands  were  acquired,  they  could  not  be  retained.  The  British 
had  reduced  to  ashes  every  village,  and  almost  every  house  within  their 
power;  but  this  wanton  and  useless  destruction  served  to  irritate,  without 
tending  to  subdue.  A  keenness  was  given  to  the  resentment  of  the  in- 
jured, which  outlasted  the  contest  between  the  two  nations. 

The  army  which  surrendered  at  Saratoga  exceeded  five  thousand 
men.  On  marching  from  Ticonderoga,  it  was  estimated  at  nine  thou- 
sand. In  addition  to  this  great  military  force,  the  British  lost,  and  the 
Americans  acquired,  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  seven  thousand  stand  of 
excellent  arms,  clothing  for  seven  thousand  recruits,  with  tents,  and 
other  military  stores,  to  a  considerable  amount. 

The  thanks  of  congress  were  voted  to  General  Gates  and  his  army; 
and  a  medal  of  gold,  in  commemoration  of  this  great  event,  was  order- 
ed to  be  struck,  and  presented  to  him  by  the  President,  in  the  name  of 
the  United  States.  Colonel  Wilkinson,  his  Adjutant  General,  whom  he 
strongly  recommended,  was  appointed  Brigadier  General  by  brevet. 

In  the  opinion  that  the  British  would  not  immediately  abandon  the 
passes  in  the  highlands,  congress  ordei'cd  Putnam  to  join  General  Wash- 
ington with  a  reinforcement  not  exceeding  two  thousand  five  hundred 
men,  and  directed  Gates  to  take  command  of  the  army  on  the  Hudson, 
with  unlimited  powers  to  call  for  aids  of  militia  from  the  New  England 
States,  as  well  as  from  New  York  and  New  Jersey. 

A  proposition  to  authorize  the  Commander-in-chief,  after  consulting 
with  General  Gates  and  Governor  Clinton,  to  increase  the  detachment 
designed  to  strengthen  his  army,  if  he  should  then  be  of  opinion  that  it 
might  be  done  without  endangering  the  objects  to  be  accomplished  by 
Gates,  was  seriously  opposed.  An  attempt  was  made  to  amend  this 
proposition  so  as  to  make  the  increase  of  the  reinforcement  to  depend 
on  the  assent  of  Gates  and  Clinton ;  but  this  amendment  was  lost  by  a 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  211 

considerable  majority,  and  the  original  resolution  was  carried.  These 
proceedings  were  attended  with  no  other  consequences  than  to  excite 
some  degree  of  attention  to  the  state  of  parties. 

Soon  after  the  capitulation  of  Burgoyno,  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  In 
dependence  were  evacuated,  and  the  garrison  retired  to  Isle  Aux  Noix, 
and  St.  Johns. 

The  effect  produced  by  this  event  on  the  British  cabinet  and  nation, 
was  great  and  immediate.  It  seemed  to  remove  the  delusive  hopes  of 
conquest  with  which  they  had  been  flattered,  and  suddenly  to  display 
ihe  mass  of  resistance  which  must  yet  be  encountered.  Previous  to  the 
reception  of  this  disastrous  intelligence,  the  employment  of  savages  in 
the  war  had  been  the  subject  of  severe  animadversion.  Parliament  was 
assembled  on  the  20th  of  November ;  and,  as  usual,  addresses  were  pro- 
posed in  answer  to  the  speech  from  the  throne,  entirely  approving  the 
conduct  of  the  administration.  In  the  House  of  Lords,  the  Earl  of 
Chatham  moved  to  amend  the  address  by  introducing  a  clause  recom 
mending  to  his  Majesty,  an  immediate  cessation  of  hostilities,  and 
the  commencement  of  a  treaty  of  conciliation,  "  to  restore  peace  and 
liberty  to  America,  strength  and  happiness  to  England,  security  and 
permanent  prosperity  to  both  countries."  In  the  course  of  the  very 
animated  observations  made  by  this  extraordinary  man  in  support  of  his 
motion,  he  said,*  "  But,  my  Lords,  who  is  the  man  that,  in  addition  to 
ihe  disgraces  and  mischiefs  of  war,  has  dared  to  authorize  and  associate 
to  our  arms  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife  of  the  savage  ?  to  call 
into  civilized  alliance  the  wild  and  inhuman  inhabitant  of  the  woods  ?  tc 
delegate  to  the  merciless  Indian  the  defence  of  disputed  rights,  and  tc 
wage  the  horrors  of  his  barbarous  war  against  our  brethren?  My 
Lords,  these  enormities  cry  aloud  for  redress  and  punishment.  Unless 
thoroughly  done  away  they  will  be  a  stain  on  the  national  character. 
It  is  not  the  least  of  our  national  misfortunes  that  the  strength  and  cha- 
racter of  our  army  are  thus  impaired.  Familiarized  to  the  horrid  scenes 
of  savage  cruelty,  it  can  no  longer  boast  of  the  noble  and  generous 
principles  which  dignify  a  soldier.  No  longer  sympathize  with  the  dig. 
nity  of  the  royal  banner,  nor  feel  the  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance 
of  glorious  war  that  makes  ambition  virtue.  What  makes  ambition  vir- 
tue 1  the  sense  of  honour.  But  is  this  sense  of  honour  consistent  with 
the  spirit  of  plunder,  or  the  practice  of  murder  ?  Can  it  flow  from  mer- 
cenary motives?  or  can  it  prompt  to  cruel  deeds ?"f 

*  Life  of  Chatham. — Belsham.        t  See  note  No.  X.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


212  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  conduct  of  administration,  however,  received  the  full  approbation 
of  large  majorities ;  but  the  triumph  these  victories  in  Parliament  afford- 
ed them  was  of  short  duration.  The  disastrous  issue  of  an  expedition 
from  which  the  most  sanguine  expectations  had  been  formed,  was  soon 
known,  and  the  mortification  it  produced  was  extreme.  A  reluctant  con- 
fession of  the  calamity  was  made  by  the  minister,  and  a  desire  to  re- 
store peace  on  any  terms  consistent  with  the  integrity  of  the  empire 
found  its  way  into  the  cabinet. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  213 


CHAPTER  XL 

Defects  in  the  Commissary  department. — Distress  of  the  army  at  Valley  Forge. — 
Representations  of  General  Washington  to  congress  on  this  subject — The  army 
subsisted  by  impressments. — Combination  in  congress  against  General  Washing- 
ton.— Correspondence  between  him  and  General  Gates. — Distress  of  the  army  for 
clothes. — Washington's  exertions  to  augment  the  army. — Congress  sends  a  com- 
mittee to  camp. — Attempt  to  surprise  Captain  Lee. — Congress  determines  on  a 
second  expedition  to  Canada. — Abandons  it. — General  Con  way  resigns. — The 
Baron  Steuben  appointed  Inspector  General. — Congress  forbids  the  embarkation 
of  Burgoyne's  army. — Plan  of  reconciliation  agreed  to  in  Parliament. — Communi- 
cated to  congress  and  rejected. — Information  of  treaties  between  France  and  the 
United  States. — Great  Britain  declares  war  against  France. — The  treaties  with 
France  ratified  by  congress. — Complaints  of  the  treatment  of  prisoners. — A  partial 
exchange  agreed  to. 

THE  army  under  the  immediate  command  of  General  Washing, 
ton  was  engaged  through  the  winter  in  endeavouring  to 
stop  the  intercourse  between  Philadelphia  and  the  country. 
To  effect  this  object  General  Smallwood  was  detached  with  one  division 
to  Wilmington ;  Colonel  Morgan  was  placed  on  the  lines  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Schuylkill ;  and  General  Armstrong,  with  the  Pennsylvania 
militia,  was  stationed  near  the  old  camp  at  White  Marsh.  Major  Jame- 
son, with  two  troops  of  cavalry,  and  M'Lane's  infantry,  was  directed  tc 
guard  the  east,  and  Captain  Lee  with  his  troop,  the  west  side  of  that 
river.  General  Count  Pulaski,  a  Polish  nobleman  who  commanded  the 
horse,  led  the  residue  of  the  cavalry  to  Trenton,  where  he  trained  them 
for  the  ensuing  campaign. 

One  of  the  first  operations  meditated  by  General  Washington  after 
crossing  the  Schuylkill  was  the  destruction  of  a  large  quantity  of  hay 
which  remained  in  the  islands  above  the  mouth  of  Derby  Creek,  within 
the  power  of  the  British.  Early  in  the  morning  after  his  or- 
ders for  this  purpose  had  been  given,  Sir  William  Howe 
marched  out  in  full  force,  and  encamped  between  Derby  and  the  mid- 
dle ferry,  so  as  completely  to  cover  the  islands ;  while  a  foraging  party 
removed  the  hay.  Washington,  with  the  intention  of  disturbing  this 
operation,  gave  orders  for  putting  his  army  in  motion,  when  the  alarm- 
ing fact  was  disclosed,  that  the  commissary's  stores  were  exhausted, 
and  that  the  last  ration  had  been  delivered  and  consumed. 

Accustomed  as  were  the  continental  troops  to  privations  of  every  sort, 
it  would  have  been  hazarding  too  much  to  move  them,  under  these  cir- 
T 


214  THE  LIFE  OF 

cumstances,  against  a  powerful  enemy.  In  a  desert,  or  in  a  garrison 
where  food  is  unattainable,  courage,  patriotism,  and  habits  of  discipline, 
enable  the  soldier  to  conquer  wants  which,  in  ordinary  situations,  would 
be  deemed  invincible.  But  to  perish  in  a  country  abounding  with  pro- 
visions, requires  something  more  than  fortitude ;  nor  can  soldiers  readily 
submit,  while  in  such  a  country,  to  the  deprivation  of  food.  It  is  not 
therefore  surprising  that,  among  a  few  of  the  troops,  some  indications  of 
a  mutiny  appeared.  It  is  much  more  astonishing  that  the  great  body 
of  the  army  bore  a  circumstance  so  irritating,  and  to  them  so  unac- 
countable, without  a  murmur. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  fact,  General  Washington  ordered 
the  country  to  be  scoured,  and  provisions,  for  supplying  the  pressing 
wants  of  the  moment,  to  be  seized  wherever  found.  In  the  mean  time, 
light  parties  were  detached  to  harass  the  enemy  about  Derby,  where  Sir 
William  Howe,  with  his  accustomed  circumspection,  kept  his  army  so 
compact,  and  his  soldiers  so  within  the  lines,  that  an  opportunity  to  an- 
noy him  was  seldom  afforded  even  to  the  vigilance  of  Morgan  and  Lee. 
After  completing  his  forage,  he  returned,  with  inconsiderable  loss,  to 
Philadelphia. 

That  the  American  army,  while  the  value  still  retained  by  paper  bills 
placed  ample  funds  in  the  hands  of  government,  should  be  destitute  of 
food,  in  the  midst  of  a  state  so  abounding  with  provisions  as  Pennsylva- 
nia, is  one  of  those  extraordinary  facts  which  can  not  fail  to  excite  atten- 
tion. 

Early  in  the  war,  the  office  of  commissary  general  had  been  conferred 
on  Colonel  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  a  gentleman  fitted  by  his  talents, 
activity  and  zeal,  for  that  important  station.  Yet,  from  the  difficulty  of 
arranging  so  complicated  a  department  in  its  commencement,  without 
the  advantages  of  experience,  complaints  were  repeatedly  made  of  the 
insufficiency  of  supplies. 

The  subject  \vas  taken  up  by  congress ;  but  the  remedy  administered, 
as  well  from  the  time  of  its  application,  as  from  the  ingredients  of  which 
it  was  composed,  served  only  to  increase  the  disease.  The  system  was 
not  completed  until  near  midsummer ;  and  then  its  arrangements  were 
such  that  Colonel  Trumbull  refused  to  accept  the  office  assigned  to  him; 
and  new  men  were  to  be  called  into  service  at  a  time  when  the  strong- 
est necessity  required  the  exertions  of  those  who  understood  the  plan  of 
supplies  for  the  campaign  in  all  its  modifications.  In  addition  to  the 
commissary  of  purchases,  and  a  commissary  general  of  issues,  each  to 
be  appointed  by  congress,  the  new  plan  contemplated  four  deputies  in 
eacn  department,  also  to  be  appointed  by  that  body,  who  were  not  ac- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  215 

countable  to,  nor  removeable  by  the  head  of  the  department,  but  might  be 
suspended,  and  accused  before  congress  who  should  examine  the  charge> 
and  either  remove  the  accused  from  his  office,  or  reinstate  him  in  it. 

This  imperium  in  imperio,  erected  in  direct  opposition  to  the  opinion 
of  the  Commander-in-chief,  drove  Colonel  Trumbull  from  the  army. 
Congress  however  persisted  in  the  system ;  and  the  effects  of  deranging 
so  important  a  department  as  that  which  feeds  the  troops,  in  the  midst  o* 
a  campaign,  were  not  long  in  unfolding  themselves.  In  every  military 
division  of  the  continent,  loud  complaints  were  made  of  the  deficiency  of 
supplies.  The  success  of  Gates  appears  to  have  been  more  endangered 
by  this  cause,  than  by  the  movement  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  up  the  Hud- 
son. The  army  of  General  Washington  was  often  greatly  embarrassed, 
and  his  movements  not  unfrequently  suspended,  by  the  want  of  provi- 
sions. The  present  total  failure  of  all  supply  was  preceded,  for  a  few 
days,  by  the  issuing  of  meat  unfit  to  be  eaten.  Representations  on  this 
subject  were  made  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  who,  on  the  morning  that 
Sir  William  Howe  moved  out  to  Derby,  and  before  intelligence  of  that 
movement  had  been  received,  communicated  them  to  congress. 

That  body  had  authorized  the  Commander-in-chief  to  seize  provisions 
for  the  use  of  his  army  within  seventy  miles  of  head  quarters ;  and  either 
to  pay  for  them  in  money,  or  in  certificates,  for  the  redemption  of  which 
the  faith  of  the  United  States  was  pledged.  The  odium  of  this  measure 
was  increased  by  the  failure  of  the  government  to  provide  funds  to  take 
up  these  certificates  when  presented. 

At  the  same  time,  the  provisions  carried  into  Philadelphia  were  paid 
for  in  specie  at  a  good  price.  The  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  Pennsyl- 
vania were  not  zealous  in  support  of  the  war,  and  the  difference  between 
prompt  payment  in  gold  or  silver,  and  a  certificate,  the  value  of  which 
was  often  diminished  by  depreciation  before  its  payment,  was  too  great 
not  to  influence  their  wishes  and  their  conduct.  Such  was  the  dexterity 
they  employed  that,  notwithstanding  the  rigour  of  the  laws,  and  the 
vigilance  of  the  troops  stationed  on  the  lines,  they  often  succeeded  in 
concealing  their  provisions  from  those  who  were  authorized  to  impress 
for  the  army,  and  in  conveying  them  privately  into  Philadelphia. 

General  Washington  exercised  the  powers  confided  to  him  with  cau- 
tion, but  he  did  exercise  them ;  and  by  doing  so,  acquired  considerable 
supplies.  Congress  appeared  as  much  dissatisfied  with  the  lenity  of  the 
Commander-in-chief,  as  the  people  were  with  his  rigour,  in  consequence 
of  which  the  subject  was  taken  into  consideration,  his  forbearance  dis- 
approved, and  instructions  given  for  the  rigorous  exertions  in  future  of 
the  powers  with  which  he  was  invested.  In  reply  to  the  letter  commu- 


216  THE  LIFE  OF 

nicating  these  resolves,  the  general  stated  the  conduct  he  had  observed, 
insisted  that  provisions  had  been  taken  very  extensively,  and  repeated 
his  opinion,  that  such  measures  would  be  much  more  readily  submitted 
to  if  executed  by  the  civil  authority. 

In  obedience  however  to  the  will  of  congress,  he  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, requiring  the  farmers  within  seventy  miles  of  head  quarters,  to 
thrash  out  one  half  of  their  grain  by  the  first  of  February,  and  the  resi- 
due by  the  first  of  March,  under  the  penalty  of  having  the  whole  seized 
as  straw. 

The  success  of  this  experiment  did  not  correspond  with  the  wishes  of 
congress.  It  was  attended  with  the  pernicious  consequences  which  had 
been  foreseen  by  the  general,  to  avoid  which  he  had  considered  this  sys- 
tem as  a  dernier  resort,  of  which  he  was  to  avail  himself  only  in  extreme 
cases.  In  answer  to  a  letter  on  this  subject  from  the  board  of  war,  he 
said,  I  shall  use  every  exertion  that  may  be  expedient  and  practicable  for 
subsisting  the  army,  and  keeping  it  together;  but  I  must  observe,  that 
this  never  can  be  done  by  coercive  means.  Supplies  of  provisions  and 
clothing  must  be  had  in  another  way,  or  it  can  not  exist.  The  small 
seizures  that  were  made  of  the  former  some  time  ago,  in  consequence  of 
the  moot  pressing  and  urgent  necessity — when  the  alternative  was  to  do 
that  or  dissolve — excited  the  greatest  alarm  and  uneasiness  imaginable, 
even  among  some  of  our  best  and  warmest  friends.  Such  procedures 
may  relieve  for  an  instant,  but  eventually  will  prove  of  thu  must  perni- 
cious consequence.  Besides  spreading  disaffection  and  jealousy  among 
the  people,  they  never  fail,  even  in  the  most  veteran  armies,  to  raise  in 
the  soldiery  a  disposition  to  licentiousness,  plunder,  and  robbery,  which 
it  has  ever  been  found  exceeding  difficult  to  suppress ;  and  which  has  not 
only  proved  ruinous  to  the  inhabitants,  but,  in  many  instances,  to  the 
armies  themselves."  In  a  subsequent  letter  to  congress,  he  added,  "  1 
regret  the  occasion  which  compelled  us  to  the  measure  the  other  day,  and 
shall  consider  it  as  among  the  greatest  of  our  misfortunes  to  be  under 
the  necessity  of  practising  it  again.  I  am  now  obliged  to  keep  several 
parties  from  the  army  thrashing  grain,  that  our  supplies  may  not  fail; 
but  this  will  not  do." 

About  this  time,  a  strong  combination  was  forming  against  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, into  which  several  members  of  congress,  and  a  very 
few  officers  of  the  army  are  believed  to  have  entered. 

The  splendour  with  which  the  capture  of  a  British  army  had  sur- 
rounded the  military  reputation  of  General  Gates,  acquired  some  advo- 
cates for  the  opinion  that  the  arms  of  America  would  be  more  fortunate, 
should  that  gentleman  be  elevated  to  the  supreme  command.  He  could 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  217 

not  be  supposed  hostile  himself  to  the  prevalence  of  this  opinion ;  and 
some  parts  of  his  conduct  would  seem  to  warrant  a  belief  that,  if  it  did 
not  originate  with  him,  he  was  not  among  the  last  to  adopt  it.  After 
the  victory  of  the  seventh  of  October  had  opened  to  him  the  prospect 
of  subduing  the  army  of  Burgoyne,  he  not  only  omitted  to  communicate 
his  success  to  General  Washington,  but  carried  on  a  correspondence 
with  General  Conway,  in  which  that  officer  expressed  great  contemp 
for  the  Commander-in-chief.  When  the  purport  of  this  correspondence 
was  disclosed  to  General  Washington,  Gates  demanded  the  name  of  the 
informer  in  a  letter  far  from  being  conciliatory  in  its  terms,  which  was 
accompanied  with  the  very  extraordinary  circumstance  of  being  passed 
through  congress.* 

The  state  of  Pennsylvania  too,  chagrined  at  the  loss  of  its  capital, 
and  forgetful  of  its  own  backwardness  in  strengthening  the  army,  which 
had  twice  fought  superior  numbers  in  its  defence,  furnished  many  dis- 
contented individuals.  They  imputed  it  to  General  Washington  as  a 
fault  that,  with  forces  inferior  to  his  enemy  in  numbers,  and  in  every 
equipment,  he  had  not  effected  the  same  result  which  had  been  produced 
in  the  north,  by  a  continental  army,  in  itself,  much  stronger  than  its 
adversary,  and  so  reinforced  by  militia  as  to  treble  his  numbers.  On 
the  report  that  General  Washington  was  moving  into  winter  quarters, 
the  legislature  of  that  state  addressed  a  remonstrance  to  congress  on 
the  subject,  manifesting,  in  very  intelligible  terms,  their  dissatisfaction 
with  the  Commander-in-chief.  About  the  same  time,  a  new  board  of 
war  was  created,  of  which  General  Gates  was  appointed  the  President ; 
and  General  Mifllin,  who  was  supposed  to  be  of  the  party  unfriendly  to 
Washington,  was  one  of  its  members.  General  Conway,  who  was  pro- 
bably the  only  brigadier  in  the  army  that  had  joined  this  faction,  was 
appointed  inspector  general,  and  was  promoted,  above  senior  briga- 
diers, to  the  rank  of  major  general.  These  were  evidences  that,  if  the 
hold  which  the  Commander-in-chief  had  taken  of  the  affections  and  con- 
fidence of  the  army  and  of  the  nation  could  be  loosened,  the  party  in  con- 
gress disposed  to  change  their  general,  was  far  from  being  contemptible 
in  point  of  numbers.  But  to  loosen  this  hold  was  impossible.  The  indig- 
nation with  which  the  idea  of  such  a  change  was  received  even  by  the 
victorious  troops  who  had  conquered  under  Gates,  forms  the  most  con- 
clusive proof  of  its  strength.  Even  the  northern  army  clung  to  Wash- 
ington as  the  saviour  of  his  country. 

These  machinations  to  diminish  the  well-earned  reputation  of  the 
Commander-in-chief,  could  not  escape  his  notice.     They  made,  how- 
*  See  note  No.  XI.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


218  THE  LIFE  OF 

ever,  no  undue  impression  on  his  steady  mind,  nor  did  they  change  one 
of  his  measures.  His  sensibilities  seem  to  have  been  thoSp  of  patriot- 
ism, of  apprehension  for  his  country,  rather  than  of  wounded  pride. 
His  desire  to  remain  at  the  head  of  the  army  seemed  to  flow  from  the 
conviction  that  his  retaining  that  station  would  be  useful  to  his  country, 
rather  than  from  the  gratification  his  high  rank  might  furnish  to  ambi- 
tion. When  he  unbosomed  himself  to  his  private  friends,  the  feelings 
and  sentiments  he  expressed  were  worthy  of  Washington.  To  Mr.  Lau- 
rens,  the  president  of  congress,  and  his  private  friend,  who,  in  an  un- 
official letter,  had  communicated  an  anonymous  accusation  made  to  him 
as  president,  containing  heavy  charges  against  the  Commander-in-chief, 
he  said,  "  I  can  not  sufficiently  express  the  obligation  I  feel  towards  you 
for  your  friendship  and  politeness  upon  an  occasion  in  which  I  am  deep- 
ly interested.  I  was  not  unapprized  that  a  malignant  faction  had  been 
for  some  time  forming  to  my  prejudice,  which,  conscious  as  I  am  of 
having  ever  done  all  in  my  power  to  answer  the  important  purposes  of 
the  trusts  reposed  in  me,  could  not  but  give  me  some  pain  on  a  personal 
account ;  but  my  chief  concern  arises  from  an  apprehension  of  the  dan- 
gerous consequences  which  intestine  dissensions  may  produce  to  the 
common  cause. 

"  As  I  have  no  other  view  than  to  promote  the  public  good,  and  am 
unambitious  of  honours  not  founded  in  the  approbation  of  my  country, 
I  would  not  desire,  in  the  least  degree,  to  suppress  a  free  spirit  of  inquiry 
into  any  part  of  my  conduct  that  even  faction  itself  may  deem  repre- 
hensible. The  anonymous  paper  handed  you  exhibits  many  serious 
charges,  and  it  is  my  wish  that  it  may  be  submitted  to  congress.  This 
I  am  the  more  inclined  to,  as  the  suppression  or  concealment  may  pos- 
sibly involve  you  in  embarrassment  hereafter,  since  it  is  uncertain  how 
many,  or  who,  may  be  privy  to  the  contents. 

"  My  enemies  take  an  ungenerous  advantage  of  me.  They  know  the 
delicacy  of  my  situation,  and  that  motives,  of  policy  deprive  me  of  the 
defence  I  might  otherwise  make  against  their  insidious  attacks.  They 
know  I  can  not  combat  their  insinuations,  however  injurious,  without 
disclosing  secrets  it  is  of  the  utmost  moment  to  conceal.  But  why 
should  I  expect  to  be  free  from  censure,  the  unfailing  lot  of  an  elevated 
station  ?  Merit  and  talents  which  I  can  not  pretend  to  rival,  have  ever 
been  subject  to  it.  My  heart  tells  me  it  has  been  my  unremitted  aim  to 
do  the  best  which  circumstances  would  permit.  Yet  I  may  have  been 
very  often  mistaken  in  my  judgment  of  the  means,  and  may  in  many 
instances  deserve  the  imputation  of  error."* 

*  See  note  No.  XII.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  219 

Fortunately  for  America,  these  combinations  only  excited  resentment 
against  those  who  were  believed  to  be  engaged  in  them. 

Soon  after  being  informed  of  the  unfavourable  disposition  of  some 
members  of  congress  towards  him,  and  receiving  the  memorial  of  the 
legislature  of  Pennsylvania  against  his  going  into  winter  quarters,  the 
general  also  discovered  the  failure  already  mentioned  in  the  commis- 
sary department.  On  this  occasion,  he  addressed  congress  in  terms  of 
energy  and  plainness  which  he  had  used  on  no  former  occasion.  In 
his  letter  to  that  body  he  said,  "  Full  as  I  was  in  my  representation  of 
the  matters  in  the  commissary's  department  yesterday,  fresh  and  more 
powerful  reasons  oblige  me  to  add  that  I  am  now  convinced  beyond  a 
doubt  that,  unless  some  great  and  capital  change  suddenly  takes  place 
in  that  line,  this  army  must  inevitably  be  reduced  to  one  or  other  of 
these  three  things — to  starve,  dissolve,  or  disperse  in  order  to  obtain  sub- 
sistence. Rest  assured,  sir,  that  this  is  not  an  exaggerated  picture,  and 
that  I  have  abundant  reason  to  suppose  what  I  say. 

"  Saturday  afternoon,  receiving  information  that  the  enemy,' in  force, 
had  left  the  city,  and  were  advancing  towards  Derby  with  apparent  de- 
sign to  forage,  and  draw  subsistence  from  that  part  of  the  country,  I 
ordered  the  troops  to  be  in  readiness,  that  I  might  give  every  opposition 
in  my  power;  when,  to  my  great  mortification,  I  was  not  only  informed, 
but  convinced,  that  the  men  were  unable  to  stir  on  account  of  a  want 
of  provisions ;  and  that  a  dangerous  mutiny,  begun  the  night  before,  and 
which  with  difficulty  was  suppressed  by  the  spirited  exertions  of  some 
officers,  was  still  much  to  be  apprehended  from  the  want  of  this  article. 

"  This  brought  forth  the  only  commissary  in  the  purchasing  line  in 
this  camp,  and  with  him  this  melancholy  and  alarming  truth,  that  he 
had  not  a  single  hoof  of  any  kind  to  slaughter,  and  not  more  than 
twenty-five  barrels  of  flour !  From  hence,  form  an  opinion  of  our  situa- 
tion, when  I  add  that  he  could  not  tell  when  to  expect  any. 

"  All  I  could  do  under  these  circumstances,  was  to  send  out  a  few 
light  parties  to  watch  and  harass  the  enemy,  whilst  other  parties  were 
instantly  detached  different  ways  to  collect,  if  possible,  as  much  provi- 
sion as  would  satisfy  the  present  pressing  wants  of  the  soldiers ;  but  will 
this  answer?  No,  sir.  Three  or  four  days  of  bad  weather  would  prove 
our  destruction.  What  then  is  to  become  of  the  army  this  winter?  And 
if  we  are  now  as  often  without  provisions  as  with  them,  what  is  to  be- 
come of  us  in  the  spring,  when  our  force  will  be  collected,  with  the  aid 
perhaps  of  militia,  to  take  advantage  of  an  early  campaign  before  the  ene- 
my can  be  reinforced?  These  are  considerations  of  great  magnitude, 
meriting  the  closest  attention,  and  will,  when  my  own  reputation  is  so 


220  THE  LIFE  OF 

intimately  connected  with,  and  to  be  affected  by  the  event,  justify  my 
saying,  that  the  present  commissaries  are  by  no  means  equal  to  the  exe- 
cution of  the  office,  or  that  the  disaffection  of  the  people  surpasses  all  be- 
lief. The  misfortune,  however,  does,  in  my  opinion,  proceed  from  both 
causes ;  and,  though  I  have  been  tender  heretofore  of  giving  any  opinion, 
or  of  lodging  complaints,  as  the  change  in  that  department  took  place 
contrary  to  my  judgment,  and  the  consequences  thereof  were  predicted  , 
yet,  finding  that  the  inactivity  of  the  army,  whether  for  want  of  provi- 
sions, clothes,  or  other  essentials,  is  charged  to  my  account,  not  only  by 
the  common  vulgar,  but  by  those  in  power ;  it  is  time  to  speak  plain  in 
exculpation  of  myself.  With  truth,  then,  I  can  declare  that  no  man,  in 
my  opinion,  ever  had  his  measures  more  impeded  than  I  have,  by  every 
department  of  the  army.  Since  the  month  of  July,  we  have  had  no 
assistance  from  the  quartermaster  general ;  and  to  want  of  assistance 
from  this  department,  the  commissary  general  charges  great  part  of  his 
deficiency.  To  this  I  am  to  add  that,  notwithstanding  it  is  a  standing 
order  (often  repeated)  that  the  troops  shall  always  have  two  days  provi- 
sion by  them,  that  they  may  be  ready  at  any  sudden  call ;  yet,  scarcely 
any  opportunity  has  ever  offered  of  taking  advantage  of  the  enemy,  that 
has  not  been  either  totally  obstructed,  or  greatly  impeded,  on  this  ac- 
count ;  and  this,  the  great  and  crying  evil  is  not  all.  Soap,  vinegar,  and 
other  articles  allowed  by  congress,  we  see  none  of,  nor  have  we  seen 
them,  I  believe,  since  the  battle  of  Brandywine.  The  first,  indeed,  we 
have  little  occasion  for ;  few  men  having  more  than  one  shirt,  many, 
only  the  moiety  of  one,  and  some,  none  at  all.  In  additiop  to  which,  a? 
a  proof  of  the  little  benefit  from  a  clothier  general,  and  at  the  same  time, 
as  a  farther  proof  of  the  inability  of  an  army  under  the  circumstances  of 
this  to  perform  the  common  duties  of  soldiers,  we  have,  by  a  field  return 
this  day  made,  besides  a  number  of  men  confined  to  hospitals  for  want 
of  shoes,  and  others  in  farmers'  houses  on  the  same  account,  no  less  than 
two  thousand  eight  hundred  and  ninety-eight  men,  now  in  camp,  unfit 
for  duty,  because  they  are  bare-foot,  and  otherwise  naked.  By  the  same 
return,  it  appears  that  our  whole  strength  in  continental  troops,  including 
the  eastern  brigades,  which  have  joined  us  since  the  surrender  of  General 
Burgoyne,  exclusive  of  the  Maryland  troops  sent  to  Wilmington,  amounts 
to  no  more  than  eight  thousand  two  hundred  in  camp  fit  for  duty ;  not- 
withstanding which,  and  that  since  the  fourth  instant,  our  number  fit  for 
duty,  from  the  hardships  and  exposures  they  have  undergone,  particu- 
larly from  the  want  of  blankets,  have  decreased  near  two  thousand  men, 
we  find  gentlemen,  without  knowing  whether  the  army  was  really  going 
into  winter  quarters  or  not,  (for  I  am  sure  no  resolution  of  mine  would 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  221 

warrant  the  remonstrance,)  reprobating  the  measure  as  much  as  '.f  they 
thought  the  soldiers  were  made  of  stocks  or  stones,  and  equally  insensi- 
ble of  frost  and  snow ;  and  moreover,  as  if  they  conceived  it  easily  prac- 
ticable for  an  inferior  army,  under  the  disadvantages  I  have  described 
ours  to  be,  which  are  by  no  means  exaggerated,  to  confine  a  superior 
one,  in  all  respects  well  appointed  and  provided  for  a  winter's  campaign 
within  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  to  cover  from  depredation  and  waste 
the  states  of  Pennsylvania,  Jersey,  &c.  But  what  makes  this  matter 
still  more  extraordinary  in  my  eye  is,  that  these  very  gentlemen,  who 
were  well  apprised  of  the  nakedness  of  the  troops  from  ocular  demon- 
stration, who  thought  their  own  soldiers  worse  clad  than  others,  and  ad- 
vised me,  near  a  month  ago,  to  postpone  the  execution  of  a  plan  I  was 
about  to  adopt,  in  consequence  of  a  resolve  of  Congress  for  seizing 
clothes,  under  strong  assurances  that  an  ample  supply  would  be  collected 
in  ten  days,  agreeably  to  a  decree  of  the  state ;  (not  one  article  of  which 
by  the  by  is  yet  come  to  hand,)  should  think  a  winter's  campaign,  and 
the  covering  of  their  states  from  the  invasion  of  an  enemy,  so  easy  and 
practicable  a  business.  I  can  assure  those  gentlemen,  that  it  is  a  much 
easier  and  less  distressing  thing  to  draw  remonstrances  in  a  comfortable 
room,  by  a  good  fire-side,  than  to  occupy  a  cold  bleak  hill,  and  sleep 
under  frost  and  snow,  without  clothes  or  blankets.  However,  although 
they  seem  to  have  little  feeling  for  the  naked  and  distressed  soldiers,  I 
feel  superabundantly  for  them,  and  from  my  soul  pity  those  miseries 
which  it  is  not  in  my  power  either  to  relieve  or  to  prevent." 

The  representations  made  in  this  letter  were  not  exaggerated.  The 
distresses  of  the  army,  however,  so  far  as  respected  clothing,  did  not 
arise  from  the  inattention  of  congress.  Measures  for  the  importation  of 
clothes  had  been  adopted  early  in  the  war,  but  had  not  produced  the  ef- 
fect expected  from  them.  Vigorous  but  ineffectual  means  had  also  been 
taken  to  obtain  supplies  from  the  interior.  The  unfortunate  non-impor- 
tation agreements  which  preceded  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  had 
reduced  the  quantity  of  goods  in  the  country  below  the  ordinary  amount, 
and  the  war  had  almost  annihilated  foreign  commerce.  The  progress 
of  manufactures  did  not  equal  the  consumption ;  and  such  was  the  real 
scarcity,  that  exactions  from  individuals  produced  great  distress,  without 
relieving  the  wants  of  the  army.  A  warm  blanket  was  a  luxury  in 
which  not  many  participated,  either  in  the  camp  or  in  the  country. 

In  the  northern  states,  where  the  sea  coast  was  too  extensive,  and  the 
ports  too  numerous  to  be  completely  guarded,  and  where  the  people  were 
more  inclined  to  maritime  enterprise,  supplies  both  of  arms  and  clothes 
were  attainable  in  a  more  considerable  degree  than  in  those  farther 

VOL.  i.  15 


222  THE  LIFE  OF 

south ;  but  the  large  sums  of  money  expended  in  that  part  of  the  union 
for  the  support  of  the  army,  nad  lessened  the  value  of  the  currency  there 
more  rapidly  than  elsewhere,  and  a  consequent  high  nominal  price  was 
demanded  for  imported  articles.  Congress  deemed  the  terms  on  which 
some  large  contracts  had  been  made  by  the  clothier  general  in  Massa- 
chusetts, so  exorbitant,  as  to  forbid  their  execution ;  and  at  the  same  time, 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  state  government,  requesting  that  the  goods 
should  be  seized  for  the  use  of  the  army,  at  prices  to  be  fixed  by  the 
legislature,  in  pursuance  of  a  resolution  of  the  22d  of  November. 

These  recommendations  from  congress,  so  far  as  they  exhorted  the 
states  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  soldiers,  were  strongly  supported  by  the 
general.  In  his  letters  to  the  several  governors,  he  represented  the  very 
existence  of  the  army,  and  the  continuance  of  the  contest,  as  depending 
on  their  exertions  in  this  respect. 

To  recruit  the  army  for  the  ensuing  campaign  became  again  an  ob- 
ject of  vital  importance ;  and  the  Commander-in-chief  again  pressed  its 
necessity  on  congress,  and  on  the  states.  To  obtain  a  respectable  number 
of  men  by  voluntary  enlistment  had,  obviously,  become  impossible.  Co- 
ercion could  be  employed  only  by  the  state  governments ;  and  it  required 
all  the  influence  of  General  Washington  to  induce  the  adoption  of  a 
measure  so  odious  in  itself,  but  so  indispensable  to  the  acquirement  of 
means  to  meet  the  crisis  of  the  war,  which,  in  his  judgment,  had  not 
yet  passed  away.  He  enclosed  to  each  state  a  return  of  its  troops  on 
continental  establishment,  thereby  exhibiting  to  each  its  own  deficiency. 
To  those  wJho  had  not  resorted  to  coercive  means,  he  stated  the  success 
with  which  they  had  been  used  by  others ;  and  he  urged  all,  by  every 
motive  which  could  operate  on  the  human  mind,  t<5  employ  those  means 
early  enough  to  enable  him  to  anticipate  the  enemy  in  taking  the  field. 

To  the  causes  which  had  long  threatened  the  destruction  of  the  army, 
the  depreciation  of  paper  money  was  now  to  be  added.  It  had  become 
so  considerable  that  the  pay  of  an  officer  would  not  procure  even  those 
absolute  necessaries  which  might  protect  his  person  from  the  extremes 
of  heat  and  cold.  The  few  who  possessed  small  patrimonial  estates 
found  them  melting  away ;  and  others  were  unable  to  appear  as  gentle- 
men. Such  circumstances  could  not  fail  to  excite  disgust  with  the  ser- 
vice, and  a  disposition  to  leave  it.  Among  those  who  offered  their  com- 
missions to  the  Commander-in-chief,  were  many  who,  possessing  a  larger 
portion  of  military  pride,  and  therefore  feeling  with  peculiar  sensibility 
the  degradation  connected  with  poverty  and  rags,  afforded  the  fairest 
hopes  of  becoming  the  ornaments  of  the  army.  This  general  indiffer- 
ence about  holding  a  commission ;  this  general  opinion  that  an  obligation 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  223 

t 
was  conferred,  not  received  by  continuing  in  the  service,  could  not  fail 

to  be  unfavourable,  not  only  to  th'at  spirit  of  emulation  which  stimulates 
to  bolder  deeds  than  are  required,  but  to  a  complete  execution  of  orders, 
and  to  a  rigid  observance  of  duty. 

An  officer  whose  pride  was  in  any  degree  wounded,  whose  caprice 
was  not  indulged,  who  apprehended  censure  for  a  fault  which  his  care- 
lessness about  remaining  in  the  army  had  probably  seduced  him  to  com- 
mit, was  ready  to  throw  up  a  commission  which,  instead  of  being  valua- 
ble, was  a  burden  almost  too  heavy  to  be  borne. 

With  extreme  anxiety  the  Commander-in-chief  watched  the  progress 
of  a  temper  which,  though  just  commencing,  would  increase,  he  feared, 
with  the  cause  that  produced  it.  He  was,  therefore,  early  and  earnest  in 
pressing  the  consideration  of  this  important  subject  on  the  attention  of 
congress. 

The  weak  and  broken  condition  of  the  continental  regiments,  the 
strong  remonstrances  of  the  General,  the  numerous  complaints  received 
from  every  quarter,  determined  congress  to  depute  a  committee  to  reside 
in  camp  during  the  winter,  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  state  of 
the  army,  and  reporting  such  reforms  as  the  public  good  might  require. 

This  committee  repaired  to  head  quarters  in  the  month  of  January. 
The  Commander-in-chief  laid  before  them  a  general  statement, 
taking  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  condition  of  the  army, 
and  detailing  the  remedies  necessary  for  the  correction  of  existing  abuses, 
as  well  as  those  regulations  which  he  deemed  essential  to  its  future 
prosperity. 

This  paper,  exhibiting  the  actual  state  of  the  army,  discloses  defects 
of  real  magnitude  in  the  existing  arrangements.  In  perusing  it,  the 
reader  is  struck  with  the  numerous  difficulties,  in  addition  to  those  re- 
sulting from  inferiority  of  numbers,  with  which  the  American  general 
was  under  the  necessity  of  contending.  The  memorial  is  too  long  to  be 
inserted,  but  there  are  parts  which  ought  not  to  be  entirely  overlooked. 
The  neglect  of  the  very  serious  representation  it  contained  respecting  a 
future  permanent  provision  for  the  officers,  threatened,  at  an  after  period, 
to  be  productive  of  such  pernicious  effects,  that  their  insertion  in  this 
place  will  not,  it  is  presumed,  be  unacceptable. 

He  recommended  as  the  basis  of  every  salutary  reform,  a  comforta- 
ble provision  for  the  officers,  which  should  render  their  commissions  va- 
luable ;  to  effect  which  the  future,  as  well  as  the  present,  ought  to  be 
contemplated. 

"  A  long  and  continual  sacrifice  of  individual  interest  for  the  general 
good,  ought  not,"  he  said,  "  to  be  expected  or  required.  The  nature  of 


224  THE  LIFE  Ol 

man  must  be  changed,  before  institutions  built  on  the  presumptive  truth 
of  such  a  principle  can  succeed. 

"  This  position,"  he  added,  "  is  supported  by  the  conduct  of  the  officers 
of  the  American  army,  as  well  as  by  that  of  all  other  men.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  dispute,  in  the  first  effusions  of  zeal,  when  it  was  be- 
lieved the  service  would  be  temporary,  they  entered  into  it  without  re- 
gard to  pecuniary  considerations.  But  finding  its  duration  much  longer 
than  had  been  at  first  expected,  and  that,  instead  of  deriving  advantage 
from  the  hardships  and  dangers  to  which  they  are  exposed,  they  were, 
on  the  contrary,  losers  by  their  patriotism,  and  fell  far  short  of  even  a 
competency  for  their  wants,  they  have  gradually  abated  in  their  ar- 
dour ;  and,  with  many,  an  entire  disinclination  to  the  service,  under  pre- 
sent circumstances,  has  taken  place.  To  this,  in  an  eminent  degree, 
must  be  ascribed  the  frequent  resignations  daily  happening,  and  the  more 
frequent  importunities  for  permission  to  resign,  from  some  officers  of  the 
greatest  merit. 

"  To  this  also  may  be  ascribed  the  apathy,  inattention,  and  neglect  of 
duty,  which  pervade  all  ranks ;  and  which  will  necessarily  continue  and 
increase,  while  an  officer,  instead  of  gaining  any  thing,  is  impoverished 
by  his  commission,  and  conceives  he  is  conferring,  not  receiving  a  favour, 
in  holding  it.  There  can  be  no  sufficient  tie  on  men  possessing  such 
sentiments.  Nor  can  any  method  be  adopted  to  compel  those  to  a  punc- 
tual discharge  of  duty,  who  are  indifferent  about  their  continuance  in  the 
service,  and  are  often  seeking  a  pretext  to  disengage  themselves  from  it. 
Punishment,  in  this  case,  would  be  unavailing.  But  when  an  officer's 
commission  is  made  valuable  to  him,  and  he  fears  to  lose  it,  you  may 
exact  obedience  from  him. 

"  It  is  not  indeed  consistent  with  reason  or  justice  that  one  set  of  men 
should  make  a  sacrifice  of  property,  domestic  ease,  and  happiness ;  en- 
counter the  rigours  of  the  field,  the  perils  and  vicissitudes  of  war,  with- 
out some  adequate  compensation,  to  obtain  those  blessings  which  every 
citizen  will  enjoy  in  common  with  them.  It  must  also  be  a  comfortless 
reflection  to  any  man,  that,  after  he  may  have  contributed  to  secure  the 
rights  of  his  country,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  and  the  ruin  of  his  fortune, 
there  will  be  no  provision  made  to  prevent  himself  and  his  family,  from 
sinking  into  indigence  and  wretchedness." 

With  these  and  other  arguments,  General  Washington  recommended 
in  addition  to  present  compensation,  a  half  pay  and  pensionary  establish- 
ment for  the  army. 

"  I  urge  my  sentiments,"  said  he,  "  with  the  greater  freedom,  because 
I  can  not,  and  shall  not,  receive  the  smallest  benefit  from  the  establish- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  225 

ment ;  and  can  have  no  other  inducement  for  proposing  it,  than  a  full 
conviction  of  its  utility  and  propriety."         , 

The  wants  and  distresses  of  the  army,  when  actually  seen  by  the 
committee  of  congress,  made  a  much  deeper  impression  than  could  have 
been  received  from  any  statement  whatever.  They  endeavoured  to 
communicate  to  congress  the  sentiments  felt  by  themselves,  and  to  cor- 
rect the  errors  which  had  been  committed.  But  a  numerous  body,  if  it 
deliberate  at  all,  proceeds  slowly  in  the  conduct  of  executive  business ; 
and  will  seldom  afford  a  prompt  corrective  to  existing  mischiefs,  especial- 
ly to  those  growing  out  of  its  own  measures. 

Much  of  the  sufferings  of  the  army  was  attributed  to  mismanagement 
in  the  quartermaster's  4ePartment,  which,  notwithstanding  the  repeat- 
ed remonstrances  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  had  long  remained  with- 
out a  head.  This  subject  was  taken  up  early  by  the  committee,  and  pro- 
per representations  made  respecting  it.  But  congress  still  remained 
under  the  influence  of  those  opinions  which  had  already  produced  such 
mischievous  effects,  and  were  still  disposed  to  retain  the  subordinate  offi- 
cers of  the  department  in  a  state  of  immediate  dependence  on  their  own 
body.  In  this  temper,  they  proposed  a  plan  which,  not  being  approved 
in  camp,  was  never  carried  into  execution. 

While  congress  was  deliberating  on  the  reforms  proposed,  the  distress- 
es of  the  army  approached  their  acme,  and  its  dissolution  was  threaten- 
ed. Early  in  February,  the  commissaries  gave  notice  that  the  country, 
to  a  great  distance,  was  actually  exhausted ;  and  that  it  would  be  im- 
practicable to  obtain  supplies  for  the  army  longer  than  to  the  end  of  that 
month.  Already  the  threatened  scarcity  began  to  be  felt,  and  the  ra- 
tions issued  were  often  bad  in  quality,  and  insufficient  in  quantity.  Gene- 
ral Washington  found  it  necessary  again  to  interpose  his  personal  exer- 
tions to  procure  provisions  from  a  distance. 

In  the  apprehension  that  the  resources  of  the  commissary  department 
would  fail  before  the  distant  supplies  he  had  taken  measures  to  obtain 
could  reach  him,  and  that  the  enemy  designed  to  make  another  incur- 
sion into  the  country  around  Philadelphia,  forv  the  purpose  of  gleaning 
what  yet  remained  in  possession  of  the  inhabitants,  he  detached  General 
Wayne,  with  orders  to  seize  every  article  proper  for  the  use  of  an  army 
within  fifteen  miles  of  the  Delaware,  and  to  destroy  the  forage  on  the 
islands  between  Philadelphia  and  Chester. 

To  defeat  the  object  of  this  foraging  party,  the  inhabitants  concealed 
their  provisions  and  teams,  and  gave  to  the  country  every  appearance 
of  having  been  entirely  pillaged.     Before  any  sufficient  aid  could  be  ob 
U 


226  THE  LIFE  OF 

tained  by  these  means,  the  bread,  as  well  as  the  meat,  was  exhausted, 
and  famine  prevailed  in  camp. 

In  an  emergency  so  pressing,  the  Commander-in-chief  used  every  ef- 
fort to  feed  his  Hungry  army.  Parties  were  sent  out  to  glean  the  coun- 
try ;  officers  of  influence  were  deputed  to  Jersey,  Delaware  and  Mary- 
land ;  and  circular  letters  were  addressed  to  the  governors  of  states  by 
the  committee  of  congress  in  camp  and  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  de- 
scribing the  wants  of  the  army,  and  urging  the  greatest  exertions  for  its 
immediate  relief. 

Fortunately  for  America,  there  were  features  in  the  character  of 
Washington  which,  notwithstanding  the  discordant  materials  of  which 
his  army  was  composed,  attached  his  officers  an^  soldiers  so  strongly  to 
his  person,  that  no  distress  could  weaken  their  affection,  nor  impair  the 
respect  and  veneration  in  which  they  held  him.  To  this  sentiment  is  to 
be  attributed,  in  a  great  measure,  the  preservation  of  a  respectable  mili- 
tary force,  under  circumstances  but  too  well  calculated  for 'its  disso- 
lution. 

Through  this  severe  experiment  on  their  fortitude,  the  native  Ameri- 
cans persevered  steadily  in  the  performance  of  their  duty;  but  the  con- 
duct of  the  Europeans,  who  constituted  a  large  part  of  the  army,  was, 
to  a  considerable  extent,  less  laudable ;  and  at  no  period  of  the  war  was 
desertion  so  frequent  as  during  this  winter.  Aided  by  the  disaffected, 
deserters  eluded  the  vigilance  of  the  parties  who  watched  the  roads,  and 
great  numbers  escaped  into  Philadelphia  with  their  arms. 

In  a  few  days,  the  army  was  rescued  from  the  famine  with  which  it 
had  been  threatened,  and  considerable  supplies  of  provisions  were  laid 
up  in  camp.  It  was  perceived  that  the  difficulties  which  had  produced 
such  melancholy  effects,  were  created  more  by  the  want  of  due  exertion 
in  the  commissary  department,  and  by  the  efforts  of  the  people  to  save 
their  stock  for  a  better  market,  than  by  any  real  deficiency  of  food  in 
the  country. 

This  severe  demonstration  seems  to  have  convinced  congress  that 
.heir  favourite  system  wadt  radically  vicious,  and  the  subject  was  taken 
up  with  the  serious  intention  of  remodeling  the  commissary  department 
on  principles  recommended  by  experience.  But  such  were  the  delays 
inherent  in  the  organization  of  that  body,  that  the  new  system  was  not 
adopted  until  late  in  April. 

At  no  period  of  the  war  had  the  situation  of  the  American  army  been 
more  perilous  than  at  Valley  Forge.  Even  when  the  troops  were  not 
entirely  destitute  of  food,  their  stock  of  provisions  was  so  scanty  that  a 
quantity  sufficient  for  one  week  was  seldom  in  store.  Consequently, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  227 

had  General  Howe  moved  out  in  force,  the  American  army  could  not 
have  remained  in  camp ;  and  their  want  of  clothes  disabled  them  from 
keeping  the  field  in  the  winter.  The  returns  of  the  first  of  February 
exhibit  the  astonishing  number  of  three  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
eighty-nine  men  in  camp,  unfit  for  duty  for  want  of  clothes.  Scarcely 
one  man  of  these  had  a  pair  of  shoes.  Even  among  those  returned 
capable  of  doing  duty,  many  were  so  badly  clad,  that  exposure  to  the 
cold  of  the  season  must  have  destroyed  them.  Although  the  total  of  the 
army  exceeded  seventeen  thousand  men,  the  present  effective  rank  and 
file  amounted  to  only  five  thousand  and  twelve. 

While  the  sufferings  of  the  soldiers  filled  the  hospitals,  a  dreadful 
mortality  continued  to  prevail  in  those  miserable  receptacles  of  the  sick. 
A  violent  putrid  fever  swept  off  much  greater  numbers  than  all  the  dis- 
eases of  the  camp. 

If  then  during  the  deep  snow  which  covered  the  earth  for  a  great 
part  of  the  winter,  the  British  general  had  taken  the  field,  his  own  army 
would  indeed  have  suffered  greatly,  but  the  American  loss  is  not  to  be 
calculated. 

Happily,  the  real  condition  of  Washington  was  not  well  understood 
by  Sir  William  Howe ;  and  the  characteristic  attention  of  that  officer  to 
the  lives  and  comfort  of  his  troops,  saved  the  American  army.  Fortu- 
nately, he  confined  his  operations  to  those  small  excursions  that  were 
calculated  to  enlarge  the  comforts  of  his  own  soldiers,  who,  notwith- 
standing the  favourable  dispositions  of  the  neighbouring  country,  were 
much  distressed  for  fuel,  and  often  in  great  want  of  forage  and  fresh 
provisions.  The  vigilance  of  the  parties  on  the  lines,  especially  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Schuylkill,  intercepted  a  large  portion  of  the  supplies 
intended  for  the  Philadelphia  market ;  and  corporal  punishment  was  fre- 
quently inflicted  on  those  who  were  detected  in  attempting  this  infrac- 
tion of  the  laws.  As  Captain  Lee  was  particularly  active,  a  plan  was 
formed,  late  in  January,  to  surprise  and  capture  him  in  his  quarters. 
An  extensive  circuit  was  made  by  a  large  body  of  cavalry,  who  seized 
four  of  his  patroles  without  communica.tingfan  alarm.  About  break  of 
day  the  British  horse  appeared;  upon  which  Captain  Lee  placed  his 
troopers  that  were  in  the  house,  at  the  doors  and  windows,  who  behaved 
so  gallantly  as  to  repulse  the  assailants  without  losing  a  horse  or  man. 
Only  Lieutenant  Lindsay  and  one  private  were  wounded.  The  whole 
number  in  the  house  did  not  exceed  ten.*  That  of  the  assailants  was 
said  to  amount  to  two  hundred.  They  lost  a  sergeant  and  three  men 
with  several  horses,  killed ;  and  an  officer  and  three  men  wounded. 
*  Major  Jameson  was  accidentally  present,  and  engaged  in  this  skirmish. 


228  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  result  of  this  skirmish  gave  great  pleasure  to  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  who  had  formed  a  high  opinion  of  Lee's  talents  as  a  partisan.  He 
mentioned  the  affair  in  his  orders  with  strong  marks  of  approbation ; 
and,  in  a  private  letter  to  the  captain,  testified  the  satisfaction  he  felt. 
For  his  merit  through  the  preceding  campaign,  congress  promoted  him 
to  the  rank  of  major,  and  gave  him  an  independent  partisan  corps  to 
consist  of  three  troops  of  horse. 

While  the  deficiency  of  the  public  resources,  arising  from  the  alarm- 
ing depreciation  of  the  bills  of  credit,  manifested  itself  in  all  the  mili- 
tary departments,  a  plan  ^jas  matured  in  congress,  and  in  the  board  of 
war,  without  consulting  the  Commander-in-chief,  for  a  second  irruption 
into  Canada.  It  was  proposed  to  place  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  at  the 
head  of  this  expedition,  and  to  employ  Generals  Conway  and  Starke,  as 
the  second  and  third  in  command. 

This  young  nobleman,  possessing  an  excellent  heart,  and  all  the  mili- 
tary enthusiasm  of  his  country,  had  left  France  early  in  1777,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  will  of  his  sovereign,  to  engage  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States.  His  high  rank,  and  supposed  influence  at  the  court  of  Ver- 
sailles, secured  him  the  unlimited  respect  of  his  countrymen  in  Ame- 
rica; and,  added  to  his  frankness  of  manners  and  zeal  in  their  cause, 
recommended  him  strongly  to  congress.  While  the  claims  of  others  of 
the  same  country  to  rank  were  too  exhorbitant  to  be  gratified,  he  de- 
manded no  station  in  the  army;  would  consent  to  receive  no  compensa- 
tion, and  offered  to  serve  as  a  volunteer.  He  had  stipulated  with  Mr. 
Deane  for  the  rank  of  major  general  without  emolument ;  and,  on  his 
arrival  in  America,  that  rank  was  conferred  on  him,  but  without  any 
immediate  command.  In  that  capacity,  he  sought  for  danger,  and  was 
wounded  at  the  battle  of  Brandywine.  He  attached  himself  with  the 
ardour  of  youth  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  smoothed  the  way  to 
his  receiving  a  command  in  the  army  equal  to  his  rank. 

The  first  intimation  to  General  Washington  that  the  expedition  was 
contemplated,  was  given  in  a  letter  from  the  president  of  the  board  of 
war  of  the  24th  of  January,  inclosing  one  of  the  same  date  to  the  Mar- 
quis, requiring  the  attendance  of  that  nobleman  on  congress  to  receive 
his  instructions.  The  Commander-in-chief  was  requested  to  furnish 
Colonel  Hazen's  regiment,  chiefly  composed  of  Canadians,  for  the  expe- 
dition ;  and  in  the  same  letter,  his  advice  and  opinion  were  asked  respect- 
ing  it.  The  northern  states  were  to  furnish  the  necessary  troops. 

Without  noticing  the  manner  in  which  this  business  had  been  con- 
ducted, and  the  marked  want  of  confidence  it  betrayed,  General  Wash- 
ington ordered  Hazen's  regiment  to  march  towards  Albany ;  and  the 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  229 

Marquis  proceeded  immediately  to  the  seat  of  congress.  At  his  request, 
he  was  to  be  considered  as  an  officer  detached  from  the  army  of  Wash- 
ington, to  remain  under  his  orders,  and  Major  General  the  Baron  de 
Kalb  was  added  to  the  expedition ;  after  which  the  Marquis  repaired  in 
person  to  Albany  to  take  charge  of  the  troops  who  were  to  assemble  at 
that  place  in  order  to  cross  the  lakes  on  the  ice,  and  attack  Montreal. 

On  arriving  at  Albany,  he  found  no  preparations  made  for  the  expe- 
dition. Nothing  which  had  been  promised  being  in  readiness,  he  aban- 
doned the  enterprise  as  impracticable.  Some  time  afterward,  congress 
also  determined  to  relinquish  it;  and  General  Washington  was  autho- 
rized to  recall  both  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  and  the  Baron  de  Kalb. 

While  the  army  lay  at  Valley  Forge,  the  Baron  Steuben  arrived  in 
camp.  This  gentleman  was  a  Prussian  officer,  who  came  -to  the  United 
States  with  ample  recommendations.  He  was  said  to  have  served  many 
years  in  the  armies  of  the  great  Frederick ;  to  have  been  one  of  the 
aids  de  camp  of  that  consummate  commander;  and  to  have  held  the 
rank  of  lieutenant  general.  He  was,  unquestionably,  versed  in  the  sys- 
tem of  field  exercise  which  the  king  of  Prussia  had  introduced,  and 
was  well  qualified  to  teach  it  to  raw  troops.  He  claimed  no  rank,  and 
offered  to  render  his  services  as  a  volunteer.  After  holding  a  confer- 
ence with  congress,  he  proceeded  to  Valley  Forge. 

Although  the  office  of  inspector  general  had  been  bestowed  on  Con- 
way,  he  had  never  entered  on  its  duties ;  and  his  promotion  to  the  rank 
of  major  general  had  given  much  umbrage  to  the  brigadiers,  who  had 
been  his  seniors.  That  circumstance,  in  addition  to  the  knowledge  of  his 
being  in  a  faction  hostile  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  rendered  his  situa- 
tion in  the  army  so  uncomfortable,  that  he  withdrew  to  York,  in  Penn- 
sylvania, which  was  then  the  seat  of  congress.  When  the  expedition  to 
Canada  was  abandoned,  he  was  not  directed,  with  Lafayette  and  De 
Kalb,  to  rejoin  the  army.  Entertaining  no  hope  of  being  permitted  to 
exercise  the  functions  of  his  new  office,  he  resigned  his  commission  about 
the  last  of  April,  and,  some  time  afterwards,  returned  to  France.*  On 

*  General  Conway,  after  his  resignation,  frequently  indulged  in  expressions  of  ex- 
treme hostility  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  These  indiscretions  were  offensive  to  the 
gentlemen  of  the  army.  In  consequence  of  them,  he  was  engaged  in  an  altercation 
with  General  Cadwallader,  which  produced  a  duel,  in  which  Conway  received  a  wound, 
supposed  for  some  time  to  be  mortal.  While  his  recovery  was  despaired  of,  he  ad 
dressed  the  following  letter  to  General  Washington. 

Philadelphia,  July  23d,  1778. 

Sir, — I  find  myself  just  able  to  hold  the  pen  during  a  few  minutes,  and  take  this 
opportunity  of  expressing  my  sincere  grief  for  having  done,  written,  or  said  any  thing 
disagreeable  to  your  excellency.  My  career  will  soon  be  over,  therefore,  justice  and 


230  THE  LIFE  OF 

his  resignation,  the  Baron  Steuben,  who  had,  as  a  volunteer,  performed 
the  duties  of  inspector  general,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Command- 
er-in-chief, and  of  the  army,  was,  on  the  recommendation  of  General 
Washington,  appointed  to  that  office  with  the  rank  of  major  general, 
without  exciting  the  slightest  murmur. 

This  gentleman  was  of  real  service  to  the  American  troops.  He 
established  one  uniform  system  of  field  exercise ;  and,  by  his  skill  and 
persevering  industry,  effected  important  improvements  through  all  ranks 
of  the  army  during  its  continuance  at  Valley  Forge. 

While  it  was  encamped  at  that  place,  several  matters  of  great  interest 
engaged  the  attention  of  congress.  Among  them,  was  the 
stipulation  in  the  convention  of  Saratoga  for  the  return  of  the 
British  army  to  England.  Boston  was  named  as  the  place  of  embarka- 
tion. At  the  time  of  the  capitulation,  the  difficulty  of  making  that  port 
early  in  the  winter  was  unknown  to  General  Burgoyne.  Consequently, 
as  some  time  must  elapse  before  a  sufficient  number  of  vessels  for  the 
transportation  of  his  army  could  be  collected,  its  embarkation  might  be 
delayed  until  the  ensuing  spring. 

On  receiving  this  unwelcome  intelligence,  he  applied  to  General  Wash- 
ington to  change  the  port  of  embarkation,  and  to  substitute  Newport,  in 
Rhode  Island,  or  some  place  on  the  Sound,  for  Boston.  If  any  con- 
siderations not  foreseen  should  make  this  proposal  objectionable,  he  then 
solicited  this  indulgence  for  himself  and  his  suite.  This  request  was 
communicated  to  congress,  in  terms  favourable  to  that  part  of  the  appli- 
cation which  respected  General  Burgoyne  and  his  suite ;  but  the  objec- 
tions to  any  change  in  the  convention  which  might  expedite  the  trans- 
portation of  the  army,  were  too  weighty  to  be  disregarded ;  and  the 
general  pressed  them  earnestly  on  congress.  This  precaution  was  un- 
necessary. The  facility  with  which  the  convention  might  be  violated  by 
the  British,  and  the  captured  army  be  united  to  that  under  General  Howe, 
seems  to  have  suggested  itself  to  the  American  government,  as  soon  as 
the  first  rejoicings  were  over ;  and  such  was  its  then  existing  temper, 
that  the  faith  and  honour  of  British  officers  were  believed  to  be  no  secu- 
rities against  their  appearing  again  in  the  field.  Under  this  impression, 
a  resolution  had  passed  early  in  November,  directing  General  Heath  to 

truth  prompt  me  to  declare  my  last  sentiments.     You  are,  in  my  eyes,  the  great  and 
good  man.     May  you  long  enjoy  the  love,  veneration,  and  esteem  of  these  states. 
whose  liberties  you  have  asserted  by  your  virtues. 
I  am  with  the  greatest  respect,  sir, 

Your  excellency's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Pus. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  231 

transmit  to  the  board  of  war  a  descriptive  list  of  all  persons  comprehend 
ed  m  the  convention,  "  in  order  that,  if  any  officer,  soldier,  or  other  per- 
son of  the  said  army  should  hereafter  be  found' in  arms  against  these 
states  in  North  America,  during  the  present  contest,  he  might  be  con- 
victed of  the  offence,  and  suffer  the  punishment  in  such  case  inflicted  by 
the  law  of  nations." 

No  other  notice  was  taken  of  the  application  made  by  General  Bur- 
goyne  to  congress  through  the  Commander-in-chief,  than  to  pass  a  reso- 
lution "  that  General  Washington  be  directed  to  inform  General  Burgoyne 
that  congress  will  not  receive,  nor  consider,  any  proposition  for  indul- 
gence, nor  for  altering  the  terms  of  the  convention  of  Saratoga,  unless 
immediately  directed  to  their  own  body." 

Contrary  to  expectation,  a  fleet  of  transports  for  the  reception  of  the 
troops  reached  Rhode  Island,  on  its  way  to  Boston,  in  the  month  of  De- 
cember. But,  before  its  arrival,  the  preconceived  suspicions  of  congress 
had  ripened  into  conviction:  several  circumstances  combined  to  produce 
this  result.  General  Burgoyne,  dissatisfied  with  the  accommodations 
prepared  for  his  officers  in  Boston,  had,  after  a  fruitless  correspondence 
with  General  Heath,  addressed  a  letter  to  General  Gates,  in  which  he 
complained  of  the  inconvenient  quarters  assigned  his  officers,  as  a  breach 
of  the  articles  of  the  convention.  This  complaint  was  considered  by 
congress  as  being  made  for  the  purpose  of  letting  in  the  principle,  that 
the  breach  of  one  article  of  a  treaty  discharges  the  injured  party  from  its 
obligations. 

This  suspicion  was  strengthened  by  the  indiscreet  hesitation  of  General 
Burgoyne  to  permit  the  resolution  requiring  a  descriptive  list  of  his  troops 
to  be  executed.  His  subsequent  relinquishment  of  the  objection  did  not 
remove  the  impression  it  had  made. 

It  was  also  alleged,  that  the  number  of  transports  was  not  sufficient  to 
convey  the  troops  to  Europe ;  nor  was  it  believed  possible  that  Sir  Wil- 
liam Howe  could  have  laid  in,  so  expeditiously,  a  sufficient  stock  of  pro- 
visions for  the  voyage. 

These  objections  to  the  embarkation  of  Burgoyne's  troops  were 
strengthened  by  some  trivial  infractions  of  the  convention,  which,  it  was 
contended,  gave  congress  a  strict  right  to  detain  them.  It  was  stipulated 
that "  the  arms"  should  be  delivered  up ;  and  it  appeared  that  several 
cartouch  boxes  and  other  military  accoutrements,  supposed  to  be  com- 
prehended in  the  technical  term  arms,  had  been  detained.  This  was 
deemed  an  infraction  of  the  letter  of  the  compact,  which,  on  rigid  princi- 
ple, justified  the  measures  afterwards  adopted  by  congress. 

The  whole  subject  was  referred  to  a  committee  who  reported  all  the  cir 


232  THE  LIFE  OF 

eumstances  of  the  case,  whereupon  congress  came  to  several  resolutions, 

1778.     enumerating  the  facts  already  mentioned,  the  last  of  which 

Jan.  8.  was  jn  these  words  :  "  Resolved,  therefore,  that  the  embarka- 
tion of  Lieutenant  General  Burgoyne,  and  the  troops  under  his  command, 
be  suspended,  until  a  distinct  and  explicit  ratification  of  the  convention 
of  Saratoga  shall  be  properly  notified  by  the  court  of  Great  Britain  to 
congress." 

These  resolutions,  together  with  the  report  on  which  they  were  found- 
e'd,  were  transmitted  to  the  several  states,  and  to  General  Washington. 
Two  copies  of  them  were  sent  to  General  Heath,  with  directions  to  de- 
liver one  of  them  to  General  Burgoyne,  and  with  farther  directions,  "  to 
order  the  vessels  which  may  have  arrived,  or  which  shall  arrive,  for  the 
transportation  of  the  army  under  Lieutenant  General  Burgoyne,  to  quit, 
without  delay,  the  port  of  Boston." 

On  receiving  these  resolutions,  General  Burgoyne  addressed  a  letter 
to  congress,  containing  papers,  on  which  he  founded  a  defence  of  his 
conduct,  and  insisted  on  the  embarkation  of  his  army,  as  stipulated  in 
the  convention  ;  but  the  committee,  to  whom  .these  papers  were  referred, 
reported  their  opinion,  after  the  most  attentive  consideration  of  them,  to 
be,  "  that  nothing  therein  contained  was  sufficient  to  induce  congress  to 
recede  from  their  resolves  of  the  8th  of  January  last,  respecting  the  con- 
vention of  Saratoga.  This  application  was  accompanied  by  another  let- 
ter from  General  Burgoyne,  to  be  delivered  if  the  army  should  still  be 
detained,  in  which,  in  consideration  of  the  state  of  his  health,  he  soli- 
cited permission  to  return  to  England.  This  request  was  readily  granted. 

The  impression  made  on  the  British  nation  by  the  capitulation  of  Bur- 
goyne, notwithstanding  the  persevering  temper  of  the  king,  at  length 
made  its  way  into  the  cabinet,  and  produced  resolutions  in  favour  of 
pacific  measures. 

After  the  rejection  of  repeated  motions  made  by  the  opposition  mem- 
bers tending  to  the  abandonment  of  the  American  war,  Lord  North  gave 
notice,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  he  had  digested  a  plan  of  recon- 
ciliation which  he  designed  shortly  to  lay  before  the  house. 

In  conformity  with  this  notice,  he  moved  for  leave  to  bring  in,  "  first, 
A  bill  for  removing  all  doubts  and  apprehensions  concerning  taxation  by 
the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  in  any  of  the  colonies  and  plantations 
of  North  America. 

"  Second.  A  bill  to  enable  his  Majesty  to  appoint  commissioners  with 
sufficient  powers  to  treat,  consult,  and  agree  upon  the  means  of  quieting 
the  disorders  now  subsisting  in  certain  of  the  colonies  of  North  America." 

The  first  contained  a  declaration  that  Parliament  will  impose  no  tax 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  233 

or  duty  whatever  payable  within  any  of  the  colonies  of  North  America, 
except  only  such  duties  as  it  may  be  expedient  to  impose  for  the  purposes 
of  commerce,  the  net  produce  of  which  should  always  be  paid  and  ap- 
plied to  and  for  the  use  of  the  colonies  in  which  the  same  shall  be  re- 
spectively levied,  in  like  manner  as  other  duties  collected  under  the  au- 
thority of  their  respective  legislatures  are  ordinarily  paid  and  applied. 

The  second  authorized  the  appointment  of  commissioners  by  the  crown, 
with  power  to  treat  either  with  the  existing  governments,  or  with  indi- 
viduals, in  America;  provided  that  no  stipulations  which  might  be  enter- 
ed into  should  have  any  effect  until  approved  in  Parliament,  other  than 
is  afterward  mentioned. 

It  is  then  enacted,  that  the  commissioners  may  have  power  "  to  pro- 
claim a  cessation  of  hostilities  in  any  of  the  colonies,  to  suspend  the 
operation  of  the  non-intercourse  law ;  and  farther,  to  suspend,  during  the 
continuance  of  the  act,  so  much  of  all  or  any  of  the  acts  of  Parliament 
which  have  passed  since  the  10th  day  of  February,  1763,  as  relates  to 
the  colonies. 

"  To  grant  pardon  to  any  number  or  description  of  persons,  and  to 
appoint  a  governor  in  any  colony  in  which  his  majesty  had  heretofore 
exercised  the  power  of  making  such  appointments." 

These  bills  passed  both  houses  of  Parliament  with  inconsiderable  op- 
position. 

Intelligence  of  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  France  having 
been  received  by  the  minister  about  the  time  of  their  being  introduced, 
copies  of  them,  before  they  had  gone  through  the  requisite  forms,  were  hur- 
ried to  America,  to  be  laid  before  congress  and  the  public,  in  the  hope 
and  expectation  that  they  might  counteract  the  effects  which  it  was  fear- 
ed the  treaty  with  France  would  produce. 

General  Washington  received  early  information  of  their  arrival,  and 
entertained  serious  fears  of  their  operation.  He  was  apprehensive  that 
the  publication  of  a  proposition  for  the  restoration  of  peace  on  the  terms 
originally  required  by  America,  would  greatly  increase  the  numbers  of 
the  disaffected ;  and  immediately  forwarded  the  bills  to  congress  in  a 
letter  suggesting  the  policy  of  preventing  their  pernicious  influence  on 
the  public  mind  by  all  possible  means,  and  especially  through  the  medi- 
um of  the  press. 

This  letter  was  referred  to  a  co'mmittee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Morris, 
Drayton,  and  Dana,  by  whom  a  report  was  made;  investigating  the  bills 
with  great  acuteness  as  well  as  asperity.  This  report,  and  the  resolu- 
tions upon  it,  were  ordered  to  be  published.  Other  resolutions  were 
passed  the  succeeding  day,  recommending  it  to  the  states  to  pardon  un- 


234  THE  LIFE  OF 

der  such  limitations  as  they  might  think  proper  to  make,  such  of  their 
misguided  fellow-citizens  as  had  levied  war  against  the  United  States. 

This  resolution  was  accompanied  by  an  order  directing  it  to  be  print- 
ed  in  English  and  in  German,  and  requesting  General  Washington  to 
take  such  measures  as  he  should  deem  most  effectual  for  circulating  the 
copies  among  the  American  recruits  in  the  enemy's  army.* 

During  these  transactions,  the  frigate  La  Sensible  arrived  with  the 
important  intelligence  that  treaties  of  alliance  and  of  commerce,  had 
been  formed  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  France.  The 
treaties  themselves  were  brought  by  Mr.  Simeon  Deane,  the  brother  of 
the  American  Minister  in  Paris. 

This  event  had  long  been  anxiously  expected,  and  the  delay  attending 
it  had  been  such  as  to  excite  serious  apprehension  that  it  would  never 
take  place. 

France  was  still  extremely  sore  under  the  wounds  inflicted  during  the 
war  which  terminated  in  1763.  It  was  impossible  to  reflect  on  a  treaty 
which  had  wrested  from  her  so  fair  a  part  of  North  America,  without 
feeling  resentments  which  would  seek  the  first  occasion  of  gratification. 

The  growing  discontents  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies  were, 
consequently,  viewed  at  a  distance  with  secret  satisfaction ;  but  rather 
as  a  circumstance  which  might  have  some  tendency  to  weaken  and  em- 
barrass a  rival,  and  which  was  to  be  encouraged  from  motives  of  gene- 
ral policy,  than  as  one  from  which  any  definite  advantage  was  to  be 
derived.  France  appears,  at  that  time,  to  have  required,  and  wished  for, 
repose.  The  great  exertions  of  the  preceding  disastrous  war  had  so  de- 
ranged her  finances,  that  the  wish  to  preserve  peace  seems  to  have  pre- 
dominated in  her  cabinet.  The  young  monarch,  who  had  just  ascended 
the  throne,  possessed  a  pacific  unambitious  temper,  and  the  councils  of 
the  nation  were  governed  by  men  alike  indisposed  to  disturb  the  general 
tranquillity.  The  advice  they  gave  the  monarch  was,  to  aid  and  en- 
courage the  colonies  secretly,  in  order  to  prevent  a  reconciliation  with 
the  mother  country,  and  to  prepare  privately  for  hostilities,  by  improving 
his  finances,  and  strengthening  his  marine ;  but  to  avoid  every  thing 
which  might  give  occasion  for  open  war.  The  system  which  for  a  time 

*  This  request  afforded  the  Commander-in-chief  a  fair  retort  on  Major  General 
Tryon.  That  officer  had  addressed  a  letter  to  him  enclosing  the  bills  brought  into 
Parliament,  and  containing,  to  use  the  language  of  General  Washington  himself, 
"  the  more  extraordinary  and  impertinent  request"  that  their  contents  should  be  com- 
municated through  him  to  the  army.  General  Washington  now  acknowledged  the 
receipt  of  this  letter,  and,  in  return,  enclosed  to  Governor  Tryon  copies  of  the  reso- 
lution just  mentioned,  with  a  request  that  he  would  be  instrumental  in  making  them 
known  to  the  persons  on  whom  they  were  to  operate. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  235 

regulated  the  cabinet  of  Versailles,  conformed  to  this  advice.  While 
the  utmost  attention  was  paid  to  the  Minister  of  Britain,  and  every  mea- 
sure to  satisfy  him  was  openly  taken,  intimation  was  privately  given  to 
those  of  the  United  States,  that  these  measures  were  necessary  for  the 
present,  but  they  might  be  assured  of  the  good  will  of  the  French  gov- 
ernment. 

During  the  public  demonstration  of  dispositions  favourable  to  England, 
means  were  taken  to  furnish  aids  of  ammunition  and  arms,  and  to  fa- 
cilitate the  negotiation  of  loans  to  the  United  States ;  and  the  owners  of 
American  privateers,  though  forbidden  to  sell  their  prizes,  or  to  procure 
their  condemnation,  found  means  to  dispose  of  them  privately. 

Meanwhile,  another  party  was  formed  in  the  cabinet,  to  whose  politi- 
cal system  subsequent  events  gave  the  ascendency.  Its  avowed  object 
was  to  seize  the  present  moment  to  revenge  past  injuries,  humble  the 
haughty  rival  of  France,  and  dismember  her  empire. 

Matters  remained  in  a  fluctuating  state  until  December,  1777.  Pri- 
vately encouraged,  but  discountenanced  publicly,  the  prospects  of  the 
American  Ministers  varied  according  to  the  complexion  of  American 
affairs. 

Intelligence  of  the  convention  of  Saratoga  reached  France  early  in 
December,  1777.  The  American  deputies  took  that  opportunity  to  press 
the  treaty  which  had  been  under  consideration  for  the  preceding  twelve 
months ;  and  to  urge  the  importance,  at  this  juncture,  when  Britain  would, 
most  probably,  make  proposals  for  an  accommodation,*  of  communicating 
to  congress,  precisely,  what  was  to  be  expected  from  France  and  Spain. 

They  were  informed  by  M.  Girard,  one  of  the  secretaries  of  the 
king's  council  of  state,  that  it  was  determined  to  acknowledge  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States,  and  to  make  a  treaty  with  them.  That 
his  Most  Christian  Majesty  was  resolved  not  only  to  acknowledge,  but 
to  support  their  independence.  That  in  doing  this,  he  might  probably 
soon  be  engaged  in  a  war ;  yet  he  should  not  expect  any  compensation 
from  the  United  States  on  that  account ;  nor  was  it  pretended  that  he 
acted  wholly  for  their  sakes ;  since,  besides  his  real  good  will  to  them, 
it  was  manifestly  the  interest  of  France  that  the  power  of  England 
should  be  diminished  by  the  separation  of  her  colonies.  The  only  con- 
dition he  should  require  would  be  that  the  United  States,  in  no  peace  to 
be  made,  should  give  up  their  independence,  and  return  to  their  obedi- 
ence to  the  British  government. 

*  Congress,  in  their  first  instructions  to  their  commissioners,  directed  them  to  press 
the  immediate  declaration  of  France  in  favour  of  the  United  States,  by  suggesting 
that  a  reunion  with  Great  Britain  might  be  the  consequence  of  delay. — Secret  Jour- 
nals of  Congress,  v.  ii.  p.  30. 


236  THE  LIFE  OF 

On  determining  to  take  this  decisive  course,  the  cabinet  of  Versailles 
had  despatched  a  courier  to  his  Catholic  majesty  with  information  of  the 
line  of  conduct  about  to  be  pursued  by  France.  On  his  return,  the  nego- 
tiation was  taken  up  in  earnest,  and  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  commerce 
was  soon  concluded.  This  was  accompanied  by  a  treaty  of  alliance 
eventual  and  defensive  between  the  two  nations,  in  which  it  was  de- 
clared, that  if  war  should  break  out  between  France  and  England  during 
the  existence  of  that  with  the  United  States,  it  should  be  made  a  com- 
mon cause ;  and  that  neither  of  the  contracting  parties  should  conclude 
either  truce  or  peace  with  Great  Britain  without  the  formal  consent  of 
the  other,  first  obtained ;  and  they  mutually  engaged  "  not  to  lay  down 
their  arms  until  the  independence  of  the  United  States  shall  have  been 
formally,  or  tacitly  assured  by  the  treaty,  or  treaties  that  shall  terminate 
the  war." 

It  was  the  wish  of  the  ministers  of  the  United  States  to  engage  France 
immediately  in  the  war;  and  to  make  the  alliance,  not  eventual,  but 
positive.  This  proposition  however  was  rejected. 

In  a  few  weeks  after  the  conclusion  of  these  negotiations,  the  Marquis 
de  Noailles  announced  officially  to  the  court  of  London,  the  treaty  of 
friendship  and  commerce  France  had  formed  with  the  United  States. 
The  British  government,  considering  this  notification  as  a  declaration 
of  war,  published  a  memorial  for  the  purpose  of  justifying  to  all  Europe 
the  hostilities  it  had  determined  to  commence. 

Soon  after  their  commencement,  the  Count  de  Vergennes  received 
private  intelligence  that  it  was  contemplated  in  the  cabinet  of  London  to 
offer  to  the  United  States  an  acknowledgment  of  their  independence  as 
the  condition  of  a  separate  peace.  He  immediately  communicated  this 
intelligence  to  the  American  ministers,  requesting  them  to  lose  no  time 
in  stating  to  congress  that,  though  war  was  not  declared  in  form,  it  had 
commenced  in  fact ;  and  that  he  considered  the  obligations  of  the  treaty 
of  alliance  as  in  full  force ;  consequently  that  neither  party  was  now  at 
liberty  to  make  a  separate  peace.  Instructions  of  a  similar  import  were 
given  to  the  minister  of  France  in  the  United  States. 

The  despatches  containing  these  treaties  were  received  by  the  presi- 
dent on  Saturday  the  second  of  May,  after  congress  had  adjourned. 
That  body  was  immediately  convened,  the  despatches  were  opened,  and 
their  joyful  contents  communicated. 

In  the  exultation  of  the  moment,  the  treaty  of  alliance,  as  well  as  that 
of  commerce  and  friendship  was  published;  a  circumstance  which,  not 
without  reason,  gave  umbrage  to  the  cabinet  of  Versailles ;  because  that 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  237 

treaty,  being  only  eventual,  ought  not  to  have  been  communicated  to  the 
public  but  by  mutual  consent. 

From  this  event,  which  was  the  source  of  universal  exultation  to  the 
friends  «f  the  revolution,  the  attention  must  be  directed  to  one  which  was 
productive  of  very  different  sensations. 

Among  the  various  improvements  which  struggling  humanity  has 
gradually  engrafted  on  the  belligerent  code,  none  have  contributed  more 
to  diminish  the  calamities  of  war,  than  those  which  meliorate  the  condi- 
tion of  prisoners.  No  obligations  will  be  more  respected  by  the  gene- 
rous and  the  brave;  nor  are  there  any,  the  violation  of  which  could 
wound  the  national  character  more  deeply,  or  expose  it  to  more  lasting 
or  better  merited  reproach. 

In  wars  between  nations  nearly  equal  in  power,  and  possessing  rights 
acknowledged  to  be  equal,  a  departure  from  modern  usage  in  this  re- 
spect is  almost  unknown ;  and  the  voice  of  the  civilized  world  would  be 
raised  against  the  potentate  who  could  adopt  a  system  calculated  to  re- 
establish the  rigours  and  misery  of  exploded  barbarism.  But  in  con- 
tests between  different  parts  of  the  same  empire,  those  practices  which 
mitigate  the  horrors  of  war  yield,  too  frequently,  to  the  calculations  of 
a  blind  and  erring  resentment.  The  party  which  supports  the  ancient 
state  of  things,  often  treats  resistance  as  rebellion,  and  captives  as  trai- 
tors. The  opposite  party,  supporting  also  by  the  sword  principles  be- 
lieved to  be  right,  will  admit  of  no  departure  from  established  usage,  to 
its  prejudice ;  and  may  be  expected,  if  possessing  the  power,  to  endea- 
vour, by  retaliating  injuries,  to  compel  the  observance  of  a  more  just 
and  humane  system.  But  they  participate  in  the  fault  imputable  to 
their  adversaries,  by  manifesting  a  disposition  to  punish  those  whom 
*hey  deem  traitors,  with  the  same  severity  of  which  they  so  loudly  and 
justly  complain,  when  they  are  themselves  its  victims. 

General  Gage,  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the  British  army,  in  the 
harshness  of  spirit  which  had  been  excited  while  governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, not  only  threw  all  his  prisoners  into  a  common  jail,  but  reject- 
ed every  proposition  for  an  exchange  of  them.  When  the  command 
devolved  on  Sir  William  Howe,  this  absurd  system  was  abandoned,  and 
an  exchange*  took  place  to  a  considerable  extent.  But  the  Americans 

*  In  the  execution  of  this  agreement,  the  inconveniences  arising  from  having  com- 
mitted the  custody  of  prisoners  to  the  several  states,  was  severely  felt.  In  addition 
to  the  delay  inseparable  from  the  necessity  of  inquiring  for  them,  and  collecting  them 
from  different  places,  they  were  often  sent  in  without  the  knowledge  of  General 
Washington ;  and,  in  some  instances,  they  passed  unobserved,  with  permits  from  a 
state  government,  through  his  camp,  into  that  of  the  enemy.  These  irregularities, 

VOL.  i.        V  16 


238  THE  LIFE  OF 

had  not  made  a  sufficient  number  of  prisoners  to  relieve  all  their  citi- 
zens, and  many  of  them  still  remained  in  confinement.  Representations 
were  continually  received  from  these  unfortunate  men,  describing  in 
strong  terms,  the  severity  of  their  treatment.  They  complained  of  suf- 
fering almost  the  extremity  of  famine,  that  even  the  supply  of  provisions 
allowed  them  was  unsound,  and  that  they  were  crowded  into  prison 
ships,  where  they  became  the  victims  of  disease. 

When  charged  with  conduct  so  unworthy  of  his  character  and  sta 
tion,  Sir  William  Howe  positively  denied  its  truth. 

It  would  be  unjust  to  ascribe  this  excess  of  inhumanity  to  an  officer 
who,  though  perhaps  severe  in  his  temper,  did  not  mingle  cruelties  in  his 
general  system,  which  would  excite  universal  indignation  in  other  wars. 
It  must  be  admitted  that  his  supplies  of  provisions  were  neither  good 
nor  abundant;  and  that  the  American  soldiers,  in  their  own  camp,  were 
unhealthy.  But  the  excessive  mortality  prevailing  among  the  prisoners 
can  be  accounted  for  on  no  ordinary  principles ;  and  the  candid,  who 
were  least  inclined  to  criminate  without  cause,  have  ever  been  persuaded 
that,  if  his  orders  did  not  produce  the  distress  which  existed,  his  autho- 
rity was  not  interposed  with  sufficient  energy,  to  correct  the  abuses 
which  prevailed. 

The  capture  of  General  Lee  furnished  an  additional  ground  of  con- 
troversy on  the  subject  of  prisoners.  As  he  had  been  an  officer  in  the 
British  service,  whose  resignation  had  not,  perhaps,  been  received  when 
he  entered  into  that  of  America,  a  disposition  was,  at  first,  manifested 
to  consider  him  as  a  deserter,  and  he  was  closely  confined.  On  receiv- 
ing information  of  this  circumstance,  congress  directed  General  Howe 
to  be  assured  that  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell,  and  five  Hessian  field- 
officers,  should  be  detained,  and  should  experience  precisely  the  fate  of 
General  Lee.  These  officers  were  taken  into  close  custody,  and  inform- 
ed that  the  resolution  announced  to  General  Howe  should  be  strictly 
enforced. 

The  sentiments  of  the  Commander-in-chief  on  the  subject  of  retalia- 
tion, seem  to  have  been  less  severe  than  those  of  congress.  So  great 
was  his  abhorrence  of  the  cruelties  such  a  practice  must  generate,  that 
he  was  unwilling  to  adopt  it  in  any  case  not  of  absolute  and  apparent 
necessity.  Not  believing  that  of  General  Lee  to  be  such  a  case,  he 
remonstrated  strongly  against  these  resolutions.  But  congress  remained 
inflexible;  and  the  officers  designated  as  the  objects  of  retaliation,  were 

and  the  remonstrances  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  at  length,  induced  congress  to  ap- 
point a  commissary  of  prisoners. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  233 

kept  in  rigorous  confinement  until  General  Lee  was  declared  to  be  a  pri- 
soner of  war.* 

The  resolutions  of  congress  respecting  the  prisoners  taken  at  the 
Cedars,  were  also  the  source  of  much  embarrassment  and  chagrin  to  the 
Commander-in-chief.  Alleging  that  the  capitulation  had  been  violated 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  and  that  the  savages  had  been  permitted  to 
murder  some  of  the  prisoners,  and  to  plunder  others,  they  withheld  their 
sanction  from  the  agreement  entered  into  by  General  Arnold  with  Cap- 
tain Forster,  and  refused  to  allow  other  prisoners  to  be  returned  in  ex- 
change for  those  liberated  under  that  agreement,  until  the  murderers 
should  be  given  up,  and  compensation  made  for  the  baggage  said  to 
have  been  plundered.  As  the  fact  alleged  was  not  clearly  established, 
Sir  William  Howe  continued  to  press  General  Washington  on  this  sub- 
ject. Reminding  him  of  the  importance  of  a  punctilious  observance  of 
faith,  plighted  in  engagements  like  that  made  by  General  Arnold,  he  per- 
sisted to  hold  the  Commander-in-chief  personally  bound  for  an  honour- 
able compliance  with  military  stipulations  entered  into  by  an  officer  under 
his  authority. 

General  Washington,  feeling  the  keenness  of  the  reproach,  pressed 
congress  to  change  their  resolution  on  this  subject ;  but  his  remonstrances 
were,  for  a  long  time,  unavailing. 

After  the  sufferings  of  the  prisoners  in  New  York  had  been  extreme, 
and  great  numbers  had  perished  in  confinement,  the  survivors  were  libe- 
rated for  the  purpose  of  being  exchanged ;  but  so  miserable  was  their  con- 
dition, that  many  of  them  died  on  their  way  home.  For  the  dead  as  well 
as  the  living,  General  Howe  claimed  a  return  of  prisoners,  while  General 
Washington  contended  that  reasonable  deductions  should  be  made  for 
those  who  were  actually  dead,  of  diseases  under  which  they  laboured 
when  permitted  to  leave  the  British  prisons. 

Until  this  claim  should  be  admitted,  General  Howe  rejected  any  par- 
tial exchange.  General  Washington  was  immoveable  in  his  determina- 
tion to  repel  it ;  and  thus  all  hope  of  being  relieved  in  the  ordinary  mode 
appeared  to  be  taken  from  those  whom  the  fortune  of  war  had  placed  in 
the  power  of  the  enemy. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  sufferings  of  the  American  prisoners  increased 
with  the  increasing  severity  of  the  season.  Information  continued  to  bu 
received,  that  they  suffered  almost  the  extremity  of  famine.  Repeated 
remonstrances,  made  on  this  subject  to  the  British  general,  were  an- 
swered by  a  denial  of  the  fact.  He  continued  to  aver  that  the  same 
food,  both  in  quantity  and  quality,  was  issued  to  the  prisoners,  as  to 

*  See  note  No.  XII.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


240  THE  LIFE  OF 

British  troops  when  in  transports,  or  elsewhere,  not  on  actual  duty ;  and 
that  every  tenderness  was  extended  to  them,  which  was  compatible  with 
the  situation  of  his  army.  -He  yielded  to  the  request  made  by  General 
Washington  to  permit  a  commissary  to  visit  the  jails,  and  demanded 
passports  for  an  agent  to  administer  to  the  wants  of  British  prisoners. 

When  Mr.  Boudinot,  the  American  commissary  of  prisoners,  who  was 
appointed  by  General  Washington  to  visit  the  jails  in  Philadelphia,  met 
Mr.  Ferguson,  the  British  commissary,  he  was  informed  that  General 
Howe  thought  it  unnecessary  for  him  to  come  into  the  city,  as  he  would 
himself  inspect  the  situation  and  treatment  of  the  prisoners.  There  is 
reason  ^to  believe  that  their  causes  of  complaint,  so  far  as  respected  pro- 
visions, did  not  exist  afterwards  in  the  same  degree  as  formerly ;  and  that 
the  strong  measures  subsequently  taken  by  congress,  were  founded  on 
facts  of  an  earlier  date. 

But  clothes  and  blankets  were  also  necessary,  and  the  difficulty  of  fur- 
nishing them  was  considerable.  General  Howe  would  not  permit  the 
purchase  of  those  articles  in  Philadelphia ;  and  they  were  not  attainable 
elsewhere. 

To  compel  him  to  abandon  this  distressing  restriction,  and  to  permit 
the  use  of  paper  money  within  the  British  lines,  congress  resolved,  that 
no  prisoner  should  be  exchanged  until  all  the  expenditures  made  in  pa- 
per for  the  supplies  they  received  from  the  United  States,  should  be  repaid 
in  specie,  at  the  rate  of  four  shillings  and  sixpence  for  each  dollar.  They 
afterwards  determined,  that  from  the  1st  day  of  February,  no  British 
commissary  should  be  permitted  to  purchase  any  provisions  for  the  use 
of  prisoners  west  of  New  Jersey,  but  that  all  supplies  for  persons  of  that 
description  should  be  furnished  from  British  stores. 

Sir  William  Howe  remonstrated  against  the  last  resolution  with  great 
strength  and  justice,  as  a  decree  which  doomed  a  considerable  number 
of  prisoners,  far  removed  into  the  country,  to  a  slow  and  painful  death 
by  famine ;  since  it  was  impracticable  to  supply  them  immediately  from 
Philadelphia.  The  severity  of  this  order,  was  in  some  degree  mitigated 
by  a  resolution  that  each  British  commissary  of  prisoners  should  receive 
provisions  from  the  American  commissary  of  purchases,  to  be  paid  for 
in  specie,  according  to  the  resolution  of  the  19th  of  December,  1777. 

About  the  same  time,  an  order  was  hastily  given  by  the  board  of  war, 
which  produced  no  inconsiderable  degree  of  embarrassment ;  and  exposed 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  strictures  not  less  severe  than  those  he  had 
applied  to  the  British  general. 

General  Washington  had  consented  that  a  quartermaster,  with  a  small 
escort,  should  come  out  of  Philadelphia,  with  clothes  and  other  comforts 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  241 

for  the  prisoners  who  were  in  possession  of  the  United  States.     He  had 
expressly  stipulated  for  their  security,  and  had  given  them  a  passport. 

While  they  were  travelling  through  the  country,  information  was  given 
to  the  board  of  war  that  General  Howe  had  refused  to  permit  provisions 
to  be  sent  in  to  the  American  prisoners  in  Philadelphia  by  water.  This 
information  was  not  correct.  General  Howe  had  only  requested  that 
flags  should  not  be  sent  up  or  down  the  river  without  previous  permis- 
sion obtained  from  himself.  On  this  information,  however,  the  board 
ordered  Lieutenant  Colonel  Smith  immediately  to  seize  the  officers, 
though  protected  by  the  passport  of  General  Washington,  their  horses, 
carriages,  and  the  provisions  destined  for  the  relief  of  the  British  prison- 
ers; and  to  secure  them  until  farther  orders,  either  from  the  board  or 
from  the  Commander-in-chief. 

General  Washington,  on  hearing  this  circumstance,  despatched  one«of 
his  aids  with  orders  for  the  immediate  release  of  the  persons  and  pro- 
perty which  had  been  confined ;  but  the  officers  refused  to  proceed  on 
their  journey,  and  returned  to  Philadelphia.* 

This  untoward  event  was  much  regretted  by  the  Commander-in-chief. 
In  a  letter  received  some  dme  afterwards,  General  Howe,  after  ex- 
pressing his  willingness  that  the  American  prisoners  should  be  visited 
by  deputy  commissaries,  who  should  inspect  their  situation,  and  supply 
their  wants  required,  as  the  condition  on  which  this  indulgence  should 
be  granted,  "  that  a  similar  permit  should  be  allowed  to  persons  appoint- 
ed by  him,  which  should  be  accompanied  with  the  assurance  of  General 
Washington,  that  his  authority  will  have  sufficient  weight  to  prevent  any 
interruption  to  their  progress,  and  any  insult  to  their  persons."  This 
demand  was  ascribed  to  the  treatment  to  which  officers  under  the  pro- 
tection of  his  passport  had  already  been  exposed. 

General  Washington  lamented  the  impediment  to  the  exchange  of 
prisoners,  which  had  hitherto  appeared  to  be  insuperable ;  and  made  re- 
peated, but  ineffectual  efforts  to  remove  it.  General  Howe  had  uniformly 
refused  to  proceed  with  any  cartel,  unless  his  right  to  claim  for  all  the 
diseased  and  infirm,  whom  he  had  liberated,  should  be  previously  ad- 
mitted. 

At  length,  after  all  hope  of  inducing  him  to  recede  from  that  high 
ground  had  been  abandoned,  he  suddenly  relinquished  it  of  his  own  ac- 
cord, and  acceded  completely  to  the  proposition  of  General  Washington 
for  the  meeting  of  commissioners,  in  order  to  settle  equitably  the  num- 
ber to  which  he  should  be  entitled  for  those  he  had  discharged  in  the 
preceding  winter.  This  point  being  adjusted,  commissaries  were  mu- 

*  They  alleged  that  their  horses  had  been  disabled,  arid  the  clothing  embezzled. 


242  THE  LIFE  OF 

tually  appointed,  who  were  to  meet  on  the  10th  of  March,  in  Gcrrrian- 
town,  to  arrange  the  details  of  a  general  cartel. 

The  Commander-in-chief  had  entertained  no  doubt  of  his  authority  to 
enter  into  this  agreement.  On  the  fourth  of  March,  however,  he  had 
the  mortification  to  perceive  in  a  newspaper,  a  resolution  of  congress 
calling  on  the  several  states  for  the  amounts  of  supplies  furnished  the 
prisoners,  that  they  might  be  adjusted  according  to  the  rule  of  the  10th 
of  December,  before  the  exchange  should  take  place. 

On  seeing  this  embarrassing  resolution,  General  Washington  address- 
ed a  letter  to  Sir  William  Howe,  informing  him  that  particular  circum- 
stances had  rendered  it  inconvenient  for  the  American  commissioners  to 
attend  at  the  time  appointed,  and  requesting  that  their  meeting  should 
be  deferred  from  the  10th  to  the  21st  of  March.  The  interval  was  suc- 
cessfully employed  in  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  resolution. 

It  would  seem  probable  that  the  dispositions  of  congress  on  the  sub- 
ject of  an  exchange,  did  not  correspond  with  those  of  General  Wash- 
ington. From  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  military  establishment 
of  the  United  States  at  its  commencement,  an  exchange  of  prisoners 
would  necessarily  strengthen  the  British,  much  more  than  the  American 
army.  The  war  having  been  carried  on  by  troops  raised  for  short  times, 
aided  by  militia,  the  American  prisoners,  when  exchanged,  returned  to 
their  homes  as  citizens,  while  those  of  the  enemy  again  took  the  field. 

General  Washington,  who  was  governed  by  a  policy  more  just,  and 
more  permanently  beneficial,  addressed  himself  seriously  to  congress, 
urging,  as  well  the  injury  done  the  public  faith,  and  his  own  personal 
honour,  by  this  infraction  of  a  solemn  engagement,  as  the  cruelty  and 
impolicy  of  a  system  which  must  cut  off  for  ever  all  hopes  of  an  ex- 
change, and  render  imprisonment  as  lasting  as  the  war.  He  represented 
in  strong  terms  the  effect  such  a  measure  must  have  on  the  troops  on 
whom  they  should  thereafter  be  compelled  chiefly  to  rely,  and  its  im- 
pression on  the  friends  of  those  already  in  captivity.  These  remon- 
strances produced  the  desired  effect,  and  the  resolutions  were  repealed. 
The  commissioners  met  according  to  the  second  appointment ;  but,  on 
examining  their  powers,  it  appeared  that  those  given  by  General  Wash- 
ington were  expressed  to  be  in  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  him ; 
while  those  given  by  Sir  William  Howe  contained  no  such  declaration. 

This  omission  produced  an  objection  on  the  part  of  the  United  States; 
but  General  Howe  refused  to  change  the  language,  alleging  that  he  de- 
signed the  treaty  to  be  of  a  personal  nature,  founded  on  the  mutual  con- 
fidence and  honour  of  the  contracting  generals ;  and  had  no  intention 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  243 

either  to  bind  his  government,  or  to  extend  the  cartel  beyond  the  limits 
and  duration  of  his  own  command. 

This  explanation  being  unsatisfactory  to  the  American  commissioners, 
and  General  Howe  persisting  in  his  refusal  to  make  the  required  al- 
teration in  his  powers,  the  negotiation  was  broken  off,  and  this  fair  pros- 
pect of  terminating  the  distresses  of  numerous  unfortunate  persons  passed 
away,  without  effecting  the  good  it  had  promised. 

Some  time  after  the  failure  of  this  negotiation  for  a  general  cartel,  Sir 
William  Howe  proposed  that  all  prisoners  actually  exchangeable  should 
be  sent  in  to  the  nearest  posts,  and  returns  made  of  officer  for  officer  of 
equal  rank,  and  soldier  for  soldier,  as  far  as  numbers  would  admit ;  and 
that  if  a  surplus  of  officers  should  remain,  they  should  be  exchanged  for 
an  equivalent  in  privates. 

On  the  representations  of  General  Washington,  congress  acceded  to 
this  proposition,  so  far  as  related  to  the  exchange  of  officer  for  officer, 
and  soldier  for  soldier ;  but  rejected  the  part  which  admitted  an  equiva- 
lent in  privates  for  a  surplus  of  officers,  because  the  officers  captured  with 
Burgoyne  were  exchangeable  within  the  powers  of  General  Howe.  Un- 
der this  agreement,  an  exchange  took  place  to  a  considerable  extent;  but 
as  the  Americans  had  lost  more  prisoners  than  they  had  taken,  unless 
the  army  of  Burgoyne  should  be  brought  into  computation,  many  of  their 
troops  were  still  detained  in  captivity. 


244  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Incursion  into  Jersey. — General  Lacy  surprised. — Attempt  on  Lafayette  at  Barren  hilL 
— General  Howe  resigns  the  command  of  the  British  army. — Is  succeeded  by  Sii 
H.  Clinton. — He  evacuates  Philadelphia,  and  marches  through  the  Jerseys. — A 
council  of  war  which  decides  against  attacking  the  British  on  their  march. — Battle 
of  Monmouth. — General  Lee  arrested. — Sentenced  to  be  suspended  for  one  year. — 
Thanks  of  Congress  to  General  Washington  and  his  army. 

THE  position  at  Valley  Forge  had  been  taken  for  the  purposes  of 
covering  the  country,  protecting  the  magazines,  and  cutting 
off  all  supplies  to  Philadelphia.  Although  the  intercourse  of 
the  inhabitants  with  that  place  could  not  be  entirely  prevented ;  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  British  army  from  the  scarcity  of  fresh  provisions  and 
forage  were  considerable ;  and,  as  the  spring  opened,  several  expeditions 
were  undertaken  both  to  relieve  their  own  wants,  and  to  distress  the  army 
of  the  United  States. 

About  the  middle  of  March,  Colonel  Mawhood  and  Major  Simcoe,  who 
were  detached  into  Jersey  at  the  head  of  about  twelve  hundred  men, 
landed  at  Salem,  nearly  opposite  Reedy  Island,  and  dispersed  the  small 
bodies  of  militia  who  were  stationed  in  that  part  of  the  country. 

General  Washington  had  given  early  intelligence  of  this  expedition  to 
Governor  Livingston ;  and  had  requested  that  he  would  immediately 
order  out  the  militia  to  join  Colonel  Shreve,  whose  regiment  was  de- 
tached into  Jersey;  but  the  legislature  had  neglected  to  make  provision 
for  paying  them ;  and  the  governor  could  not  bring  them  into  the  field. 
Colonel  Shreve,  on  his  arrival  at  Haddonfield,  the  place  at  which  they 
had  been  directed  to  assemble,  found  less  than  one  hundred  men. 
Colonel  Ellis,  their  commanding  officer,  remarked,  in  a  letter  to 
the  governor,  that  "  without  some  standing  force,  little  was  to 
be  expected  from  the  militia,  who,  being  alone  not  sufficient  to  prevent 
the  incursions  of  the  enemy,  each  one  naturally  consults  his  own  safety, 
by  not  being  found  in  arms." 

Mawhood,  of  course,  was  unrestrained ;  and  the  devastation  committed 
by  his  party  was  wantonly  distressing.  Its  course  of  destruction  was 
preceded  by  a  summons  to  Colonel  Hand,  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
militia,  to  lay  down  his  arms,  which  was  accompanied  with  a  threat  of 
the  consequences  to  result  from  his  refusal.  This  threat  was  too  faith- 
fully  executed. 

After  completing  his  forage,  without  molestation,  Mawhood  returned 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  245 

to  Philadelphia.  During  the  continuance  of  this  incursion,  which  lasted 
six  or  seven  days,  not  more  than  two  hundred  men  could  be  collected  to 
reinforce  Colonel  Shreve,  who  was  consequently  unable  to  effect  any 
thing,  and  did  not  even  march  to  the  lower  parts  of  Jersey,  which  were 
plundered  without  restraint.* 

Not  long  after  this  incursion  into  Jersey,  an  enterprise  was  under- 
taken against  General  Lacy,  who,  with  a  small  number  of  Pennsylvania 
militia,  seldom  amounting  to  six  hundred,  and  sometimes  not  exceeding 
fifty,  watched  the  roads  leading  to  Philadelphia  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Schuylkill,  and  was  generally  posted  within  twenty  miles  of  that  town. 

This  expedition  was  entrusted  to  Colonel  Abercrombie  and  Major 
Simcoe,  who  avoided  all  the  posts  Lacy  had  established  for  his  security, 
and  threw  a  body  of  troops  into  his  rear  before  he  discovered  their  ap- 
proach. After  a  short  resistance,  he  escaped  with  the  loss  of  a  few  men 
killed,  and  all  his  baggage.  His  corps  was  entirely  dispersed,  and  he 
was  soon  afterwards  relieved  by  General  Potter. 

To  maintain  the  command  of  the  water  as  far  as  was  practicable, 
congress  had  ordered  impediments  to  be  sunk  in  many  of  the  rivers  of 
common  use,  so  as  to  obstruct  the  passage  up  them,  and  had  constructed 
frigates,  and  other  smaller  vessels,  to  be  employed  above  those  impedi- 
ments or  elsewhere,  as  the  occasion  might  require.  Several  of  them  had 
been  commenced  above  Philadelphia,  but  were  not  completed  when  the 
British  obtained  the  command  of  the  river.  General  Washington  then 
became  apprehensive  for  their  safety,  and  repeatedly  expressed  his  de- 
sire that  they  should  be  sunk  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  weighed  with 
difficulty,  should  any  attempt  be  made  to  raise  them.  The  persons, 
however,  who  were  entrusted  .by  congress  with  this  business,  supposed 
it  would  be  equally  secure  to  put  plugs  in  their  bottoms,  which  might  be 
drawn  out  on  the  approach  of  danger. 

Against  these  vessels,  and  some  stores  collected  at  Bordentown,  an 
expedition  was  planned  which  ended  in  their  total  destruction.  General 
Dickenson  was  in  the  neighbourhood,  but  his  force  was  too  small  to  in- 
terrupt the  execution  of  the  design ;  and  General  Maxwell,  who  had 
been  ordered  to  his  assistance,  was  retarded  in  his  march  by  a  heavy 
rain,  which  did  not  obstruct  the  movement  of  the  British,  who  passed  up 
the  river  in  vessels. 

To  cover  the  country  more  effectually  on  the  north  of  the  Schuyl. 
kill,  to  form  an  advance  guard  for  the  security  of  the  main 
army,  and  to  be  m  readiness  to  annoy  the  rear  of  the  enemy, 
should  he  evacuate  Philadelphia,  an  event  believed  to  be  in  contem- 

*  See  note  No.  XIV.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


246  THE  LIFE  OF 

plation,  General  Washington  detached  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  with 
more  than  two  thousand  choice  troops,  to  take  post  near  the  lines.  As 
this  corps  formed  a  very  valuable  part  of  the  army,  the  Commander-in- 
chief  recommended  in  his  instructions  to  General  Lafayette  the  utmost 
attention  to  its  safety ;  and,  particularly,  to  avoid  any  permanent  station, 
as  a  long  continuance  in  one  position  would  facilitate  the  execution  of 
measures  which  might  be  concerted  against  >him. 

The  Marquis  crossed  the  Schuylkill  and  took  post  near  Barren-hill 
church,  eight  or  ten  miles  in  front  of  the  army.  Immediate  notice*  of 
his  arrival  was  given  to  Sir  William  Howe,  who  reconnoitred  his  posi- 
tion, and  formed  a  plan  to  surprise  and  cut  him  off. 

On  the  night  of  the  19th  of  May,  General  Grant  with  five  thousand 
select  troops,  took  the  road  which  leads  up  the  Delaware,  and  conse- 
quently diverges  from  Barren-hill.  After  marching  some  distance,  he 
inclined  to  the  left,  and  passing  White  Marsh,  where  several  roads  unite, 
took  one  leading  to  Plymouth  meeting-house,  the  position  he  was  direct- 
ed to  occupy,  something  more  than  a  mile  in  the  rear  of  the  Marquis, 
between  him  and  Valley  Forge.  He  reached  his  point  of  destination 
rather  before  sunrise.  Here  the  roads  fork ;  the  one  leading  to  the  camp 
of  Lafayette,  and  the  other  to  Matron's  ford  over  the  Schuylkill. 

In  the  course  of  the  night,  General  Gray,  with  a  strong  detachment, 
had  advanced  up  the  Schuylkill  on  its  south  side,  along  the  ridge  road, 
and  taken  post  at  a  ford  two  or  three  miles  in  front  of  the  right  flank  of 
Lafayette,  while  the  residue  of  the  army  encamped  on  Chesnut  hill. 

Captain  M'Clane,  a  vigilant  partisan  of  great  merit,  was  posted  on  the 
lines  some  distance  in  front  of  Barren-hill.  In  the  course  of  the  night, 
he  fell  in  with  two  British  grenadiers  at  Three  Mile  Run,  who  informed 
him  of  the  movement  made  by  Grant,  and  also  that  a  large  body  of 
Germans  was  getting  ready  to  march  up  the  Schuylkill.  Immediately 
conjecturing  the  object,  M'Clane  detached  Captain  Parr,  with  a  com- 
pany of  riflemen  across  the  country  to  Wanderers  hill,  with  orders 
to  harass  and  retard  the  column  advancing  up  the  Schuylkill,  and  has- 


*  General  Wilkinson,  in  his  memoirs,  says  that  this  notice  was  given  by  a  person 
formerly  a  lieutenant  in  Proctor's  regiment  of  artillery,  who,  disgusted  at  being  dis- 
carded from  the  American  service,  became  a  spy  to  Sir  William  Howe ;  and,  the  bet- 
ter to  fulfil  his  new  engagements,  kept  up  his  acquaintance  with  his  former  comrades, 
and  frequently  visited  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge.  To  avoid  the  suspicion  which 
would  be  excited  by  his  going  into  Philadelphia,  a  rendezvous  had  been  established  on 
Frankford  Creek,  where  he  met  a  messenger  from  General  Howe,  to  whom  his  com- 
munications were  delivered.  This  statement  is  certainly  correct. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  247 

teue'd  in  person*  to  the  camp  of  Lafayette.  He  arrived  soon  after  day- 
break, and  communicated  the  intelligence  he  had  received.  It  was,  not 
long  afterwards,  confirmed  by  the  fire  of  Parr  on  the  Ridge  road,  and  by 
an  inhabitant  who  had  escaped  from  White  Marsh  as  the  British  column 
passed  that  place.f 

Thus  surrounded  with  danger,  Lafayette  took  with  promptitude  and 

decision  the  only  course  which  could  preserve  him.     He  in- 

.  .  May  20 

stantly  put  his  troops  in  motion,  and  passed  over  at  Matson's 

ford,  which  was  rather  nearer  to  General  Grant,  than  to  himself,  with- 
out being  intercepted  by  that  officer,  or  sustaining  a  greater  loss  than 
nine  men. 

General  Grant,  who  reached  the  ground  lately  occupied  by  Lafayette 
soon  after  it  was  abandoned,  followed  his  rear,  and  appeared  at  the  ford 
just  after  the  Americans  had  crossed  it ;  but,  finding  them  advantage- 
ously posted,  did  not  choose  to  attack  them ;  and  the  whole  army  re- 
turned to  Philadelphia,  having  effected  nothing. 

He  did  not  escape  censure  for  having  allowed  the  great  advantage  he 
had  acquired,  to  slip  through  his  hands  unused.  He  might  with  the  ut- 
most certainty  have  reached  Matson's  ford  before  the  Marquis,  and  have 

*  Extracts  of  letters  from  the  adjutant  general  and  the  officer  of  the  day  to  Captain 

M'Clarie. 

Camp  Valley  Forge,  May  2lst,  1778. 

Dear  Captain, — I  am  happy  you  have  with  your  brave  little  party  conducted  with 
so  much  honour  to  yourself.  The  Marquis  effected,  owing  to  your  vigilance,  a  glo- 
rious retreat  as  well  as  a  difficult  one. 

Signed        ALEX.  SCAMMELL,  Adj.  Gen. 

Camp  Valley  Forge,  May  23d,  1778. 

Dear  Captain, — I  am  pleased  to  hear  you  are  still  doing  something  to  distinguish 
yourself  in  the  eyes  of  your  country.  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  your 
conduct  with  the  Marquis  has  been  very  pleasing  to  his  Excellency  and  the  whole 
army. 

I  am  your  obedient  servant, 

CHARLES  SCOTT,  Brig.  Gen.  and  officer  of  the  day. 

t  The  danger  with  which  this  detachment  was  threatened,  was  perceived  from  the 
camp  at  Valley  Forge,  soon  after  it  had  been  communicated  to  Lafayette.  Alarm- 
guns  were  fired  to  announce  it  to  him,  and  the  whole  army  was  put  under  arms,  to 
act  as  circumstances  might  require.  It  has  been  erroneously  stated  that  General 
Washington  was  unapprised  of  this  movement  of  the  British  army  until  its  object  was 
defeated.  The  author  was  in  camp  at  the  time,  saw  the  Commander-in-chief,  accom- 
panied by  his  aids  and  some  of  the  general  officers  ride,  soon  after  sun-rise,  to  the  sum- 
mit of  the  hill  on  the  side  of  which  the  huts  were  constructed,  and  look  anxiously 
towards  the  scene  of  action  through  a  glass.  He  witnessed  too  the  joy  with  which 
they  returned  after  the  detachment  had  crossed  the  Schuylkill. 


248  THE  LIFE  OF 

cut  off  the  only  retreat  which  remained  for  him.  But  the  same  skill  and 
address  were  not  displayed  in  executing  this  plan  as  in  forming  it.* 

In  the  statement  of  this  affair  made  by  General  Lafayette,  he  repre- 
sents himself  to  have  advanced  the  head  of  a  column  towards  Grant,  as 
if  to  attack  him,  while  the  rear  filed  off  rapidly  towards  the  Schuylkill. 
This  movement  gained  ground  even  for  the  front,  which,  while  it  ad- 
vanced towards  the  enemy,  also  approached  the  river,  and  at  the  same 
time  induced  General  Grant  to  halt,  in  order  to  prepare  for  battle. 

While  this  manoeuvre  was  performing  in  the  face  of  the  detachment 
under  Grant,  a  small  party  was  thrown  into  the  church  yard,  on  the 
road  towards  General  Gray,  which  also  gave  the  appearance  of  an  inten- 
tion to  attack  in  that  quarter.  By  these  dispositions,  happily  conceived, 
and  executed  with  regularity,  the  Marquis  extricated  himself  from  the 
destruction  which  had  appeared  almost  inevitable.  In  a  letter  to  con- 
gress, General  Washington  termed  it  "  a  timely  and  handsome  retreat," 
and  certainly  the  compliment  was  merited. 

It  might  be  supposed  that  this  young  nobleman  had  not  displayed  the 
same  degree  of  military  talent  in  guarding  against  the  approach  of  dan- 
ger, as  in  extricating  himself  from  it.  But  the  imputation  which  gene- 
rally attaches  to  an  officer  who  permits  an  enemy  to  pass  unobserved 
into  his  rear,  is  removed  by  a  circumstance  stated  by  Lafayette.  The 
Pennsylvania  militia  were  posted  on  his  left  flank  with  orders  to  guard 
the  roads  about  White  Marsh.  Without  his  knowledge,  they  changed 
their  position,  and  retired  into  the  rear,  leaving  that  important  pass  open 
to  the  enemy. 

This  was  the  last  enterprise  attempted  by  Sir  William  Howe.  He  re- 
signed the  command  of  the  army  into  the  hands  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
and  embarked  for  Great  Britain.  About  the  same  time,  orders  were  re- 
ceived for  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia.  The  part  it  was  now  evident 
France  was  about  to  take  in  the  war,  and  the  naval  force  which  had 
been  prepared  by  that  power  before  she  declared  herself,  rendered  that 
city  a  dangerous  position,  and  determined  the  administration  to  withdraw 
the  army  from  the  Delaware. 

The  preparations  for  this  movement  could  not  be  made  unobserved ; 
but  they  indicated  equally  an  embarkation  of  the  whole  army,  or  an  in- 
tention to  march  to  New  York  through  Jersey.  The  last  was  believed 
by  the  American  chief  to  be  most  probable ;  and  he  made  every  exertion 
to  take  advantage  of  the  movement.  His  detachments  were  called  in, 

*  It  has  been  said  that  his  troops  were  excessively  fatigued  by  a  march  of  upwards 
of  twenty  miles,  and  that  he  waited,  confident  that  the  Marquis  could  not  escape  him, 
for  information  that  Gray  had  reached  his  position. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  249 

and  the  state  governments  were  pressed  to  expedite  the  march  of  their 
levies. 

In  the  mean  time  Sir  Henry  Clinton  hastened  his  preparations  for  the 
evacuation  of  Philadelphia;  and  the  opinion  that  he  intended  to  reach 
New  York  through  Jersey,  gained  ground; 

General  Maxwell,  with  the  Jersey  brigade,  was  ordered  over  the  De- 
laware to  take  post  at  Mount  Holly,  and  to  join  Major  General  Dicken- 
son,  who  was  assembling  the  militia  of  that  state  for  the  purpose  of  co- 
operating with  the  continental  troops,  in  breaking  down  the  bridges,  fell- 
ing trees  in  the  roads,  and  otherwise  embarrassing  the  march  of  the 
British  General. 

In  this  state  of  things  intelligence  was  received  that  great  part  of  the 

British  army  had  crossed  the  Delaware,  and  that  the  residue 

. ,  „  „  June  17. 

would  soon  follow. 

The  opinion  of  the  General  officers  was  required  on  the  course  now 
to  be  pursued.  General  Lee,  who  had  been  lately  exchanged,  and  whose 
experience  gave  great  weight  to  his  opinions,  was  vehement  against  risk- 
ing either  a  general  or  partial  engagement.  The  British  army  was  com- 
puted at  ten  thousand  effective  men,  and  that  of  the  Americans  amounted 
to  between  ten  and  eleven  thousand.  General  Lee  was  decidedly  of 
opinion  that,  with  such  an  equality  of  force,  it  would  be  "  criminal"  to 
hazard  an  action.  He  relied  much  on  the  advantageous  ground  on 
which  their  late  foreign  connexions  had  placed  the  United  States,  and 
contended  that  defeat  alone  could  now  endanger  their  independence.  To 
this  he  said  the  army  ought  not  to  be  exposed.  It  would  be  impossible 
he  thought  to  bring  on  a  partial  action,  without  risking  its  being  made 
general,  should  such  be  the  choice  of  the  enemy,  since  the  detachment 
which  might  engage  must  be  supported,  or  be  cut  to  pieces.  A  general 
action  ought  not  to  be  fought  unless  the  advantage  was  manifestly  with 
the  American  army.  This  at  present  was  not  the  case.  He  attributed 
so  much  to  the  superior  discipline  of  the  enemy  as  to  be  of  opinion  that 
the  issue  of  the  engagement  would  be,  almost  certainly,  unfavourable. 

General  Du  Portail,  a  French  officer  of  considerable  reputation,  main 
tained  the  same  opinions ;  and  the  Baron  de  Steuben  concurred  in  them. 
The  American  officers  seem  to  have  been  influenced  by  the  counsels  of 
the  Europeans  ;  and,  of  seventeen  Generals,  only  Wayne  and  Cadwal- 
lader  were  decidedly  in  favour  of  attacking  the  enemy.  Lafayette  ap- 
peared inclined  to  that  opinion  without  openly  embracing  it ;  and  General 
Greene  was  inclined  to  hazard  more  than  the  counsels  of  the  majority 
would  sanction.  The  country,  he  thought,  must  be  protected ;  and  if,  in 
W 


VJ50  THE  LIFE  OF 

doing  so,  an  engagement  should  become  unavoidable,  it  would  be  neces- 
sary to  fight. 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th,  Philadelphia  was  evacuated;*  and,  by 
two  in  the  afternoon,  all  the  British  troops  were  encamped  on  the  Jersey 
shore,  from  Cooper's  Creek  to  Red  Bank.  Although  they  availed  them- 
selves to  a  great  extent  of  the  transportation  by  water,  yet  their  line  of 
march  was  so  lengthened  and  encumbered  by  baggage,  and  the  weather 
was  so  intensely  hot,  that  they  were  under  the  necessity  of  proceeding 
slowly.  Indeed  their  movements  wore  the  appearance  of  purposed  de- 
lay ;  and  were  calculated  to  favour  the  opinion  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
was  willing  to  be  overtaken,  and  wished  for  a  general  engagement. 

As  his  line  of  march,  until  he  passed  Crosswicks,  led  directly  up  the 
Delaware,  General  Washington  found  it  necessary  to  make  an  extensive 
circuit,  and  to  cross  the  river  at  Coryell's  Ferry ;  after  which  he  kept 
possession  of  the  high  grounds  in  Jersey,  thereby  retaining  the  choice 
of  bringing  on,  or  avoiding  an  action. 

As  Sir  Henry  Clinton  encamped  at,  and  about,  Allentown,  the  main 

body  of  the  American  army  lay  in  Hopewell  township,  about 

five  miles  from  Princeton.  Major  General  Dickenson,  with 

about  one  thousand  militia,  and  Maxwell's  brigade,  hung  on  Sir  Henry 

Clinton's  left  flank.    General  Cadwallader,  with  Jackson's  regiment  and 

a  few  militia,  was  in  his  rear ;  and  Colonel  Morgan  with  a  regiment  of 

six  hundred  men  watched  his  right. 

Notwithstanding  the  almost  concurrent  opinion  of  his  general  officers 
against  risking  an  action,  Washington  appears  to  have  been  strongly 
inclined  to  that  measure.  He  could  not  be  persuaded  that,  with  an  army 
rather  superior  in  point  of  numbers  to  his  enemy,  too  much  was  hazarded 
by  fighting  him.  The  situation  of  the  two  armies  was,  therefore 
once  more  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  general  officers,  whc 
were  asked  whether  it  would  be  adviseable,  of  choice,  to  hazard  a  gene- 
ral action  ?  And,  if  it  would,  whether  it  should  be  brought  on  by  an  im- 
mediate general  attack,  by  a  partial  attack,  or  by  taking  such  a  positior 
as  must  compel  the  enemy  to  become  the  assailants? 

If  the  council  should  be  of  opinion  that  it  was  unadviseable  to  hazard 
an  engagement,  then  he  asked  what  measures  could  be  taken  with 
safety  to  the  army,  to  annoy  the  enemy  in  his  march,  should  he  proceed 
through  the  Jerseys  ? 

*  As  the  British  army  moved  down  Second  street,  Captain  M'Lane,  with  a  few 
fight  horse  and  one  hundred  infantry,  entered  the  city,  and  cut  off,  and  captured  one 
Captain,  one  Provost  Marshal,  one  guide  to  the  army,  and  thirty  privates,  without 
losing  a  man. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  251 

The  proposition  respecting  a  general  action  was  decidedly  negatived. 
But  it  was  proposed  to  strengthen  the  corps  on  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy 
with  a  reinforcement  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  and  to  preserve,  with  the 
main  body  of  the  army,  a  relative  position  which  would  enable  it  to  act 
as  circumstances  might  require. 

In  pursuance  of  this  opinion,  the  troops  on  the  lines  were  strengthened 
with  a  detachment  of  fifteen  hundred  select  men,  commanded  by  General 
Scott ;  and  the  army  moved  forward  the  next  day  to  Kingston. 

Though  the  council  had  been  almost  unanimous  against  a  general 
action,  several  officers,  whose  opinions  were  highly  valued,  secretly 
wished  for  something  more  than  light  skirmishing.  'Knowing  this, 
General  Washington,  who  was  still  in  favour  of  an  engagement,  deter 
mined  to  take  his  measures  on  his  own  responsibility.  As  the 
British  army  moved  towards  Monmouth  court-house,  he  or- 
dered Brigadier  General  Wayne,  with  an  additional  detachment  of  one 
thousand  select  men,  to  join  the  advanced  corps.  As  the  continental 
troops,  now  constituting  the  front  division,  amounted  to  at  least  four  thou- 
sand men,  he  deemed  it  proper  that  they  should  be  commanded  by  a 
major  general.  Lee  had  a  right  to  claim  this  tour  of  duty;  but,  as  he 
had  declared  himself  openly  and  strongly  against  hazarding  even  a  par- 
tial engagement,  and  supposed  that  nothing  further  would  be  attempted 
than  merely  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy,  and  restrain  plundering  parties, 
he  showed  no  inclination  to  assert  his  claim.  Unintentionally  promoting 
the  private  wishes  of  General  Washington,  that  the  command  should  be 
given  to  an  officer  whose  view  of  the  service  comported  more  with  his 
own,  Lee  yielded  this  important  tour  of  duty  to  Lafayette.  The  orders 
given  to  this  general  were,  to  proceed  immediately  with  the  detachment ; 
and,  after  forming  a  junction  with  General  Scott,  and  taking  command 
of  the  troops  on  the  lines,  to  gain  the  enemy's  left  flank  and  rear ;  give 
him  every  practicable  annoyance ;  and  attack  by  detachment,  or  with 
his  whole  force,  as  the  occasion  might  require. 

These  dispositions  and  orders  could  scarcely  fail  to  bring  on  an  en- 
gagement. Wayne  had  openly  supported  that  measure ;  and  Lafayette, 
though  against  seeking  a  general  action,  had  been  in  favour  of  a  partial 
one.  Of  consequence,  should  any  proper  occasion  offer,  he  would  cer- 
tainly attack  with  his  whole  force,  which  would  as  certainly  produce 
such  a  state  of  things  as  would  render  it  proper  to  support  him  with  the 
whole  army. 

Immediately  after  the  march  of  this  detachment,  General  Washington 

moved  to  Cranberry,  that  he  might  be  in  readiness  to  support 

,  ...          *'  June  26. 

his  front  division. 


152  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  intense  heat  of  the  weather ;  a  heavy  storm ;  and  a  temporary 
want  of  provisions,  prevented  the  army  from  continuing  its  march  that 
day.  The  advanced  corps  had  pressed  forward,  and  taken  a  position 
about  five  miles  in  rear  of  the  British  army,  with  the  intention  of  attack- 
ing it  next  morning  on  its  march.  Thinking  this  corps  'too  remote  to 
be  supported  in  case  of  action,  General  Washington  ordered  the  marquis 
to  file  off  by  his  left  towards  Englishtown.  These  orders  were  executed 
early  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty-seventh. 

Lafayette  had  scarcely  taken  commund  of  the  advanced  party,  when 
General  Lee  began  to  regret  having  yielded  it  to  him.  He  perceived 
that,  in  the  opinion  of  all  the  general  officers,  great  importance  was  at- 
tached to  it,  and  that  his  reputation  was  in  danger  of  being  impaired  by 
connecting  his  strenuous  opposition  to  even  a  partial  action,  with  his 
declining  the  command  of  a  very  strong  detachment,  which,  it  was  be- 
lieved, would  engage  the  rear  of  the  enemy.  He  therefore  solicited  ear- 
nestly for  the  command  he  had  before  declined. 

To  relieve  the  feelings  of  Lee,  without  wounding  those  of  Lafayette, 
General  Washington  detached  him  with  two  additional  brigades  to 
Englishtown,  to  support  the  marquis.  He  would,  of  course,  have  the 
direction  of  the  whole  front  division,  which  would  now  amount  to  five 
thousand  continental  troops ;  but  it  was  expressly  stipulated,  that  if  any 
enterprise  had  been  already  formed  by  Lafayette,  it  should  be  carried 
into  execution,  as  if  the  commanding  officer  had  not  been  changed.  Lee 
acceded  to  this  condition  ;  and,  with  two  additional  brigades,  joined  the 
front  division  of  the  army,  encamped  at  Englishtown.  The  rear  divi- 
sion also  moved  forward,  and  encamped  about  three  miles  in  his  rear. 
Morgan's  corps  still  hovered  on  the  right  flank  of  the  British,  and  General 
Dickenson  on  their  left. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  occupied  the  high  grounds  about  Monmouth  court- 
house, having  his  right  flank  in  the  skirt  of  a  small  wood,  while  his  left 
was  secured  by  a  very  thick  one,  and  a  morass  running  towards  his 
rear.  His  whole  front  was  also  covered  by  a  wood,  and  for  a  consider- 
ao.e  distance  towards  his  left,  by  a  morass. 

This  position  seemed  unassailable ;  and  the  British  were  within  twelve 
miles  of  the  high  grounds  about  Middletown,  after  reaching  which  they 
would  be  perfectly  secure. 

Under  these  circumstances,  General  Washington  ordered  Lee  to  at- 
tack the  British  rear  the  moment  it  should  move  from  its  ground. 

About  five  in  the  morning,  intelligence  was  received  from  General 

Dickenson  that  the  front  of  the  enemy  was  in  motion.     The 
June  28.  ,.      .  ,  ,  T 

troops  were  immediately  put  under  arms,  and  Lee  was  or 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  253 

dered  to  attack  the  rear,  "  unless  there  should  be  powerful  reasons,  to  the 
contrary."  He  was  at  the  same  time  informed  that  the  rear  division 
would  be  on  its  march  to  support  him. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  observed  the  appearances  on  his  flanks  and 
rear  on  the  twenty-seventh ;  and,  conjecturing  that  the  American  army 
was  in  his  neighbourhood,  had  changed  the  order  of  his  march.  The 
baggage  was  placed  under  the  care  of  General  Knyphausen,  while  the 
strength  and  flower  of  his  army,  entirely  unincumbered,  formed  the  rear 
division,  under  the  particular  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  who  was 
accompanied  by  the  Commander-in-chief. 

To  avoid  pressing  on  Knyphausen,  Cornwallis  remained  on  his  ground 
until  about  eight ;  and  then,  descending  from  the  heights  of  Freehold 
into  an  extensive  plain,  took  up  his  line  of  march  in  rear  of  the  front 
division.* 

General  Lee  had  made  dispositions  for  executing  the  orders  given  the 
preceding  evening,  and  repeated  in  the  morning ;  and,  soon  after  the 
British  rear  had  moved  from  its  ground,  prepared  to  attack  it.  General 
Dickenson  had  been  directed  to  detach  some  of  his  best  troops,  to  take 
such  a  position  as  to  co-operate  with  him ;  and  Morgan  was  ordered  to 
act  on  the  right  flank. 

Lee  appeared  on  the  heights  of  Freehold  soon  after  Lord  Cornwallis 
had  left  them ;  and,  following  the  British  into  the  plain,  ordered  General 
Wayne  to  attack  the  rear  of  their  covering  party  with  sufficient  vigour 
to  check  it,  but  not  to  press  it  so  closely  as  either  to  force  it  up  to  the 
main  body,  or  to  draw  reinforcements  to  its  aid.  In  the  mean  time,  he 
intended  to  gain  the  front  of  this  party  by  a  shorter  road,  and,  intercept- 
ing its  communication  with  the  line,  to  bear  it  off  before  it  could  be 
assisted. 

While  in  the  execution  of  this  design,  a  gentleman  in  the  suite  of 
General  Washington  came  up  to  gain  intelligence ;  and  Lee  communi- 
cated to  him  his  present  object. 

Before  he  reached  the  point  of  destination,  there  was  reason  to  believe 
that  the  British  rear  was  much  stronger  than  had  been  conjectured.  The 
intelligence  on  this  subject  being  contradictory,  and  the  face  of  the  coun- 
try well  calculated  to  conceal  the  truth,  he  deemed  it  adviseable  to  ascer- 
tain the  fact  himself. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  soon  after  the  rear  division  was  in  full  march,  re- 
ceived intelligence  that  an  American  column  had  appeared  on  his  lef\ 
flank.  This  being  a  corps  of  militia  was  soon  dispersed,  and  the  march 
was  continued.  When  his  rear  guard  had  descended  from  the  heights, 
*  Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 

VOL.  i.  17 


254  THE  LIFE  OF 

he  saw  it  followed  by  a  strong  corps,  soon  after  which  a  cannonade  was 
commenced  upon  it ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  a  respectable  force  showed 
itself  on  each  of  his  flanks.  Suspecting  a  design  on  his  baggage,  he  de- 
termined to  attack  the  troops  in  his  rear  so  vigorously,  as  to  compel  a 
recall  of  those  on  his  flanks ;  and,  for  this  purpose,  marched  back  his 
whole  rear  division.  This  movement  was  in  progress  as  Lee  advanced 
for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitring.  He  soon  perceived  his  mistake  re- 
specting the  force  of  the  British  rear,  but  still  determined  to  engage  on 
that  ground,  although  his  judgment  disapproved  the  measure ;  there  being 
a  morass  immediately  in  his  rear,  which  would  necessarily  impede  the 
reinforcements  which  might  be  advancing  to  his  aid,  and  embarrass  his 
retreat  should  he  be  finally  overpowered. 

This  was  about  ten.  While  both  armies  were  preparing  for  action, 
General  Scott  (as  stated  by  General  Lee)  mistook  an  oblique  march  of 
an  American  column  for  a  retreat;  and,  in  the  apprehension  of  being 
abandoned,  left  his  position,  and  repassed  the  ravine  in  his  rear. 

Being  himself  of  opinion  that  the  ground  was  unfavourable,  Lee  did 
not  correct  the  error  he  ascribed  to  Scott,  but  ordered  the  whole  detach- 
ment to  regain  the  heights.  He  was  closely  pressed,  and  some  slight 
skirmishing  ensued  without  much  loss  on  either  side. 

As  soon  as  the  firing  announced  the  commencement  of  the  action,  the 
rear  division  of  the  army  advanced  rapidly  to  the  support  of  the  front. 
As  they  approached  the  scene  of  action,  General  Washington,  who  had 
received  no  intelligence  from  Lee  giving  notice  of  his  retreat,  rode  for- 
ward, and,  to  his  utter  astonishment  and  mortification,  met  the  advanced 
corps  retiring  before  the  enemy,  without  having  made  a  single  effort  to 
maintain  its  ground.  The  troops  he  first  saw  neither  understood  the  mo- 
tives which  had  governed  General  Lee,  nor  his  present  design;  and 
could  give  no  other  information  than  that,  by  his  orders,  they  had  fled 
without  fighting. 

General  Washington  rode  to  the  rear  of  the  division,  where  he  met 
General  Lee,  to  whom  he  spoke  in  terms  of  some  warmth,  implying  dis- 
approbation of  his  conduct. 

Orders  were  immediately  given  to  Colonel  Stewart  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Ramsay  to  form  their  regiments  for  the  purpose  of  checking  the 
pursuit ;  and  General  Lee  was  directed  to  take  proper  measures  with  the 
residue  of  his  force  to  stop  the  British  column  on  that  ground.  The  Com- 
mander-in-chief then  rode  back  to  arrange  the  rear  division  of  the  army. 

These  orders  were  executed  with  firmness ;  and,  when  forced  from  his 
ground,  Lee  brought  off  his  troops  in  good  order,  and  was  directed  to 
form  in  the  rear  of  Englishtown. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  255 

This  check  afforded  time  to  draw  up  the  left  wing  and  second  line  of 
the  American  army  on  an  eminence,  covered  by  a  morass  in  front. 
Lord  Stirling,  who  commanded  the  left  wing,  brought  up  a  detachment 
of  artillery  under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Carrington,  and  some  field  pieces, 
which  played  with  considerable  effect  on  a  division  of  the  British  which 
had  passed  the  morass,  and  was  pressing  on  to  the  charge.  These 
pieces,  with  the  aid  of  several  parties  of  infantry,  effectually  stopped  the 
advance  of  the  enemy. 

Finding  themselves  warmly  opposed  in  front,  the  British  attempted  to 
turn  the  left  flank  of  the  American  army,  but  were  repulsed.  They  then 
attempted  the  right  with  as  little  success.  General  Greene  had  advanced 
a  body  of  troops  with  artillery  to  a  commanding  piece  of  ground  in  his 
front,  which  not  only  disappointed  the  design  of  turning  the  right,  but 
enfiladed  the  party  which  yet  remained  in  front  of  the  left  wing.  At  this 
moment,  General  Wayne  was  advanced  with  a  body  of  infantry  to  en- 
gage them  in  front,  who  kept  up  so  hot  and  well  directed  a  fire,  that  they 
soon  withdrew  behind  the  ravine,  to  the  ground  on  which  the  actipn  had 
commenced  immediately  after  the  arrival  of  General  Washington.* 

The  position  now  taken  by  the  British  army  was  very  strong.  Both 
flanks  were  secured  by  thick  woods  and  morasses ;  and  their  front  was 
accessible  only  through  a  narrow  pass.  The  day  had  been  intensely 
hot,  and  the  troops  were  much  fatigued.  Notwithstanding  these  circum- 
stances, General  Washington  resolved  to  renew  the  engagement.  For 
this  purpose  he  ordered  Brigadier  General  Poor,  with  his  own  and  the 
North  Carolina  brigade,  to  gain  their  right  flank,  while  Woodford  with 
his  brigade  should  turn  their  left.  At  the  same  time  the  artillery  was 
ordered  to  advance,  and  play  on  their  front.  These  orders  were  obeyed 
with  alacrity ;  but  the  impediments  on  the  flanks  of  the  British  were  so 
considerable  that,  before  they  could  be  overcome,  it  was  nearly  dark. 
Farther  operations  were  therefore  deferred  until  next  morning;  and  the 
brigades  which  had  been  detached  to  the  flanks  of  the  British  army  con- 
tinued on  their  ground  through  the  night,  and  the  other  troops  lay  on  the 
field  of  battle  with  their  arms  in  their  hands.  General  Washington 
passed  the  night  in  his  cloak  in  the  midst  of  his  soldiers. 

The  British  employed  the  early  part  of  the  night  in  removing  their 

*  General  Lafayette,  in  a  communication  made  to  the  author  respecting  this  battle, 
expresses  himself  thus:  "Never  was  General  Washington  greater  in  war  than  in  this 
action.  His  presence  stopped  the  retreat.  His  dispositions  fixed  the  victory.  His 
fine  appearance  on  horseback,  his  calm  courage,  roused  by  the  animation  produced  by 
the  vexation  of  the  morning,  (le  depit  de  la  matinee)  gave  him  the  air  best  calculated 
to  exche  enthusiasm." 


256  THE  LIFE  OF 

wounded ;  and,  about  midnight,  marched  away  in  such  silence  that  their 
'retreat  was  not  perceived  until  day. 

As  it  was  certain  that  they  must  gain  the  high  grounds  about  Middle- 
town  before  they  could  be  overtaken ;  as  the  face  of  the  country  afforded 
no  prospect  of  opposing  their  embarkation ;  and  as  the  battle  already 
fought  had  terminated  in  a  manner  to  make  a  general  impression  fa- 
vourable to  the  American  arms ;  it  was  thought  proper  to  relinquish  the 
pursuit.  Leaving  a  detachment  to  hover  about  the  British  rear,  the  main 
body  of  the  army  moved  towards  the  Hudson. 

The  Commander-in-chief  was  highly  gratified  with  the  conduct  of  his 
troops  in  this  action.  Their  behaviour,  he  said,  after  recovering  from 
the  first  surprise  occasioned  by  the  unexpected  retreat  of  the  advanced 
corps,  could  not  be  surpassed.  General  Wayne  was  particularly  men- 
tioned ;  and  the  artillery  were  spoken  of  in  terms  of  high  praise. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  the  battle  of  Monmouth  was  eight  offi- 
cers and  sixty-one  privates  killed,  and  about  one  hundred  and  sixty 
wounded.  Among  the  slain  were  Lieutenant  Colonel  Bonner  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Major  Dickenson  of  Virginia,  both  of  whom  were  much 
regretted.  One  hundred  and  thirty  were  missing;  but  a  considerable 
number  of  these  afterwards  rejoined  their  regiments. 

In  his  official  letter,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  states  his  dead  and  missing  at 
four  officers,  and  one  hundred  and  eighty-four  privates.  His  wounded 
at  sixteen  officers  and  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  privates.  This  ac- 
count, so  far  as  respects  the  dead,  can  not  be  correct,  as  four  officers 
and  two  hundred  and  forty-five  privates  were  buried  on  the  field  by  per- 
sons appointed  for  the  purpose,  who  made  their  report  to  the  Command- 
er-in-chief; and  some  few  were  afterwards  found,  so  as  to  increase  the 
number  to  nearly  three  hundred.  The  uncommon  heat  of  the  day 
proved  fatal  to  several  on  both  sides. 

As  usual,  when  a  battle  has  not  been  decisive,  both  parties  claimed 
the  victory.  In  the  early  part  of  the  day,  the  advantage  was  certainly 
with  the  British ;  in  the  latter  part,  it  may  be  pronounced  with  equal 
certainty  to  have  been  with  the  Americans.  They  maintained  their 
ground,  repulsed  the  enemy,  were  prevented  only  by  the  night,  and  by 
the  retreat  of  the  hostile  army  from  renewing  the  action,  and  suffered 
less  in  killed  and  wounded  than  their  adversaries. 

It  is  true  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  effected  what  he  states  to  have  been 
his  principal  object, — the  safety  of  his  baggage.  But  when  it  is  recol- 
lected that  the  American  officers  had  decided  against  hazarding  an  ac- 
tion, that  this  advice  must  have  trammeled  the  conduct,  and  circum- 
scribed the  views  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  he  will  be  admitted  to  have 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  257 

r 

effected  no  inconsiderable  object  in  giving  the  American  arms  that  ap- 
pearance of  superiority  which  was  certainly  acquired  by  this  engagement. 

Independent  of  the  loss  sustained  in  the  action,  the  British  army  was 
considerably  weakened  in  its  march  from  Philadelphia  to  New  York. 
About  one  hundred  prisoners  were  made,  and  near  one  thousand  sol- 
diers, chiefly  foreigners,  deserted  while  passing  through  Jersey. 

The  conduct  of  Lee  was  generally  disapproved.  As  however  he  ha 
possessed  a  large  share  of  the  confidence  and  good  opinion  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  it  is  probable  that  explanations  might  have  been  made 
which  would  have  rescued  him  from  the  imputations  that  were  cast  on 
him,  and  have  restored  him  to  the  esteem  of  the  army,  could  his  haughty 
temper  have  brooked  the  indignity  he  believed  to  have  been  offered  him 
on  the  field  of  battle.  General  Washington  had  taken  no  measures  in 
consequence  of  the  events  of  that  day,  and  would  probably  have  come 
to  no  resolution  concerning  them  without  an  amicable  explanation,  when 
he  received  from  Lee  a  letter  expressed  in  very  unbecoming  terms,  in 
which  he,  in  the  tone  of  a  superior,  required  reparation  for  the  injury 
sustained  "  from  the  very  singular  expressions"  said  to  have  been  used 
on  the  day  of  the  action  by  the  Commander-in-chief. 

This  letter  was  answered  by  an  assurance  that,  so  soon  as  circum 
stances  would  admit  of  an  inquiry,  he  should  have  an  oppor- 
tunity of  justifying  himself,  to  the  army,  to  America,  and  to 
the  world  in  general ;  or  of  convincing  them  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  dis- 
obedience of  orders,  and  misbehaviour  before  the  enemy.     On  his  ex- 
pressing a  wish  for  a  speedy  investigation  of  his  conduct,  and  for  a  court- 
martial  rather  than  a  court  of  inquiry,  he  was  arrested. 

First.  For  disobedience  of  orders  in  not  attacking  the  enemy  on  the 
28th  of  June,  agreeably  to  repeated  instructions. 

Secondly.  For  misbehaviour  before  the  enemy  on  the  same  day,  in 
making  an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat. 

Thirdly.  For  disrespect  to  the  Commander-in-chief  in  two  letters. 

Before  this  correspondence  had  taken  place,  strong  and  specific 
charges  of  misconduct  had  been  made  against  General  Lee  by  several 
officers  of  his  detachment,  and  particularly  by  Generals  Wayne  and 
Scott.  In  these,  the  transactions  of  the  day,  not  being  well  understood, 
were  represented  in  colours  much  more  unfavourable  to  Lee,  than  facts, 
when  properly  explained,  would  seem  to  justify.  These  representations, 
most  probably,  induced  the  strong  language  of  the  second  article  in  the 
charge.  A  court-martial,  over  which  Lord  Stirling  presided,  after  a 
tedious  investigation,  found  him  guilty  of  all  the  charges  exhibited 
against  him,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  suspended  for  one  year.  This 


258  THE  LIFE  OF 

sentence  was,  afterwards,  though  with  some  hesitation,  approved,  almost 
unanimously,  by  congress.  The  court  softened,  in  some  degree,  the  se- 
verity of  the  second  charge,  by  finding  him  guilty,  not  in  its  very  words, 
but  "  of  misbehaviour  before  the  enemy,  by  making  an  unnecessary,  and, 
in  some  few  instances,  a  disorderly  retreat." 

Lee  defended  himself  with  his  accustomed  ability.  He  proved  that, 
after  the  retreat  had  commenced,  in  consequence  of  General  Scott's  re- 
passing  the  ravine,  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  he  had  designed 
to  form  on  the  first  advantageous  piece  of  ground  he  could  find;  and  that, 
in  his  own  opinion,  and  in  the  opinion  of  some  other  officers,  no  safe  and 
advantageous  position  had  presented  itself  until  he  met  General  Wash- 
ington ;  at  which  time  it  was  his  intention  to  fight  the  enemy  on  the  very 
ground  afterwards  taken  by  that  officer.  He  suggested  a  variety  of 
reasons  in  justification  of  his  retreat,  which,  if  they  do  not  absolutely 
establish  its  propriety,  give  it  so  questionable  a  form  as  to  render  it  pro- 
bable that  a  public  examination  never  would  have  taken  place,  could  his 
proud  spirit  have  stooped  to  offer  explanation  instead  of  outrage,  to  the 
Commander-in-chief. 

His  suspension  gave  general  satisfaction  through  the  army.  Without 
being  masters  of  his  conduct  as  a  military  man,  they  perfectly  under- 
stood the  insult  offered  to  their  general  by  his  letters ;  and,  whether 
rightly  or  not,  believed  his  object  to  have  been  to  disgrace  Washington, 
and  to  obtain  the  supreme  command  for  himself.  So  devotedly  were  all 
ranks  attached  to  their  general,  that  the  mere  suspicion  of  such  a  de- 
sign, would  have  rendered  his  continuance  in  the  army  extremely  diffi- 
cult. 

Whatever  judgment  may  be  formed  on  the  propriety  of  his  retreat,  it 
is  not  easy  to  justify,  either  the  omission  to  keep  the  Commander-in- 
chief  continually  informed  of  his  situation  and  intentions,  or  the  very  rude 
letters  written  after  the  action  was  over. 

The  battle  of  Monmouth  gave  great  satisfaction  to  congress.  A  reso- 
lution was  passed  unanimously,  thanking  General  Washington  for  the 
activity  with  which  he  inarched  from  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge,  in  pur- 
suit of  the  enemy ;  for  his  distinguished  exertions  in  forming  the  line  of 
battle,  and  for  his  great  good  conduct  in  the  action ;  and  he  was  request- 
ed to  signify  the  thanks  of  congress  to  the  officers  and  men  under  his 
command,  who  distinguished  themselves  by  their  conduct  and  valour  in 
the  battle. 

After  remaining  a  few  days  on  the  high  grounds  of  Middletown,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  proceeded  to  Sandy-hook,  whence  his  army 
passed  over  to  New  York. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  259 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Count  D'Estaing  arrives  with  a  French  fleet. — Meditates  an  attack  on  the  British  fleet 
in  New  York  harbour. — Relinquishes  it. — Sails  to  Rhode  Island. — Lord  Howe  ap- 
pears off  Rhode  Island. — Both  fleets  dispersed  by  a  storm. — General  Sullivan  lays 
siege  to  Newport. — D'Estaing  returns. — Sails  for  Boston. — Sullivan  expresses  his 
dissatisfaction  in  general  orders. — Raises  the  siege  of  Newport. — Action  on  Rhode 
Island. — The  Americans  retreat  to  the  Continent. — Count  D'Estaing  expresses  his 
dissatisfaction  with  Sullivan  in  a  letter  to  Congress. — General  Washington  labours 
successfully  to  heal  these  discontents. — Lord  Howe  resigns  the  command  of  the 
British  fleet. — Colonel  Baylor's  regiment  surprised. — Captain  Donop  defeated  by 
Colonel  Butler. — Expedition  of  the  British  against  Egg  Harbour. — Pulaski  sur- 
prised. 

BEFORE  General  Washington  could  reach  the  ground  he  designed'  to 
occupy,  intelligence  was  received  that  a  powerful  French  fleet, 
under  the  command  of  the  Count  D'Estaing,  had  appeared  off 
Chingoteague  inlet,  the  northern  extremity  of  the  coast  of  Virginia. 

The  Count  had  sailed  from  Toulon  on  the  13th  of  April,  with  twelve 
ships  of  the  line  and  six  frigates,  having  on  board  a  respectable  body  of 
land  forces.  His  destination  was  the  Delaware ;  and  he  hoped  to  find 
the  British  fleet  in  that  river,  and  their  army  in  Philadelphia.  An  un- 
common continuance  of  adverse  winds,  protracted  his' voyage  across  the 
Atlantic  to  the  extraordinary  length  of  eighty-seven  days.  This  unusual 
circumstance  saved  the  British  fleet  and  army. 

On  reaching  the  capes  of  the  Delaware,  the  Count  announced  his  ar- 
rival to  congress ;  and,  having  failed  in  accomplishing  his  first  object, 
proceeded  along  the  coast  to  New  York,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  at- 
tack the  British  fleet  in  the  harbour  of  that  place. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  again  indebted  to  some  fortunate  incidents  for 
his  safety. 

The  violent  storms  of  the  preceding  winter  had  broken  through  the 
narrow  isthmus  by  which  Sandy-hook  was  connected  with  the  continent, 
and  had  converted  the  peninsula  into  an  island.  This  rendered  it  ne- 
cessary for  the  army  to  pass  from  the  main  to  the  hook  on  a  bridge  of 
boats,  which  would  have  been  impracticable,  if  obstructed  by  a  superior 
fleet.  It  was  effected  the  very  day  on  which  D'Estaing  appeared  ofF 
Chingoteague  inlet. 

At  Paramus,  in  Jersey,  General  Washington  received  a  letter  from 
ihe  president  of  congress,  advising  him  of  this  important  event, 
and  requesting  that  he  would  concert  measures  with  the  Count 
for  conjoint  and  offensive  operations. 


260  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  next  day  he  received  a  second  letter  on  the  same  subject,  en- 
closing two  resolutions,  one  directing  him  to  co-operate  with  the  French 
admiral,  and  the  other  authorizing  him  to  call  on  the  states  from  New 
Hampshire  to  New  Jersey  inclusive,  for  such  aids  of  militia  as  he  might 
deem  necessary  for  the  operations  of  the  allied  arms. 

He  determined  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  White  Plains,  whence 
the  army  might  co-operate  with  more  facility  in  the  execution  of  any  at- 
tempt which  might  be  made  by  the  fleet,  and  despatched  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Laurens,  one  of  his  aids  de  camp,  with  all  the  information  rela- 
tive to  the  enemy,  as  well  as  to  his  own  army,  which  might  be  useful  to 
D'Estaing.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Laurens  was  authorized  to  consult  on 
future  conjoint  operations,  and  to  establish  conventional  signals  for  the 
purpose  of  facilitating  the  communication  of  intelligence. 

The  French  admiral,  on  arriving  off  the  Hook,  despatched  Major  de 
Choisi,  a  gentleman  of  his  family,  to  General  Washington,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  communicating  fully  his  views  and  his  strength.  His  first  object 
was  to  attack  New  York.  If  this  should  be  found  impracticable,  he  was 
desirous  of  turning  his  attention  to  Rhode  Island.  To  assist  in  coming 
to  a  result  on  these  enterprises,  General  Washington  despatched  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Hamilton  with  such  farther  communications  as  had  been 
suggested,  by  inquiries  made  since  the  departure  of  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Laurens. 

Fearing  that  the  water  on  the  bar  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour,  was 
not  of  sufficient  depth  to  admit  the  passage  of  the  largest  ships  of  the 
French  fleet  without  much  difficulty  and  danger,  General  Washington 
had  turned  his  attention  to  other  objects  which  might  be,  eventually, 
pursued.  General  Sullivan,  who  commanded  the  troops  in  Rhode  Island, 
was  directed  to  prepare  for  an  enterprise  against  Newport; 
and  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  detached  with  two  brigades 
to  join  him  at  Providence.  The  next  day  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hamilton 
returned  to  camp  with  the  final  determination  of  the  Count  D'Estaing  to 
relinquish  the  meditated  attack  on  the  fleet  in  the  harbour  of  New  York, 
in  consequence  of  the  impracticability  of  passing  the  bar. 

General  Greene  was  immediately  ordered  to  Rhode  Island,  of  which 
state  he  was  a  native;  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  Laurens  was  directed  to 
attach  himself  to  the  French  admiral,  and  to  facilitate  all  his  views  by 
procuring  whatever  might  give  them  effect;  after  which  he  was  to  act 
with  the  army  under  Sullivan. 

The  resolution  being  taken  to  proceed  against  Rhode  Island,  the  fleet 
got  under  way,  and,  on  the  25th  of  July,  appeared  off  Newport,  and 
cast  anchor  about  five  miles  from  that  place,  just  without  Brenton's 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  SGI 

.edge;  soon  after  which,  General  Sullivan  went  on  board  the  Admiral, 
and  concerted  with  him  a  plan  of  operations  for  the  allied  forces.  The 
fleet  was  to  enter  the  harbour,  and  land  the  troops  of  his  Christian  Ma- 
jesty on  the  west  side  of  the  island,  a  little  to  the  north  of  Dyer's 
island.  The  Americans  were  to  land  at  the  same  time  on  the  opposite 
coast,  under  cover  of  the  guns  of  a  frigate. 

Although  the  appearance  of  the  French  fleet  had  animated  the  whole 
country,  and  had  produced  a  considerable  degree  of  alacrity  for  the 
service ;  although  the  success  of  the  enterprise  essentially  depended  on 
maintaining  a  superiority  at  sea,  which  there  was  much  reason  to  appre- 
hend would  soon  be  wrested  from  them ;  yet  such  are  the  delays  inse- 
parable from  measures  to  bring  husbandmen  into  the  field  as  soldiers, 
that  the  operations  against  Newport  were  suspended  for  several  days  on 
this  account. 

*  As  the  militia  of  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts  approached, 
General  Sullivan  joined  General  Greene  at  Tiverton,  and  it 
was  agreed  with  the  Admiral  that  the  fleet  should  enter  the 
main  channel  immediately,  and  that  the  descent  should  be  made  the  suc- 
ceeding day.    The  ships  of  war  passed  the  British  batteries  and  entered 
the  harbour,  without  receiving  or  doing  any  considerable  damage. 

The  militia  not  arriving  precisely  at  the  time  they  were  expected, 
General  Sullivan  could  not  hazard  the  movement  which  had  been  con- 
certed, and  stated  to  the  Count  the  necessity  of  postponing  it  till  the 
next  day.  Meanwhile,  the  preparations  for  the  descent  being  perceived, 
General  Pigot  drew  the  troops  which  had  been  stationed  on  the  north 
end  of  the  island  into  the  lines  at  Newport. 

On  discovering  this  circumstance  the  next  morning,  Sullivan  deter- 
mined to  avail  himself  of  it,  and  to  take  immediate  possession  of  the 
works  which  had  been  abandoned.  The  whole  army  crossed  the  east 
passage,  and  landed  on  the  north  end  of  Rhode  Island.  This  move- 
ment gave  great  offence  to  the  Admiral,  who  resented  the  indelicacy  sup- 
posed to  have  been  committed  by  Sullivan  in  landing  before  the  French, 
and  without  consulting  him. 

Unfortunately,  some  difficulties,  on  subjects  of  mere  punctilio,  had 
previously  arisen.  The  Count  D'Estaing  was  a  land  as  well  as  sea 
officer,  and  held  the  high  rank  of  lieutenant  general  in  the  service  of 
France.  Sullivan  being  only  a  major  general,  some  misunderstanding 
on  this  delicate  point  had  been  apprehended ;  and  General  Washington 
had  suggested  to  him  the  necessity  of  taking  every  precaution  to  avoid 
it.  This,  it  was  supposed,  had  been  effected  in  their  first  conference,  in 
which  it  was  agreed  that  the  Americans  should  land  first,  after  which 
X 


262  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  French  should  land,  to  be  commanded  by  the  Count  D'Estaing  in 
person.  The  motives  for  this  arrangement  are  not  stated ;  but  it  was 
most  probably  made  solely  with  a  view  to  the  success  of  the  enterprise. 
Either  his  own  after-reflections  or  the  suggestions  of  others  dissatisfied 
the  Count  with  it,  and  he  insisted  that  the  descent  should  be  made  on 
both  sides  of  the  island  precisely  at  the  same  instant,  and  that  one  wing 
of  the  American  army  should  be  attached  to  the  French,  and  land  with 
them.  He  also  declined  commanding  in  person,  and  wished  the  Mar- 
quis de  Lafayette  to  take  charge  of  the  French  troops  as  well  as  of  the 
Americans  attached  to  them. 

It  being  feared  that  this  alteration  of  the  plan  might  endanger  both 
its  parts,  D'Estaing  was  prevailed  on  to  reduce  his  demand  from  one 
wing  of  the  American  army  to  one  thousand  militia.  When,  afterwards, 
General  Sullivan  crossed  over  into  the  island  before  the  time  to  which 
he  had  himself  postponed  the  descent,  and  without  giving  previous  no- 
tice to  the  Count  of  this  movement,  some  suspicions  seem  to  have  been 
excited,  that  the  measure  was  taken  with  other  views  than  were  avow- 
ed, and  no  inconsiderable  degree  of  excitement  was  manifested.  The 
Count  refused  to  answer  Sullivan's  letter,  and  charged  Lieutenant  Colo- 
nel Fleury,  who  delivered  it,  with  being  more  an  American  than  a 
Frenchman. 

At  this  time  a  British  fleet  appeared,  which,  after  sailing  close  into 
the  land,  and  communicating  with  General  Pigot,  withdrew  some  dis- 
tance, and  came  to  anchor  off  point  Judith,  just  without  the  narrow  inlet 
leading  into  the  harbour. 

After  it  had  been  ascertained  that  the  destination  of  the  Count  D'Es- 
taing was  America,  he  was  followed  by  a  squadron  of  twelve  ships  of 
the  line  under  Admiral  Byron,  who  was  designed  to  relieve  Lord  Howe, 
that  nobleman  having  solicited  his  recall.  The  vessels  composing  this 
squadron  meeting  with  weather  unusually  bad  for  the  season,  and  being 
separated  in  different  storms,  arrived,  after  lingering  through  a  tedious 
passage,  in  various  degrees  of  distress,  on  different  and  remote  parts  of 
the  American  coast.  Between  the  departure  of  D'Estaing  from  the  Hook 
on  the  23d  of  July,  and  the  30th  of  that  month,  four  ships  of  sixty-four 
and  My  guns  arrived  at  Sandy  Hook. 

This  addition  to  the  British  fleet,  though  it  left  Lord  Howe  consider- 
ably inferior  to  the  Count  D'Estaing,  determined  him  to  attempt  the  re- 
lief of  Newport.  He  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  6th  of  August ; 
and,  on  the  9th,  appeared  in  sight  of  the  French  fleet,  before  intelligence 
of  his  departure  could  be  received  by  the  Admiral. 

At  the  time  of  his  arrival  the  wind  set  directly  into  the  harbour,  so 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  263 

that  it  was  impossible  to  get  out  of  it;  but  it  shifted  suddenly  to  the 
north  east  the  next  morning,  and  the  Count  determined  to  stand  out  to 
sea,  and  give  battle.     Previous  to  leaving  port,  he  informed 
General  Sullivan  that,  on  his  return,  he  would  land  his  men 
as  that  officer  should  advise. 

Not  choosing  to  give  the  advantage  of  the  weather-gage,  Lord  Howe 
also  weighed  anchor  and  stood  out  to  sea.  He  was  followed  by  D'Es- 
taing ;  and  both  fleets  were  soon  out  of  sight. 

The  militia  were  now  arrived  ;  and  Sullivan's  army  amounted  to  ten 
thousand  men.  Some  objections  were  made  by  Lafayette  to  his  com- 
mencing operations  before  the  return  of  D'Estaing.  That  officer  ad- 
vised that  the  army  should  be  advanced  to  a  position  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Newport,  but  should  not  break  ground  until  the  Count  should  be 
in  readiness  to  act  in  concert  with  them.  It  was  extremely  desirable  to 
avoid  whatever  might  give  offence  to  the  great  ally  on  whose  assistance 
so  much  depended ;  but  time  was  deemed  of  such  importance  to  an  army 
which  could  not  be  kept  long  together,  that  this  advice  was  overruled, 
and  it  was  determined  to  commence  the  siege  immediately. 

Before  this  determination  could  be  executed,  a  furious  storm  blew 
down  all  the  tents,  rendered  the  arms  unfit  for  immediate  use,  and  great- 
ly damaged  the  ammunition,  of  which  fifty  rounds  had  just  been  deli- 
vered to  each  man.  The  soldiers,  having  no  shelter,  suffered  „ 

i        •  i     i  •      i    '  1-1  •    Aug.  15. 

extremely;  and  several  perished  in  the  storm,  which  conti- 
nued three  days.    On  the  return  of  fair  weather  the  siege  was  com- 
menced, and  continued  without  any  material  circumstance  for  several 
days. 

As  no  intelligence  had  been  received  from  the  Admiral,  the  situation 
of  the  American  army  was  becoming  very  critical.  On  the  evening  of 
the  19th,  their  anxieties  were  relieved  for  a  moment  by  the  reappear- 
ance of  the  French  fleet. 

The  two  Admirals,  desirous  the  one  of  gaining,  and  the  other  of  re- 
taining the  advantage  of  the  wind,  had  employed  two  days  in  manoeu- 
vring, without  coming  to  action.  Towards  the  close  of  the  second,  they 
were  on  the  point  of  engaging,  when  they  were  separated  by  the  violent 
storm  which  had  been  felt  so  severely  on  shore,  and  which  dispersed 
both  fleets.  Some  single  vessels  afterwards  fell  in  with  each  other,  but 
no  important  capture  was  made ;  and  both  fleets  retired  in  a  very  shat- 
tered condition,  the  one  to  the  harbour  of  New  York,  and  the  other  to 
that  of  Newport. 

A  letter  was  immediately  despatched  by  D'Estaing  to  Sullivan,  in- 
forming him  that,  in  pursuance  of  orders  from  the  King,  and  of  the  ad- 


264  THE  LIFE  OF 

vice  of  all  his  officers,  he  had  taken  the  resolution  to  carry  the  fleet  to 
Boston.  His  instructions  directed  him  to  sail  for  Boston  should  his  fleet 
meet  with  any  disaster,  or  should  a  superior  British  fleet  appear  on  the 
coast. 

This  communication  threw  Sullivan  and  his  army  into  despair.  Gene- 
ral Greene,  and  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  were  directed  to  wait  on  the 
Admiral  with  a  letter  from  Sullivan  remonstrating  against  this  resolu- 
tion, and  to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to  induce  him  to  change  it. 

They  represented  to  him  the  certainty  of  carrying  the  garrison  if  ho 
would  co-operate  with  them  only  two  days,  urged  the  impolicy  of  expos 
ing  the  fleet  at  sea,  in  its  present  condition,  represented  the  port  of  Bos- 
ton as  equally  insecure  with  that  of  Newport,  and  added  that  the  expedi- 
tion had  been  undertaken  on  condition  that  the  French  fleet  and  army 
should  co-operate  with  them ;  that  confiding  in  this  co-operation,  they 
had  brought  stores  into  the  island  to  a  great  amount,  and  that  to  abandon 
the  enterprise  in  the  present  state  of  things,  would  be  a  reproach  an<? 
disgrace  to  their  arms.  To  be  deserted  at  such  a  critical  momen* 
would  have  a  pernicious  influence  on  the  minds  of  the  American  peo 
pie,  and  would  furnish  their  domestic  foes,  as  well  as  the  common  enemy 
with  the  means  of  animadverting  severely  on  their  prospects  from  ai> 
alliance  with  those  who  could  abandon  them  under  circumstances  such 
as  the  present.  They  concluded  with  wishing  that  the  utmost  harmony 
and  confidence  might  subsist  between  the  two  nations,  and  especially  be- 
tween their  officers ;  and  entreated  the  Admiral,  if  any  personal  indis- 
cretions had  appeared  in  conducting  the  expedition,  not  to  permit  them 
to  prejudice  the  common  cause. 

Whatever  impression  these  observations  may  have  made  on  the 
Count,  they  could  not  change  the  determination  he  had  formed. 

General  Greene,  in  his  representation  of  this  conversation,  stated  that 
the  principal  officers  on  board  the  fleet  were  the  enemies  of  D'Estaing. 
He  was  properly  a  land  officer,  and  they  were  dissatisfied  with  his  ap- 
pointment in  the  navy.  Determined  to  thwart  his  measures,  and  to  pre- 
vent, as  far  as  could  be  justified,  his  achieving  any  brilliant  exploit,  they 
availed  themselves  of  the  letter  of  his  instructions,  and  unanimously 
persevered  in  advising  him  to  relinquish  the  enterprise,  and  sail  for  Bos- 
ton. He  could  not  venture,  with  such  instructions,  to  act  against  their 
unanimous  opinion;  and,  although  personally  disposed  to  re-enter  the 
harbour,  declined  doing  so,  and  sailed  from  the  island. 

On  the  return  of  Greene  and  Lafayette,  Sullivan  made  yet  another 
effort  to  retain  the  fleet.  He  addressed  a  second  letter  to  the  Admiral, 
pressing  him,  in  any  event,  to  leave  his  land  forces.  The  bearer  of  this 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  265 

letter  was  also  charged  with  a  protest  signed  by  all  the  general  officers 
in  Rhode  Island  except  Lafayette,  the  only  effect  of  which  was  to  irritate 
D'Estaing,  who  proceeded,  without  delay,  on  his  voyage  to  Boston. 

Thus  abandoned  by  the  fleet,  Sullivan  called  a  council  of  general 
'officers,  who  were  in  favour  of  attempting  an  assault  if  five  thousand 
volunteers  who  had  seen  nine  months  service  could  be  obtained  for  the 
enterprise ;  but  the  departure  of  the  fleet  had  so  discouraged  the  militia, 
that  this  number  could  not  be  procured ;  and,  in  a  few  days,  the  army 
was  reduced  by  desertion  to  little  more  than  five  thousand  men.  As  the 
British  were  estimated  at  six  thousand,  it  was  determined  to  raise  the 
siege,  and  retire  to  the  north  end  of  the  island,  there  to  fortify,  and  wait 
the  result  of  another  effort  to  induce  D'Estaing  to  return. 

In  the  night  of  the  28th,  the  army  retired  by  two  roads  leading  to  the 
works  on  the  north  end  of  the  island,  having  its  rear  covered  by  Colonels 
Livingston  and  Laurens,  who  commanded  light  parties  on  each. 

Early  next  morning  the  retreat  was  discovered  by  the  British,  who 
followed  in  two  columns,  and  were  engaged  on  each  road  by  Livingston 
and  Laurens,  who  retreated  slowly  and  kept  up  the  action  with  skill  and 
spirit  until  the  English  were  brought  into  the  neighbourhood  of  the  main 
body  of  the  Americans,  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  on  the  ground  of 
their  encampment.  The  British  formed  on  Quaker  Hill,  a  very  strong 
piece  of  ground,  something  more  than  a  mile  in  front  of  the  American 
line. 

Sullivan's  rear  was  covered  by  strong  works ;  and  in  his  front,  rather 
to  the  right,  was  a  redoubt.  In  this  position,  the  two  armies  cannonaded 
each  other  for  some  time,  and  a  succession  of  skirmishes  was  kept  up  in 
front  of  both  lines  until  about  two  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  British  ad- 
vanced in  force,  attempted  to  turn  the  right  flank,  and  made  demonstra- 
tions of  an  intention  to  carry  the  redoubt  in  front  of  the  right  wing. 
General  Greene,  who  commanded  that  wing,  advanced  to  its  support, 
and  a  sharp  engagement  was  continued  for  about  half  an  hour,  when  the 
British  retreated  to  Quaker  Hill.  The  cannonade  was  renewed,  and 
kept  up  intermingled  with  slight  skirmishing  until  night. 

According  to  the  return  made  by  General  Sullivan,  his  loss  in  killed, 
wounded  and  missing  was  two  hundred  and  eleven.  That  of  the  British, 
as  stated  by  General  Pigot,  amounted  to  two  hundred  and  sixty. 

The  next  day,  the  cannonade  was  renewed,  but  neither  army  was  in- 
clined to  attack  the  other.  The  British  waited  for  reinforcements,  and 
Sullivan  had  at  length  determined  to  retire  from  the  island. 

The  Commander-in-chief  had  observed  some  movements  among  the 
British  transports  indicating  the  embarkation  of  troops,  and  had  sug- 


266  THE  LIFE  OF 

gested  to  Sullivan  the  necessity  of  securing  his  retreat.  A  fleet  of  trans- 
ports soon  put  to  sea  with  a  large  body  of  troops,  of  which  immediate 
notice  was  given  to  Sullivan  in  a  letter  recommending  his  retreat  to  the 
continent.  This  reinforcement,  which  consisted  of  four  thousand  men, 
commanded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  person,  was  delayed  by  adverse 
winds  until  the  letter  of  General  Washington  was  received,  and  the  reso- 
lution to  evacuate  the  island  was  taken.  The  whole  army  passed  over 
to  the  continent  unobserved  by  the  enemy,  and  disembarked 
about  Tiverton  by  two  in  the  morning. 

Never  was  retreat  more  fortunate.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  arrived  the 
next  day ;  and  the  loss  of  the  American  army  would  have  been  inevitable. 

The  complete  success  of  this  expedition  had  been  confidently  antici- 
pated throughout  America ;  and  the  most  brilliant  results  had  been  ex- 
pected from  the  capture  of  so  important  a  part  of  the  British  army  as  the 
garrison  of  Newport.  The  chagrin  produced  by  disappointment  was 
proportioned  to  the  exaltation  of  their  hopes.  In  general  orders  issued 
by  Sullivan,  soon  after  the  departure  of  D'Estaing,  he  permitted  some 
expressions  to  escape  him  which  were  understood  to  impute  to  the  Count 
D'Estaing,  and  to  the  French  nation,  an  indisposition  to  promote  the  in- 
terests of  the  United  States.  These  insinuations  wounded  the  feelings 
of  the  French  officers,  and  added,  in  no  small  degree,  to  the  resentments 
of  the  moment.  In  subsequent  orders,  the  General  sought  to  correct  this 
indiscretion ;  and  alleged  that  he  had  been  misunderstood  by  those  who 
supposed  him '  to  blame  the  Admiral,  with  whose  orders  he  was  unac- 
quainted, and  of  whose  conduct  he  was,  consequently,  unable  to  judge. 
He  also  stated  explicitly  the  important  aids  America  had  received  from 
France,  aids  of  which  he  ought  not  to  be  unmindful  under  any  disap- 
pointment; and  which  should  prevent  a  too  sudden  censure  of  any 
movement  whatever. 

The  Count  D'Estaing,  on  his  part,  addressed  a  letter  to  congress  con- 
taining a  statement  of  all  the  movements  of  his  fleet  subsequent  to  its  ar- 
rival on  the  coast,  in  which  his  chagrin  and  irritation  were  but  ill  con- 
cealed. 

In  congress,  after  approving  the  conduct  of  Sullivan  and  his  army, 
an  indiscreet  proposition  was  made  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  the 
failure  of  the  expedition ;  but  this  was  set  aside  by  the  previous  question. 

In  the  first  moments  of  vexation  and  disappointment,  General  Sullivan 
had  addressed  some  letters  to  the  governor  of  Rhode  Island,  complaining 
bitterly  of  being  abandoned  by  the  fleet.  These  despatches  were  trans- 
mitted by  the  governor  to  the  speaker  of  the  assembly,  and  were  on  the 
point  of  being  submitted  publicly  to  the  house,  when  they  were  fortu- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  267 

nateh  arrested  by  General  Greene,  who  had  been  introduced  on  the 
floor,  and  placed  by  the  side  of  the  chair ;  and  to  whom  they  were  shown 
by  the  speaker. 

The  discontent  in  New  England  generally,  and  in  Boston  particular- 
y,  was  so  great  as  to  inspire  fears  that  the  means  of  repairing  the  French 
ships  would  not  be  supplied.  To  guard  against  the  mischief  which  might 
result  from  this  temper,  as  well  as  for  other  objects,  General  Hancock 
had  repaired  from  camp  to  Boston,  and  Lafayette  had  followed  him  on  a 
visit  to  D'Estaing. 

The  consequences  to  be  apprehended  from  this  unavailing  manifesta- 
tion of  ill  temper,  soon  induced  all  reflecting  men  to  exert  themselves  to 
control  it.  In  the  commencement  of  its  operation,  General  Washington, 
foreseeing  the  evils  with  which  it  was  fraught,  had  laboured  to  prevent 
them.  He  addressed  letters  to  General  Sullivan,  to  General  Heath,  who 
commanded  at  Boston,  and  to  other  individuals  of  influence  in  New 
England,  urging  the  necessity  of  correcting  the  intemperance  of  the  mo- 
ment, and  of  guarding  against  the  interference  of  passion  with  the  public 

interest. 

t 

Soon  after  the  transmission  of  these  letters,  he  received  a  resolution  of 
congress,  directing  him  to  take  every  measure  in  his  power  to  prevent 
the  publication  of  the  protest  entered  into  by  the  officers  of  Sullivan's 
army.  In  his  letter  communicating  this  resolution,  he  said,  "  the  dis- 
agreement between  the  army  under  your  command  and  the  fleet,  has 
given  me  very  singular  uneasiness.  The  continent  at  large  is  concerned 
in  our  cordiality,  and  it  should  be  kept  up  by  all  possible  means,  consist- 
ent with  our  honour  and  policy.  First  impressions,  you  know,  are 
generally  longest  retained,  and  will  serve  to  fix,  in  a  great  degree,  our 
national  character  with  the  French.  In  our  conduct  towards  them,  we 
should  remember  that  they  are  a  people  old  in  war,  very  strict  in  mili- 
tary etiquette,  and  apt  to  take  fire  when  others  scarcely  seem  warm. 
Permit  me  to  recommend  in  the  most  particular  manner,  the  cultivation 
of  harmony  and  good  agreement,  and  your  endeavours  to  destroy  that 
ill  humour  which  may  have  found  its  way  among  the  officers.  It  is  of 
the  utmost  importance  too,  that  the  soldiers  and  the  people  should  know 
nothing  of  this  misunderstanding,  or,  if  it  has  reached  them,  that  means 
may  be  used  to  stop  its  progress,  and  prevent  its  effects."  In  a  letter  to 
General  Greene,  after  expressing  his  fears  that  the  seeds  of  dissension 
and  distrust  might  be  sown  between  the  troops  of  the  two  nations,  he 
added,  "  I  depend  much  on  your  temper  and  influence,  to  conciliate  that 
animosity  which,  I  plainly  perceive  by  a  letter  from  the  marquis,  subsists 
between  the  American  and  French  officers  in  our  service.  This,  you 


268  THE  LIFE  OF 

may  be  assured,  will  extend  itself  to  the  Count,  and  to  the  officers  and 
men  of  his  whole  fleet,  should  they  return  to  Rhode  Island,  unless  a  re- 
conciliation shall  have  taken  place.  The  Marquis  speaks  kindly  of  a 
letter  from  you  to  him  on  this  subject.  He  will  therefore  take  any  ad- 
vice from  you  in  a  friendly  way ;  and,  if  he  can  be  pacified,  the  other 
French  gentleman  will,  of  course,  be  satisfied ;  since  they  look  up  to 
him  as  their  head.  The  Marquis  grounds  his  complaint  on  a  general 
order  of  the  24th  of  August,  and  upon  the  universal  clamour  that  pre- 
vailed against  the  French  nation. 

"  J  beg  you  will  take  every  measure  to  keep  the  protest  entered  into 
by  the  general  officers  from  being  made  public.  Congress,  sensible  of 
the  ill  consequences  that  will  flow  from  our  differences  being  known  to 
the  world,  have  passed  a  resolve  to  that  purpose.  Upon  the  whole,  my 
dear  sir,  you  can  conceive  my  meaning,*  better  than  I  can  express  it, 
and  I  therefore  fully  depend  on  your  exerting  yourself  to  heal  all  private 
animosities  between  our  principal  officers  and  the  French,  and  to  pre- 
vent all  illiberal  expressions  and  reflections  that  may  fall  from  the  army 
at  large." 

The  general  also  seized  the  first  opportunity  to  recommence  his  cor 
respondence  with  the  Count ;  and  his  letters,  without  noticing  the  disagree- 
ment which  had  taken  place,  were  calculated  to  sooth  every  angry  sen- 
sation which  might  have  been  excited.  A  letter  from  the  admiral  stating 
the  whole  transaction,  was  answered  by  General  Washington  in  a  man- 
ner so  perfectly  satisfactory,  that  the  irritation  which  threatened  such 
serious  mischief,  appears  to  have  entirely  subsided. 

Congress  also,  in  a  resolution  which  was  made  public,  expressed  their 
perfect  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  the  Count,  and  directed  the  presi- 
dent to  assure  him,  in  the  letter  which  should  transmit  it,  that  they  en 
tertained  the  highest  sense  of  his  zeal  and  attachment. 

These  prudent  and  temperate  measures  restored  harmony  to  the  allied 
armies. 

The  storm  under  which  the  French  fleet  had  suffered  so  severely,  did 
considerable  damage  also  to  that  of  Lord  Howe.  The  British,  however, 
had  sustained  less  injury  than  the  French,  and  were  soon  in  a  condition 
to  put  again  to  sea.  Having  received  information  that  the  Count  D'Es- 
taing  had  made  for  Boston,  Lord  Howe  sailed  for  the  same  port,  in  the 
hope  of  reaching  it  before  him.  But  in  this  he  was  disappointed.  On 
entering  the  bay  he  found  the  French  fleet  already  in  Nantasket  Road, 
where  such  judicious  dispositions  had  been  made  for  its  defence,  that  he 

*  Alluding,  it  is  presumed,  to  the  delicacy  of  suggesting  to  General  Sullivan  the 
mischief  to  be  apprehended  from  any  intemperate  expressions. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  26S 

relinquished  the  idea  of  attacking  it,  and  returned  to  New  York ;  where 
he  resigned  the  command  to  Admiral  Gambier,  who  was  to  retain  it  till 
the  arrival  of  Admiral  Byron. 

Finding  that  General  Sullivan  had  retreated  to  the  continent,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  returned  to  New  York,  leaving  the  command  of  the  troops 
on  board  the  transports  with  Major  General  Gray,  who  was  directed  to 
conduct  an  expedition  to  the  eastward,  as  far  as  Buzzards  bay. 

Gray  entered  Acushnet  river,  where  he  destroyed  a  number  of  priva- 
teers with  their  prizes,  and  some  merchant  vessels.     He  also 
reduced  part  of  the  towns  of  Bedford  and  Fairhaven  to  ashes, 
in  which  some  military  and  naval  stores  had  been  collected.  The  troops 
re-embarked  the  next  day,  before  the  militia  could  be  assembled  in  suf- 
ficient force  to  oppose  them,  and  sailed  to  Martha's  Vineyard,  where 
they  destroyed  several  vessels,  and  some  salt  works,  and  levied  a  heavy 
contribution  of  live  stock  on  the  inhabitants. 

While  so  large  a  detachment  from  the  British  army  was  depredating 
the  coasts  of  New  England,  preparations  were  making  in  New  York  for 
some  distant  expedition ;  and  many  were  of  opinion  that  the  French  fleet 
was  its  object.  To  be  in  readiness  to  oppose  a  combined  attack  by  sea 
and  land  on  the  fleet,  General  Gates  was  directed  with  three  brigades,  to 
proceed  by  easy  marches  as  far  as  Danbury,  in  Connecticut.  And 
Washington  moved  northward  to  Fredericksburg ;  while  General  Put- 
nam was  detached  with  two  brigades  to  the  neighbourhood  of  West 
Point,  and  General  M'Dougal,  with  two  others,  to  join  General  Gates  at 
Danbury. 

Soon  after  the  return  of  General  Gray  from  New  England,  the  British 
army  moved  up  the  North  River  on  each  side  in  great  force. 
The  column  on  the  west  side,  commanded  by  Lord  Cornwal- 
lis,  consisting  of  about  five  thousand  men,  took  a  position  with  its  right 
on  the  river,  and  its  left  extending  to  Newbridge,  on  the  Hackensack ; 
while  the  other  division,  which  was  commanded  by  General  Knyphausen, 
consisting  of  about  three  thousand  men,  was  advanced  about  the  same 
distance  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson.  The  command  of  the  river 
enabled  these  two  columns  to  communicate  freely  with  each  other;  and, 
at  any  time,  to  reunite.  Although  General  Washington  conjectured  that 
this  movement  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  foraging,  yet  it  was  possible 
that  the  passes  in  the  Highlands  might  be  its  object ;  and  orders  were 
given  to  the  detachments  on  the  lines  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to 
anticipate  the  execution  of  such  a  design. 

Colonel  Baylor,  with  his  regiment  of  cavalry,  had  crossed  the  Hack- 
onsack  early  in  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  September,  and  taken  quar- 

VOL.  r.  18 


270  THE  LIFE  OF 

ters  at  Taupaun,  or  Herringtown,  a  small  village  near  New  Taupaun, 
where  some  militia  were  posted.  Immediate  notice  of  his  position  was 
given  to  Lord  Cornwallis,  who  formed  a  plan  to  surprise  and  cut  off 
both  the  cavalry  and  militia.  The  party  designed  to  act  against  Colo- 
nel Baylor  was  commanded  by  General  Gray,  and  that  against  the  mi- 
litia, by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell. 

That  part  of  the  plan  which  was  to  be  executed  by  Campbell  was  de- 
feated by  delays  in  passing  the  river,  during  which  a  deserter 
gave  notice  of  his  approach,  and  the  militia  saved  themselves 
by  flight.  But  the  corps  commanded  by  General  Gray,  guided  by  some 
of  the  country  people,  eluded  the  patrols,  got  into  the  rear  of  the  ser- 
jeant's  guard  which  had  been  posted  at  a  bridge  over  the  Hackensack, 
cut  it  off  without  alarming  Baylor,  and  completely  surprised  his  whole 
regiment.  The  British  troops  rushed  into  a  barn  where  the  Americans 
slept ;  and,  refusing  to  give  quarter,  bayoneted  for  a  time  all  they  saw. 
Of  one  hundred  and  four  privates,  sixty-seven  were  killed,  wounded, 
and  taken.  The  number  of  prisoners,  amounting  to  about  forty,  is 
stated  to  have  been  increased  by  the  humanity  of  one  of  Gray's  cap- 
tains, who,  notwithstanding  his  orders,  gave  quarter  to  the  whole  of  the 
fourth  troop.  Colonel  Baylor  and  Major  Clough,  who  were  both  wound- 
ed with  the  bayonet,  the  first  dangerously,  the  last  mortally,  were  among 
the  prisoners. 

Three  days  after  this  affair,  Colonel  Richard  Butler,  with  a  detach- 
ment of  infantry,  assisted  by  Major  Lee  with  a  part  of  his  cavalry,  fell 
in  with  a  small  party  of  chasseurs  and  yagers  under  Captain  Donop, 
which  he  instantly  charged,  and,  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  killed  ten 
on  the  spot,  and  took  the  officer  commanding  the  chasseur,  and  eighteen 
of  the  yagers,  prisoners.  Only  the  extreme  roughness  of  the  country, 
which  impeded  the  action  of  the  cavalry,  and  prevented  part  of  the  in- 
fantry from  coming  up,  enabled  a  man  of  the  enemy  to  escape.  Some 
interest  was  taken  at  the  time  in  this  small  affair,  because  it  seemed,  in 
some  measure,  to  revenge  the  loss  of  Colonel  Baylor. 

After  completing  their  forage,  the  British  army  returned  to  New 
York. 

This  movement  had  been,  in  part,  designed  to  cover  an  expedition 
against  Little  Egg  Harbour,  which  was  completely  successful ;  and  the 
works  and  store-houses  at  the  place,  as  well  as  the  merchandise  and  ves- 
sels, were  entirely  destroyed. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  Count  Pulaski  had  been  appointed 
general  of  the  American  cavalry.  The  dissatisfaction  given  by  this 
appointment  to  the  officers,  had  induced  him  to  resign  his  commission 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  271 

but,  thirsting  for  military  fame,  and  zealous  in  the  American  cause,  he 
obtained  permission  to  raise  a  legionary  corps,  which  he  officered  chiefly 
with  foreigners,  and  commanded  in  person.  In  this  corps,  one  Juliet,  a 
deserter,  had  been  admitted  as  an  officer.  The  Count  had  been  ordered 
to  march  from  Trenton  towards  Little  Egg  Harbour,  and  was  lying 
eight  or  ten  miles  from  the  coast,  when  this  Juliet  again  deserted,  car- 
rying with  him  intelligence  of  Pulaski's  strength  and  situation.  A  plan 
was  formed  to  surprise  him,  which  succeeded  completely  so  far  as  re- 
spected his  infantry,  who  were  put  to  the  bayonet.  The  British  accounts 
of  this  expedition  assert  that  the  whole  corps  was  destroyed.  Pulaski 
stated  his  loss  at  about  forty  ;  and  averred  that  on  coming  up  with  his 
cavalry  to  the  relief  of  his  infantry,  he  repulsed  the  enemy.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  the  one  account  diminishes  the  importance  of  this  enterprise 
as  much  as  the  other  magnifies  it. 

Admiral  Byron  reached  New  York,  and  took  command  of  the  fleet 
about  the  middle  of  September.  After  repairing  his  shattered  vessels, 
he  sailed  for  the  port  of  Boston.  Soon  after  his  arrival  in  the  bay,  for- 
tune disconcerted  all  his  plans.  A  furious  storm  drove  him  out  to  sea, 
and  damaged  his  fleet  so  much  that  he  found  it  necessary  to  put  into  the 
port  of  Rhode  Island  to  refit.  This  favourable  moment  was  seized  by 
the  Count  D'Estaing,  who  sailed,  on  the  3d  of  November,  for  the  West 
Indies. 

Thus  terminated  an  expedition  from  which  the  most  important  advan- 
tages had  been  anticipated.  A  variety  of  accidents  had  defeated  plans 
judiciously  formed,  which  had  every  probability  in  their  favour. 

The  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  ambitious  of  fame  on  another  theatre,  was 
desirous  of  returning  to  France.  Expecting  war  on  the  continent  of 
Europe,  he  was  anxious  to  tender  his  services  to  his  king,  and  to  his 
native  country. 

From  motives  of  real  friendship  as  well  as  of  policy,  General  Wash- 
ington was  desirous  of  preserving  the  connexion  of  this  officer  with  the 
army,  and  of  strengthening  his  attachment  to  America.  He  therefore 
expressed  to  congress  his  wish  that  Lafayette,  instead  of  resigning  his 
commission,  might  have  unlimited  leave  of  absence,  to  return  when  it 
should  be  convenient  to  himself;  and  might  carry  with  him  every  mark 
of  the  confidence  of  the  government. 

This  policy  was  adopted  by  congress  in  its  full  extent.  The  partiality 
of  America  for  Lafayette  was  well  placed.  Never  did  a  foreigner, 
whose  primary  attachments  to  his  own  country  remained  undiminished, 
feel  more  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  another,  than  was  unceasingly 
manifested  by  this  young  nobleman,  for  the  United  States. 


272  THE  LIFE  OF 

There  being  no  prospect  of  an  active  winter  campaign  in  the  north- 
ern or  middle  states,  and  the  climate  admitting  of  military  operations 
elsewhere,  a  detachment  from  the  British  army,  consisting  of  five  thou- 
sand men  commanded  by  Major  General  Grant,  sailed,  early  in  Novem- 
ber, under  a  strong  convoy,  for  the  West  India  Islands ;  and,  towards 
the  end  of  the  same  month,  another  embarkation  was  made  for  the 
southern  parts  of  the  continent.  This  second  detachment  was  com- 
manded by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell,  who  was  escorted  by  Commo- 
dore Hyde  Parker,  and  was  destined  to  act  against  the  southern  states. 

As  a  force  sufficient  for  the  defence  of  New  York  yet  remained, 
the  American  army  retired  into  winter  quarters.  The  main 
body  was  cantoned  in  Connecticut,  on  both  sides  the  North 
River,  about  West  Point,  and  at  Middlebrook.  Light  troops  were  sta- 
tioned nearer  the  lines;  and  the  cavalry  were  drawn  into  the  interior  to 
recruit  the  horses  for  the  next  campaign.  In  this  distribution,  the  protec- 
tion of  the  country,  the  security  of  important  points,  and  a  cheap  and 
convenient  supply  of  provisions,  were  consulted. 

The  troops  again  wintered  in  huts ;  but  they  were  accustomed  to  this 
mode  of  passing  that  inclement  season.  Though  far  from  being  well 
clothed,  their  condition  in  that  respect  was  so  much  improved  by  sup- 
plies from  France,  that  they  disregarded  the  inconveniences  to  which 
they  were  exposed. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  273 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Arrival  of  the  British  commissioners. — Terms  of  conciliation  proposed. — Answer  of 
congress  to  their  propositions. — Attempts  of  Mr.  Johnson  to  bribe  some  members 
of  congress. — His  private  letters  ordered  to  be  published. — Manifesto  of  the  com- 
missioners, and  counter-manifesto  of  congress. — Arrival  of  Monsieur  Gerard,  mi- 
nister plenipotentiary  of  France. — Hostilities  of  the  Indians. — Irruption  into  the 
Wyoming  settlement. — Battle  of  Wyoming. — Colonel  Dennison  capitulates  for 
the  inhabitants. — Distress  of  the  settlement. — Colonel  Clarke  surprises  St.  Vin- 
cent.—Congress  determines  to  invade  Canada. — General  Washington  opposes  the 
measure. — Induces  congress  to  abandon  it. 

ABOUT  the  time  that  Commodore  Parker  sailed  for  the  southern  states, 
the  commissioners  appointed  to  give  effect  to  the  late  conci- 
liatory acts  of  Parliament,  embarked  for  Europe.  They  had 
exerted  their  utmost  powers  to  effect  the  object  of  their  mission,  but  without 
success.  Great  Britain  required  that  the  force  of  the  two  nations  should 
be  united  under  one  common  sovereign ;  and  America  was  no  longer  dis- 
posed, or  even  at  liberty  to  accede  to  this  condition.  All  those  affections, 
which  parts  of  the  same  empire  should  feel  for  each  other,  had  been 
eradicated  by  a  distressing  war ;  the  great  body  of  the  people  were  de- 
termined, at  every  sacrifice,  to  maintain  their  independence ;  and  the 
treaty  with  France  had  pledged  the  honour  and  the  faith  of  the  nation, 
never  to  consent  to  a  reunion  with  the  British  empire. 

The  commissioners  arrived  in  Philadelphia  while  that  place  was  yet 
in  possession  of  their  army,  and  are  understood  to  have  brought  posi- 
tive orders  for  its  evacuation.  Their  arrival  was  immediately  announced 
to  General  Washington  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  was  joined  with  them 
in  the  commission,  and  a  passport  was  requested  for  their  secretary, 
Doctor  Ferguson,  as  the  bearer  of  their  first  despatches  to  congress. 
The  Commander-in-chief  declined  granting  this  passport  until  he  should 
receive  the  instructions  of  his  government;  on  which  a  letter  addressed 
"  To  the  president  and  other  the  members  of  congress,"  was  forwarded 
in  the  usual  manner.  Copies  of  their  commission,  and  of  the  acts  of 
Parliament  on  which  it  was  founded,  together  with  propositions  conform- 
ing to  those  acts,  drawn  in  the  most  conciliatory  language,  were  trans- 
mitted with  this  letter. 

Some  observations  having  been  Introduced  into  it  reflecting  on  the  con- 
Y 


274  THE  LIFE  OF 

duct  of  France,*  the  reading  was  interrupted,  and  a  motion  made  to 
proceed  no  farther  in\  consequence  of  this  offensive  language  to  his  most 
Christian  Majesty.  This  motion  producing  some  debate,  an  adjourn- 
ment was  moved  and  carried.  When  congress  reassembled,  the  warmth 
of  the  preceding  day  had  not  entirely  subsided ;  but,  after  several  inef- 
fectual motions  to  prevent  it,  the  letter  was  read  and  committed.  The 
answer  which  was  reported  by  the  committee,  and  transmitted  to  the 
commissioners,  declared  that  "  nothing  but  an  earnest  desire  to  spare 
the  farther  effusion  of  human  blood,  could  have  induced  them  to  read  a 
paper  containing  expressions  so  disrespectful  to  his  most  Christian  Ma- 
iesty,  the  good  and  great  ally  of  these  states,  or  to  consider  propositions 
so  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  an  independent  nation. 

"  That  the  acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  the  commission  from  their 
sovereign,  and  their  letter,  supposed  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  be 
subjects  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  were  founded  on  the  idea  of 
dependence,  which  is  totally  inadmissible. 

"That  congress  was  inclined  to  peace,  notwithstanding  the  unjust 
claims  from  which  this  was  originated,  and  the  savage  manner  in  which 
it  was  conducted.  They  would  therefore  be  ready  to  enter  upon  the  con- 
sideration of  a  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce,  not  inconsistent  with  trea- 
ties already  subsisting,  when  the  King  of  Great  Britain  should  demon- 
strate a  sincere  disposition  for  that  purpose.  The  only  solid  proof  of 
this  disposition  would  be  an  explicit  acknowledgment  of  the  independ- 
ence of  these  states,  or  the  withdrawing  his  fleets  and  armies." 

On  the  13th  of  July,  after  arriving  at  New  York,  the  commissioners 
addressed  a  second  letter  to  congress,  expressing  their  regrets  that  any 
difficulties  were  raised  which  must  prolong  the  calamities  of  war ;  and 
reviewing  the  letter  of  congress  in  terms  well  calculated  to  make  an  im- 
pression on  those  who  had  become  weary  of  the  contest,  and  to  revive 
ancient  prejudices  in  favour  of  England  and  against  France. 

This  letter  being  read,  congress  resolved  that,  as  neither  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States  was  explicitly  acknowledged,  nor  the 
fleets  and  armies  withdrawn,  no  answer  should  be  given  to  it. 

It  would  seem  that  the  first  letter  of  congress  must  have  convinced  the 
British  commissioners  that  no  hope  could  be  indulged  of  restoring  peace 
on  any  other  terms  than  the  independence  of  the  United  States.  Con- 
gress must  have  been  equally  certain  that  the  commissioners  were  not 
empowered  to  acknowledge  that  independence,  or  to  direct  the  fleets  and 

*  The  offensive  words  were  "  insidious  interposition  of  a  power  which  has,  from  the 
first  settlement  of  the  colonies,  been  actuated  with  enmity  to  us  both ;  and  notwith 
standing  the  pretended  date  or  present  form  of  the  French  offers." 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  275 

armies  of  Great  Britain  to  be  withdrawn.  The  intercourse  between  them 
therefore,  after  the  first  communications  were  exchanged,  and  all  subse- 
quent measures,  became  a  game  of  skill,  in  which  the  parties  played  for 
the  affections  and  passions  of  the  people ;  and  was  no  longer  a  diploma- 
tic correspondence,  discussing  the  interests  of  two  great  nations  with  the 
hope  of  accommodation. 

The  first  packet  addressed  by  the  commissioners  to  congress,  con- 
tained several  private  letters,  written  by  Governor  Johnson  to  members 
of  that  body,  in  which  he  blended,  with  flattering  expressions  of  respect 
for  their  characters  and  their  conduct,  assurances  of  the  honours  and 
emoluments  to  which  those  would  be  entitled  who  should  contribute  to 
restore  peace  and  harmony  to  the  two  countries  and  to  terminate  the  pre- 
sent war. 

A  few  days  before  the  receipt  of  the  letter  of  the  13th  of  July,  congress 
passed  a  resolution  requiring  that  all  letters  of  a  public  nature  received 
by  any  member  from  any  subject  of  the  British  crown,  should  be  laid 
before  them.  In  compliance  with  this  resolution,  the  letters  of  Governor 
Johnson  were  produced ;  and,  some  time  afterwards,  Mr.  Read  stated, 
in  his  place,  a  direct  offer  which  had  been  made  him  by  a  third  person, 
of  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  and  of  any  office  in  the  gift  of  the 
crown,  as  an  inducement  to  use  his  influence  for  the  restoration  of  har- 
mony between  the  two  countries.  Congress  determined  to  communicate 
these  circumstances  to  the  American  people,  and  made  a  solemn  decla- 
ration, in  which,  after  reciting  the  offensive  paragraphs  of  the  private 
letters,  and  the  conversation  stated  by  Mr.  Read,  they  expressed  their 
opinion  "  that  these  were  direct  attempts  to  corrupt  and  bribe  the  con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  and  that  it  was  incompatible  with  their  honour 
to  hold  any  manner  of  correspondence  or  intercourse  with  the  said 
George  Johnson,  Esquire,  especially  to  negotiate  with  him  upon  affairs 
in  which  the  cause  of  liberty  is  interested."  After  an  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  involve  the  other  commissioners  in  the  same  exclusion,  this  de- 
claration was  transmitted  to  them  while  they  were  expecting  an  answer 
to  a  remonstrance  on  the  detention  of  the  army  of  General  Burgoyne. 

On  receiving  it,  Mr.  Johnson  withdrew  from  the  commission,  declar- 
ing that  he  should  be  happy  to  find  congress  inclined  to  retract  their 
former  declaration,  and  to  negotiate  with  others  on  terms  equally  con- 
ducive to  the  happiness  of  both  countries.  This  declaration  was  accom- 
panied by  one  signed  by  the  other  commissioners,  in  which,  without  ad- 
mitting the  construction  put  by  congress  on  his  letters,  or  the  authority 
of  the  person  who  held  the  conversation  with  Mr.  Read,  they  denied  all 
knowledge  of  those  letters  or  of  that  conversation.  They  at  the,  same 


276  THE  LIFE  OF 

time  detailed  the  advantages  to  be  derived  by  America  from  the  propo- 
sitions they  had  made,  "  advantages,"  they  added,  "  decidedly  superior  to 
any  which  could  be  expected  from  an  unnatural  alliance  with  France, 
only  entered  into  by  that  nation  for  the  purpose  of  prolonging  the  war, 
after  the  full  knowledge  on  their  part  of  the  liberal  terms  intended  to  be 
offered  by  Great  Britain."  With  this  declaration  was  transmitted  a  copy 
of  the  former  remonstrance*  against  the  detention  of  the  convention 
troops,  without  the  signature  of  Governor  Johnson,  and  an  extract  from 
the  instructions  given  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
authorizing  him  to  demand,  in  express  terms,  a  performance  of  the  con- 
vention made  with  General  Burgoyne,  and,  if  required,  to  renew  and 
ratify  all  its  conditions  in  the  name  of  the  king. 

All  the  publications  of  the  British  commissioners  indicate  an  opinion 
that  they  could  be  more  successful  with  the  people  than  with  congress; 
and,  not  unfrequently  betray  the  desire  that  the  constituents  of  that  body 
might  be  enabled  to  decide  on  the  measures  taken  by  their  representa- 
tives. 

On  the  part  of  congress,  it  was  deemed  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
keep  the  public  mind  correct,  and  to  defeat  all  attempts  to  make  unfa- 
vourable impressions  on  it.  Several  members  of  that  body  entered  the  lists 
as  disputants,  and  employed  their  pens  with  ability  and  success,  as  well 
in  serious  argument,  as  in  rousing  the  various  passions  which  influence 
the  conduct  of  men.  The  attempt  to  accomplish  the  object  of  the  mission 
by  corruption  was  wielded  with  great  effect ;  and  it  was  urged  with  equal 
force  that  should  the  United  States  now  break  their  faith  with  France, 
and  treat  on  the  footing  of  dependence,  they  would  sacrifice  all  credit 
with  foreign  nations,  would  be  considered  by  all  as  faithless  and  infamous, 
and  would  forfeit  all  pretensions  to  future  aid  from  abroad ;  after  which 
the  terms  now  offered  might  be  retracted,  and  the  war  be  recommenced. 
To  these  representations  were  added  the  certainty  of  independence,  and 
the  great  advantages  which  must  result  from  its  establishment.  The 
letters  of  the  commissioners  were  treated  as  attempts  to  sow  divisions 
among  the  people  of  which  they  might  afterwards  avail  themselves,  and 
thus  effect  by  intrigue,  what  had  been  found  unattainable  by  arms. 

These  essays  were  read  with  avidity,  and  seem  to  have  produced  all 
the  effect  which  was  expected  from  them  among  the  friends  of  the  revo- 
lution. 

The  commissioners  appear  still  to  have  cherished  the  hope,  that  a  com- 

*  Some  expressions  having  teen  used  in  the  letter,  respecting  the  convention  troops, 
which  were  deemed  disrespectful,  no  other  reply  was  made  to  it  than  that  "  congress 
gave  no  answer  to  insolent  letters," 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  277 

plete  knowledge  of  the  terms  they  had  offered,  operating  on  the  disap- 
pointment of  the  extravagant  hopes  which  had  been  founded  on  the  arri- 
val of  a  French  fleet,  would  make  a  great  impression  on  a  large  portion 
of  the  American  people.  This  opinion  induced  them,  before  their  depar- 
ture, to  publish  a  manifesto,  addressed,  not  only  to  congress,  but  to  all  the 
provincial  assemblies,  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  of  what- 
ever denomination,  briefly  recapitulating  the  several  steps  they  had  taken 
to  accomplish  the  object  of  their  mission,  and  the  refusal  of  congress  even 
to  open  a  conference  with  them.  They  declared  their  readiness  still  to 
proceed  in  the  execution  of  the  powers  contained  in  their  commission, 
and  to  treat  either  with  deputies  from  all  the  colonies  conjointly,  or  with 
any  provincial  assembly  or  convention  individually,  at  any  time  within 
the  space  of  forty  days  from  the  date  of  their  manifesto.  They  also 
proclaimed  a  general  pardon  for  all  treasons  and  rebellious  practices 
committed  at  any  time  previous  to  the  date  of  their  manifesto,  to  such  as 
should,  within  the  term  of  forty  days,  withdraw  from  their  opposition  to 
the  British  government,  and  conduct  themselves  as  faithful  and  loyal 
subjects.  To  enable  all  persons  to  avail  themselves  of  this  proffered 
pardon,  thirteen  copies  of  the  manifesto  were  executed,  one  of  which  was 
transmitted  by  a  flag  of  truce  to  each  state.  A  vast  number  of  copies 
were  printed,  and  great  exertions  were  made  by  flags  and  other  means 
to  disperse  them  among  the  people. 

On  being  informed  of  these  proceedings,  congress,  without  hesitation, 
adopted  the  course  which  the  government  of  an  independent  nation  is 
bound  to  pursue,  when  attempts  are  made  by  a  foreign  power  to  open 
negotiations  with  unauthorized  individuals.  They  declared  the  measure 
"  to  be  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations,  and  utterly  subversive  of  that 
confidence  which  could  alone  maintain  those  means  which  had  been 
invented  to  alleviate  the  horrors  of  war ;  and,  therefore,  that  the  persons 
employed  to  distribute  such  papers,  were  not  entitled  to  the  protection  of 
a  flag."  They  recommended  it  to  the  executive  departments  in  the  re- 
spective states,  "  to  secure,  in  close  custody,  every  person  who,  under 
the  sanction  of  a  flag,  or  otherwise,  was  found  employed  in  circulating 
those  manifestoes."  At  the  same  time,  to  show  that  these  measures 
were  not  taken  for  the  purpose  of  concealment,  they  directed  a  publica- 
tion of  the  manifesto  in  the  American  papers.  Care,  however,  was  taken 
to  accompany  it  with  comments  made  by  individuals,  calculated  to  coun- 
teract its  effect.  A  vessel  containing  a  cargo  of  these  papers  being 
wrecked  on  the  coast,  the  officers  and  crew  were  made  prisoners ;  and 
the  requisition  of  Admiral  Gambier  for  their  release,  in  consequence  of 


278  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  privilege  afforded  by  his  flag,  was  answered  by  a  declaration  that 
they  had  forfeited  that  privilege  by  being  charged  with  seditious  papers. 

Not  long  after  the  publication  of  this  paper,  a  counter  manifesto  was 
issued  by  congress,  in  which,  after  touching  on  subjects  which  might 
influence  the  public  mind,  they  "  solemnly  declare  and  proclaim,  that  if 
their  enemies  presume  to  execute  their  threats,  or  persist  in  their  present 
course  of  barbarity,  they  will  take  such  exemplary  vengeance  as  shall 
deter  others  from  a  like  conduct." 

Thus  ended  this  fruitless  attempt  to  restore  a  connexion  which  had 
been  wantonly  broken,  the  reinstatement  of  which  had  become  imprac- 
ticable. With  the  war,  and  with  independence,  a  course  of  opinion  had 
prevailed  in  America,  which  not  only  opposed  great  obstacles  to  a  re- 
union of  the  two  countries  under  one  common  sovereign,  but,  by  substi- 
tuting discordant  materials  in  the  place  of  the  cement  which  formerly 
bound  them  together,  rendered  such  an  event  undesirable  even  to  the 
British  themselves.  The  time  was  arrived  when  the  true  interest  of  that 
hation  required  the  relinquishment  of  an  expensive  war,  the  object  of 
which  was  unattainable,  and  which,  if  attained,  could  not  be  long  pre- 
served ;  and  the  establishment  of  those  amicable  relations  which  recipro- 
cal interests  produce  between  independent  states,  capable  of  being  ser- 
viceable to  each  other  by  a  fair  and  equal  interchange  of  good  offices. 

This  opinion,  however,  was  not  yet  embraced  by  the  cabinet  of  Lon- 
don ;  and  great  exertions  were  still  to  be  made  for  the  reannexation  of 
the  American  states  to  the  British  empire.  Even  the  opposition  was  not 
united  against  a  continuance  of  the  war  for  the  object  now  proposed;  and 
the  Earl  of  Chatham,  who  had  endeavoured  first  to  prevent  the  conflict, 
and  afterwards  to  produce  conciliation,  closed  his  splendid  life  in  un- 
availing efforts  to  prevent  that  dismemberment  which  had  become  inevit- 
able.* 

*  The  author  has  been  favoured  by  his  estimable  friend,  Major  General  Scott,  with 
the  perusal  of  an  introduction  written  by  Mr.  L.  De  Sevelinges,  to  Botta's  "  History 
of  the  war  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  translated  into 
French. 

Mr.  De  Sevelinges  professes  to  have  received  the  most  precious  explanations,  rela- 
tive to  incidents  and  motives,  from  a  gentleman  equally  distinguished  for  his  knowledge 
and  his  character,  whose  situation  (jnabled  him  to  become  acquainted  with  facts  which 
were  concealed  from  the  public.  Speaking  of  the  attempt  made  by  Mr.  Johnstone, 
he  says,  p.  19,  it  was  essential  "to  break  off  all  communication  with  the  agents  of  the 
British  minister.  Mr.  Girard  directed  all  his  efforts  to  this  object,  and  had  the  good 
fortune  to  effect  it. 

But  the  English  faction  of  tories  subsisted.  It  was  powerful  from  the  credit  of  its 
chiefs." 

In  a  note  on  this  passage,  he  says,  "  The  most  influential  were  Samuel  Adams  and 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  279 

In  the  midst  of  these  transactions  with  the  commissioners  of  Great 
Britain,  the  Sieur  Girard  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  cha- 
racter of  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  his  Most  Christian  Ma- 
jesty. 

The  joy  produced  by  this  event  was  unbounded ;  and  he  was  received 
by  congress  with  great  pomp. 

While  these  diplomatic  concerns  employed  the  American  cabinet,  and 
while  the  war  seemed  to  languish  on  the  Atlantic,  it  raged  to  the  west  in 
its  most  savage  form. 

The  difficulties  which  the  inability  of  the  American  government  to  fur- 
nish the  neighbouring  Indians  with  those  European  articles  which  they 
were  accustomed  to  use,  opposed  to  all  the  efforts  of  congress  to  preserve, 
their  friendship,  have  already  been  noticed.  Early  in  1778,  there  were 
many  indications  of  a  general  disposition  among  those  savages  to  make 
war  on  the  United  States ;  and  the  frontiers,  from  the  Mohawk  to  the 
Ohio,  were  threatened  with  the  tomahawk  and  the  scalping  knife.  Every 

Richard  Lee,  (Richard  H.  Lee,)  the  brother  of  Arthur  Lee,  one  of  the  deputies  of 
congress  in  France.  He  was  convicted  of  having  secret  intelligence  with  the  British 
minister." 

It  would  be  injustice  to  the  memoirs  of  these  distinguished  patriots  to  attempt  their 
vindication  against  this  atrocious  and  unfounded  calumny.  A  calumny  supported  by 
no  testimony,  nor  by  a  single  circumstance  wearing  even  the  semblance  of  probability, 
and  confuted  by  the  whole  tenour  of  their  lives.  The  annals  of  the  American  revolu 
tion  do  not  furnish  two  names  more  entirely  above  suspicion  than  Samuel  Adams  and 
Richard  Henry  Lee.  With  the  first  gentleman  the  author  was  not  personally  ac- 
quainted. •  With  the  last  he  was ;  and  can  appeal  with  confidence  to  every  man  who 
knew  him,  to  declare  the  conviction,  that  he  died  as  he  lived,  a  pure  and  devoted,  as 
well  as  enlightened  friend  of  American  independence.  The  same  character  was  main- 
tained by  Mr.  Adams. 

In  casting  about  for  the  foundation  of  this  calumny,  the  author  is  inclined  to  look 
for  it  in  the  opinions  entertained  by  these  gentlemen,  on  subjects  connected  with  the 
negotiations  for  peace. 

Since  the  publication  of  the  secret  journals  of  congress,  it  is  generally  known  that 
France  countenanced  the  claim  of  Spain  to  circumscribe  the  western  boundary  of  the 
United  States,  by  the  line  prescribed  in  the  royal  proclamation  of  1763,  for  settlement 
of  vacant  lands.  After  Great  Britain  had  consented  to  acknowledge  the  independence 
of  the  United  States,  it  was  understood  by  those  who  were  acquainted  with  the  views 
of  the  belligerents,  that  a  disposition  existed  on  the  part  of  France  and  Spain,  to  con- 
tinue the  war  for  objects  in  which  the  United  States  felt  no  interest, — among  others, 
for  Gibraltar  and  Jamaica.  Some  American  statesmen,  and  the  Lees  were  of  the 
number,  probably  Mr.  Adams  also,  were  extremely  apprehensive  that  the  miseries  of 
their  country  would  be  prolonged  for  these  objects.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  sen- 
timents of  these  gentlemen  on  these  subjects,  being  in  opposition  to  the  views  of 
France,  might,  though  founded  entirely  in  American  policy,  be  attributed  to  British 
intrigues. 


280  THE  LIFE  OF 

representation  from  that  country  supported  the  opinion  that  a  war  with 
the  Indians  should  never  be  defensive ;  and  that,  to  obtain  peace,  it  must 
be  carried  into  their  own  country.  Detroit,  whose  governor  was  be- 
lieved to  have  been  particularly  active  in  exciting  hostilities,  was  under- 
stood to  be  in  a  defenceless  condition ;  and  congress  resolved  on  an 
expedition  against  that  place.  This  enterprise  was  entrusted  to  General 
M'Intosh,  who  commanded  at  Pittsburg,  and  was  to  be  carried  on  with 
three  thousand  men,  chiefly  militia,  to  be  drawn  from  Virginia.  To 
facilitate  its  success,  the  resolution  was  also  taken  to  enter  the  country 
of  the  Senecas  at  the  same  time,  by  the  way  of  the  Mohawk.  The  offi- 
cer commanding  on  the  east  of  the  Hudson  was  desired  to  take  measures 
for  carrying  this  resolution  into  execution ;  and  the  commissioners  for 
Indian  affairs,  at  Albany,  were  directed  to  co-operate  with  him. 

Unfortunately,  the  acts  of  the  government  did  not  correspond  with  the 
vigour  of  its  resolutions.  The  necessary  preparations  were  not  made,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  the  frontiers  remained  without  sufficient  protection, 
until  the  plans  against  them  were  matured,  and  the  storm  which  had 
been  long  gathering,  burst  upon  them  with  a  fury  which  spread  desola- 
tion wherever  it  reached. 

About  three  hundred  white  men,  commanded  by  Colonel  John  Butler, 
and  about  five  hundred  Indians,  led  by  the  Indian  chief  Brandt,  who  had 
assembled  in  the  north,  marched  late  in  June  against  the  settlement  of 
Wyoming.  These  troops  embarked  on  the  Chemung  or  Tyoga,  and 
descending  the  Susquehanna,  landed  at  a  place  called  the  Three  Islands, 
whence  they  marched  about  twenty  miles,  and  crossing  a  wilderness,  and 
passing  through  a  gap  in  the  mountain,  entered  the  valley  of  Wyoming 
near  its  northern  boundary.  At  this  place  a  small  fort  called  Winter- 
moots  had  been  erected,  which  fell  into  their  hands  without  resistance, 
and  was  burnt.  The  inhabitants  who  were  capable  of  bearing  arms 
assembled  on  the  first  alarm  at  Forty  fort,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna, four  miles  below  the  camp  of  the  invading  army. 

The  regular  troops,  amounting  to  about  sixty,  were  commanded  by 
Colonel  Zebulon  Butler;*  the  militia  by  Colonel  Dennison.  Colonel 
Butler  was  desirous  of  awaiting  the  arrival  of  a  small  reinforcement  un- 
der Captain  Spalding,  who  had  been  ordered  by  General  Washington  to 
his  aid  on  the  first  intelligence  of  the  danger  which  threatened  the  set 
tlement ;  but  the  militia  generally,  believing  themselves  sufficiently  strong 
to  repel  the  invading  force,  urged  an  immediate  battle  so  earnestly,  thai 
Colonel  Butler  yielded  to  their  remonstrances,  and  on  the  3d  of  July 

*  This  gentleman  is  stated  not  to  have  been  of  the  same  family  with  the  leader  of 
the  invading  army. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  281 

marched  from  Forty  fort  at  the  head  of  near  four  hundred  men  to  attack 
the  enemy. 

The  British  and  Indians  were  prepared  to  receive  him.  Their  line 
was  formed  a  small  distance  in  front  of  their  camp,  in  a  plain  thinly 
covered  with  pine,  shrub  oaks,  and  under  growth,  and  extended  from  the 
river  about  a  mile  to  a  marsh  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  The  Ameri- 
cans advanced  in  a  single  column,  without  interruption,  until  they  ap- 
proached the  enemy,  when  they  received  a  fire  which  did  not  much 
mischief.  The  line  of  battle*  was  instantly  formed,  and  the  action  com- 

*  The  representation  of  this  battle,  and  of  the  circumstances  attending  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Wyoming  settlement,  have  been  materially  varied  from  the  statement  made 
of  them  in  the  first  edition.  The  papers  of  General  Washington  furnished  allusions 
to  the  transaction,  but  no  particular  account  of  it.  The  author  therefore  relied  on  Mr. 
Gordon  and  Mr.  Ramsay,  whose  authority  was  quoted.  Soon  after  the  work  was 
published,  he  received  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  then  residing  in  that  country,  (Mr. 
Charles  Miner,)  who  asserted  with  confidence  that  the  statement  was  incorrect,  and 
gave  himself  a  minute  detail  of  events,  collected  from  persons  who  were  in  the  settle- 
ment at  the  time,  and  witnessed  them. 

The  author  has  been  since  indebted  to  the  same  gentleman  for  a  statement  of  the 
battle,  and  of  the  events  which  followed  it,  drawn  up  by  one  of  the  descendants  of  Colo- 
nel Zebulon  Butler,  to  which  the  certificates  of  several  gentlemen  are  annexed,  who 
were  engaged  in  the  action.  These  documents,  with  one  which  will  be  mentioned, 
convince  him  that  the  combined  treachery  and  savage  ferocity  which  have  been  painted 
in  such  vivid  colours,  in  the  narratives  that  have  been  given  of  this  furious  and  deso- 
lating irruption,  have  been  greatly  exaggerated.  Historic  truth  demands  that  these 
misstatements  should  be  corrected. 

The  other  document  alluded  to,  is  a  letter  from  Zebulon  Butler  to  the  board  of  war, 
making  his  report  of  the  transaction.  The  letter  has  been  lately  found  among  hia 
papers,  and  is  copied  below. 

Grandenhutten,  Perm  Township,  July  10th,  1778. 

Honoured  Sir, — On  my  arrival  at  Westmoreland,  (which  was  only  four  days  after 
I  left  Yorktown,)  I  found  there  was  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  advancing  on  that  set- 
tlement. On  the  first  of  July  we  mustered  the  militia,  and  marched  towards  them  by 
the  river  above  the  settlement, — found  and  killed  two  Indians  at  a  place  where  the 
day  before  they  had  murdered  nine  men  engaged  in  hoeing  corn.  We  found  some 
canoes,  &c.  but  finding  we  were  above  their  main  body,  it  was  judged  prudent  to  re- 
turn. And  as  every  man  had  to  go  to  his  own  house  for  his  provision,  we  could  not 
muster  again  till  the  3d  of  July.  In  the  mean  time,  the  enemy  had  got  possession  of 
two  forts,  one  of  which  we  had  reason  to  believe  was  designed  for  them,  though  they 
burnt  them  both.  The  inhabitants  had  seven  forts  for  the  security  of  their  women 
and  children,  extending  about  ten  miles  on  the  river,  and  too  many  men  would  stay  in 
them  to  take  care  of  them ;  but  after  collecting  about  three  hundred  of  the  most  spi  • 
rited  of  them,  including  Captain  Hewitt'scompany,  I  held  a  council  with  the  officers, 
who  were  all  agreed  that  it  was  best  to  attack  the  enemy  before  they  got  any  farther. 
We  accordingly  marched, — found  their  situation, — formed  a  front  of  the  same  exten- 
sion of  the  enemy's,  and  attacked  from  right  to  left  at  the  same  time.  Our  men  stood 
the  fire  well  for  three  or  four  shots,  till  some  part  of  the  enemy  gave  way ;  but  unfor- 


282  THE  LIFE  OF 

menced  with  spirit.  The  Americans  rather  gained  ground  on  the 
right  where  Colonel  Butler  commanded,  until  a  large  body  of  Indians 
passing  through  the  skirt  of  the  marsh  turned  their  left  flank,  which  was 
composed  of  militia,  and  poured  a  heavy  and  most  destructive  fire  on 
their  rear.  The  word  "  retreat"  was  pronounced  by  some  person,  and 
the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  check  it  were  unavailing.  The  fate  of  the 
day  was  decided,  and  a  flight  commenced  on  the  left  which  was  soon 
followed  by  the  right.  As  soon  as  the  line  was  broken,  the  Indians, 
throwing  down  their  rifles  and  rushing  upon  them  with  the  tomahawk, 

tunately  for  us,  through  some  mistake,  the  word  retreat  was  understood  from  some 
officer  on  the  left,  which  took  so  quick  that  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  the  officers  to 
form  them  again,  though  I  believe,  if  they  had  stood  three  minutes  longer,  the  enemy 
would  have  been  beaten.  The  utmost  pains  were  taken  by  the  officers,  who  mostly  fell. 
A  lieutenant  colonel,  a  major  and  five  captains,  who  were  in  commission  in  the  militia, 
all  fell.  Colonel  Durkee,  and  Captains  Hewitt  and  Ransom  were  likewise  killed.  In 
the  whole,  about  two  hundred  men  lost  their  lives  in  the  action  on  our  side.  What 
number  of  the  enemy  were  killed  is  yet  uncertain,  though  I  believe  a  very  consider- 
able number.  The  loss  of  these  men  so  intimidated  the  inhabitants,  that  they  gave 
up  the  matter  of  fighting.  Great  numbers  ran  off,  and  others  would  comply  with 
the  terms  that  I  had  refused.  The  enemy  sent  flags  frequently — the  terms  you  will 
see  in  the  enclosed  letter.  They  repeatedly  said  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  any  but 
the  inhabitants,  and  did  not  want  to  treat  with  me.  Colonel  Dennison,  by  desire  of 
the  inhabitants,  went  and  complied, — which  made  it  necessary  for  me  and  the  little 
remains  of  Captain  Hewitt's  company  to  leave  the  place.  Indeed  it  was  determined 
by  the  enemy  to  spare  the  inhabitants  after  their  agreement,  and  that  myself  and  the 
few  continental  soldiers  should  be  delivered  up  to  the  savages.  Upon  which  I  left  the 
place,  and  came  scarcely  able  to  move,  as  I  have  had  no  rest  since  I  left  Yorktown.  It 
has  not  been  in  my  power  to  find  a  horse  or  man  to  wait  on  the  board  till  now.  I  must 
submit  to  the  board  what  must  be  the  next  step.  The  little  remains  of  Hewitt's  com- 
pany (which  are  about  fifteen)  are  gon'e  to  Shamoken,  and  Captain  Spalding's  com- 
pany, 1  have  heard,  are  on  the  Delaware.  Several  hundred  of  the  inhabitants  are 
strolling  in  the  country  destitute  of  provisions,  who  have  large  fields  of  grain  and 
other  necessaries  of  life  at  Westmoreland.  In  short,  if  the  inhabitants  can  go  back, 
there  may  yet  be  saved  double  the  quantity  of  provisions  to  support  themselves,  other- 
wise they  must  be  beggars,  and  a  burthen  to  the  world. 

I  have  heard  from  men  that  came  from  the  place  since  the  people  gave  up,  that  the 
Indians  have  killed  no  person  since,  but  have  burnt  most  of  the  buildings,  and  are 
collecting  all  the  horses  they  can,  and  are  moving  up  the  river.  They  likewise  say 
the  enemy  were  eight  hundred,  one-half  white  men.  [  should  be  glad  that,  if  possi- 
ble, there  might  be  a  sufficient  guard  sent  for  the  defence  of  the  place,  which  will  be 
the  means  of  saving  thousands  from  poverty— but  must  submit  to  the  wisdom  of  con- 
gress. I  desire  farther  orders  from  the  honourable  board  of  war  with  respect  to  my- 
self, and  the  soldiers  under  my  direction. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be 

Your  Honour's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

ZEBULON  BUTLER. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  283 

completed  the  confusion.  The  attempt  of  Colonel  Butler  and  of  the  offi- 
cers to  restore  order  were  unavailing,  and  the  whole  line  broke  and  fled 
in  confusion.  The  massacre  was  general,  and  the  cries  for  mercy  were 
answered  by  the  tomahawk.  Rather  less  than  sixty  men  escaped,  some 
to  Forty  fort,  some  by  swimming  the  river,  and  some  to  the  mountain. 
A  very  few  prisoners  were  made,  only  three  of  whom  were  preserved 
alive,  who  were  carried  to  Niagara. 

Further  resistance  was  impracticable.  Colonel  Dennison  proposed 
terms  of  capitulation,  which  were  granted  to  the  inhabitants.  It  being 
understood  that  no  quarter  would  be  allowed  to  the  continental  troops, 
Colonel  Butler  with  his  few  surviving  soldiers  fled  from  the  valley. 

The  inhabitants  generally  abandoned  the  country,  and,  in  great  dis- 
tress, wandered  into  the  settlements  on  the  Lehigh  and  the  Delaware. 
The  Indians,  as  is  the  practice  of  savages,  destroyed  the  houses  and 
improvements  by  fire,  and  plundered  the  country.  After  laying  waste 
the  whole  settlement,  they  withdrew  from  it  before  the  arrival  of  the  con- 
tinental troops,  who  were  detached  to  meet  them. 

To  cover  every  part  of  the  United  States  would  have  required  a  much 
greater  number  of  men  than  could  be  raised.  Different  districts  were 
therefore  unavoidably  exposed  to  the  calamities  ever  to  be  experienced 
by  those  into  the  bosom  of  whose  country  war  is  carried.  The  militia 
in  every  part  of  the  Union,  fatigued  and  worn  out  by  repeated  tours  of 
duty,  required  to  be  relieved  by  continental  troops.  Their  applications 
were  necessarily  resisted ;  but  the  danger  which  threatened  the  western 
frontier  had  become  so  imminent ;  the  appeal  made  by  its  sufferings  to 
national  feeling  was  so  affecting,  that  it  was  determined  to  spare  a  more 
considerable  portion  of  the  army  for  its  defence,  than  had  been  allotted 
to  that  part  of  the  Union,  since  the  capture  of  Burgoyne.  On  the  first 
intelligence  of  the  destruction  of  Wyoming,  the  regiments  of  Hartley 
and  Butler,  with  the  remnant  of  Morgan's  corps,  commanded  by  Major 
Posey,  were  detached  to  the  protection  of  that  distressed  country.  They 
were  engaged  in  several  sharp  skirmishes,  made  separate  incursions 
into  the  Indian  settlements,  broke  up  their  nearest  villages,  destroyed 
their  corn,  and  by  compelling  them  to  retire  to  a  greater  distance,  gave 
some  relief  to  the  inhabitants. 

While  the  frontiers  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  were  thus  suffer- 
ing the  calamities  incident  to  savage  warfare,  a  fate  equally  severe  was 
preparing  for  Virginia.  The  western  militia  of  that  state  had  made  some 
successful  incursions  into  the  country  north-west  of  the  Ohio,  and  had 
taken  some  British  posts  on  the  Mississippi.  These  were  erected  into 
the  county  of  Illinois ;  and  a  regiment  of  infantry,  with  a  troop  of  ca- 


284  THE  LIFE  OF 

valry,  were  raised  for  its  protection.  The  command  of  these  troops  was 
given  to  Colonel  George  Rogers  Clarke,  a  gentleman  whose  courage, 
hardihood,  and  capacity  for  Indian  warfare,  had  given  repeated  success 
to  his  enterprises  against  the  savages. 

This  corps  was  divided  into  several  detachments,  the  strongest  of 
which  remained  with  Colonel  Clarke  at  Kaskaskia.  Colonel  Hamilton, 
the  Governor  of  Detroit,  was  at  Vincennes  with  about  six  hundred  men, 
principally  Indians,  preparing  an  expedition,  first  against  Kaskaskia,  and 
then  up  the  Ohio  to  Pittsburg;  after  which  he  purposed  to  desolate  the 
frontiers  of  Virginia.  Clarke  anticipated  and  defeated  his  design  by  one 
of  those  bold  and  decisive  measures,  which,  whether  formed  on  a  great 
or  a  small  scale,  mark  the  military  and  rtiterprising  genius  of  the  man 
who  plans  and  executes  them. 

He  was  too  far  removed  from  the  inhabited  country  to  hope  for  sup- 
port, and  was  too  weak  to  maintain  Kaskaskia  and  the  Illinois 

1779 

against  the  combined  force  of  regulars  *and  Indians  by  which 

he  was  to  be  attacked  so  soon  as  the  season  for  action  should  arrive. 
While  employed  in  preparing  for  his  defence,  he  received  unquestionable 
information  that  Hamilton  had  detached  his  Indians  on  an  expedition 
against  the  frontiers,  reserving  at  the  post  he  occupied  only  about  eighty 
regulars,  with  three  pieces  of  cannon  and  some  swivels.  Clarke 
instantly  resolved  to  seize  this  favourable  moment.  After  de- 
taching a  small  galley  up  the  Wabash  with  orders  to  take  her  station  a 
few  miles  below  Vincennes,  and  to  permit  nothing  to  pass  her,  he 
marched  in  the  depth  of  winter  with  one  hundred  and  thirty  men,  the 
whole  force  he  could  collect,  across  the  country  from  Kaskaskia  to  Vin- 
cennes. This  march,  through  the  woods,  and  over  high  waters,  required 
sixteen  days,  five  of  which  were  employed  in  crossing  the  drowned  lands 
of  the  Wabash.  The  troops  were  under  the  necessity  of  wading  five 
miles  in  water,  frequently  up  to  their  breasts.  After  subduing  these  dif- 
ficulties, this  small  party  appeared  before  the  town,  which  was  com- 
pletely surprised,  and  readily  consented  to  change  its  master.  Hamilton, 
after  defending  the  fort  a  short  time,  surrendered  himself  and  his  garri- 
son prisoners  of  war.  With  a  few  of  his  immediate  agents  and  counsel- 
lors, who  had  been  instrumental  in  the  savage  barbarities  he  had  encou- 
raged, he  was,  by  order  of  the  executive  of.  Virginia,  put  in  irons,  and 
confined  in  a  jail. 

This  expedition  was  important  in  its  consequences.  It  disconcerted  r 
plan  which  threatened  destruction  to  the  whole  country  west  of  the  Al 
leghany  mountains ;  detached  from  the  British  interest  many  of  those 
numerous  tribes  of  Indians  south  of  the  waters  immediately  communicat- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  285 

ing  with  the  great  lakes ;  and  had,  most  probably,  considerable  influence 
in  fixing  the  western  boundary  of  the  United  States. 

We  have  already  seen  that  congress,  actuated  by  their  wishes  rather 
than  governed  by  a  temperate  calculation  of  the  means  in  their 
possession,  had,  in  the  preceding  winter,  planned  a  second  in- 
vasion of  Canada,  to  be  conducted  by  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette ;  and 
that,  as  the  generals  only  were  got  in  readiness  for  this  expedition,  it 
was  necessarily  laid  aside.  The  design,  however,  seems  to  have  been 
suspended,  not  abandoned.  The  alliance  with  France  revived  the  latent 
wish  to  annex  that  extensive  territory  to  the  United  States.  That  favour- 
ite  subject  was  resumed ;  and,  towards  autumn,  a  plan  was  completely 
digested  for  a  combined  attack  to  be  made  by  the  allies  on  all  the  Bri- 
tish dominions  on  the  continent,  and  on  the  adjacent  islands  of  Cape 
Breton  and  Newfoundland.  This  plan  was  matured  about  the  time  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette  obtained  leave  to  return  to  his  own  country,  and 
was  ordered  to  be  transmitted  by  that  nobleman  to  Doctor  Franklin,  the 
minister  of  the  United  States  at  the  court  of  Versailles,  with  instructions 
to  induce,  if  possible,  the  French  cabinet  to  accede  to  it.  Some  com- 
munications respecting  this  subject  were  also  made  to  the  Marquis,  on 
whose  influence  in  securing  its  adoption  by  his  own  government,  much 
reliance  was  placed ;  and,  in  October,  1778,  it  was,  for  the  first  time, 
transmitted  to  General  Washington,  with  a  request  that  he  would  inclose 
it  by  the  Marquis,  with  his  observations  on  it,  to  Doctor  Franklin. 

This  very  extensive  plan  of  military  operations  for  the  ensuing  cam- 
paign, prepared  entirely  in  the  cabinet,  without  consulting,  so  far  as  is 
known,  a  single  military  man,  consisted  of  many  parts. 

Two  detachments,  amounting,  each,  to  sixteen  hundred  men,  were  to 
march  from  Pittsburg  and  Wyoming  against  Detroit,  and  Niagara. 

A  third  body  of  troops,  which  was  to  be  stationed  on  the  Mohawk  dur- 
ing the  winter,  and  to  be  powerfully  reinforced  in  the  spring,  was  to 
seize  Oswego,  and  to  secure  the  navigation  of  Lake  Ontario  with  vessels 
to  be  constructed  of  materials  to  be  procured  in  the  winter. 

A  fourth  corps  was  to  penetrate  into  Canada  by  the  St.  Francis,  and 
to  reduce  Montreal,  and  the  posts  on  Lake  Champlain,  while  a  fifth 
should  guard  against  troops  from  Quebec. 

Thus  far  America  could  proceed  unaided  by  her  ally.  But,  Upper 
Canada  being  reduced,  another  campaign  would  still  be  necessary  for  the 
reduction  of  Quebec.  This  circumstance  would  require  that  the  army 
should  pass  the  winter  in  Canada ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  the  garrison 
of  Quebec  might  be  largely  reinforced.  It  was  therefore  essential  to  the 

VOL.  i.        Z  19 


THE  UFE  OF 

complete  success  of  the  enterprise,  that  France  should  be  induced  to  take 
a  part  in  it. 

The  conquest  of  Quebec,  and  of  Halifax,  was  supposed  to  be  an  object 
of  so  modi  importance  to  France  as  well  as  to  the  United  States,  that 
her  aid  might  be  confidently  expected. 

It  was  proposed  to  request  bis  most  Christian  Majesty  to  furnish  four 
or  fire  thousand  troops,  to  sail  from  Brest,  the  beginning  of  May,  undei 
convoy  of  four  ships  of  the  line  and  four  frigates ;  the  troops  to  be  clad 
as  if  for  service  in  the  West  Indies,  and  thick  clothes  to  be  sent  after 
them  in  August.  A  large  American  detachment  wa?  to  act  with  this 
French  army ;  and  it  was  supposed  that  Quebec  and  Halifax  might  be 
reduced  by  the  beginning  or  middle  of  October.  The  army  might  then 
either  proceed  immediately  against  Newfoundland,  or  remain  in  garrison 
until  the  spring,  when  the  conquest  of  that  place  might  be  accomplished. 

It  had  been  supposed  probable  that  England  would  abandon  the  far- 
ther prosecution  of  the  war  on  the  continent  of  North  America,  in  which 
case  the  government  would  have  a  respectable  force  at  its  disposal,  the 
advantageous  employment  of  which  had  engaged  in  part  the  attention 
of  the  Commander-in-chief.  He  had  contemplated  an  expedition  against 
the  British  posts  in  Upper  Canada  as  a  measure  which  might  be  eventu- 
ally eligible,  and  which  might  employ  the  arms  of  the  United  States  to 
advantage,  if  their  troops  might  safely  be  withdrawn  from  the  sea  board. 
He  had  however  considered  every  object  of  this  sort  as  contingent.  Hav- 
ing estimated  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered  in  such  an  enterprise,  he 
had  found  them  so  considerable  as  to  hesitate  on  the  extent  which  might 
safely  be  given  to  the  expedition,  admitting  the  United  States  to  be  eva- 
cuated by  the  British  armies. 

In  this  state  of  mind,  he  received  the  magnificent  plan  already  pre- 
pared by  congress.  He  was  forcibly  struck  with  the  impracticability  of 
executing  that  part  of  it  which  was  to  be  undertaken  by  the  United  States, 
should  the  British  armies  continue  in  their  country ;  and  with  the  seri- 
ous mischief  which  would  result  to  the  common  cause,  as  well  from  di- 
verting so  considerable  a  part  of  the  French  force  from  other  objects  to 
one  which  was,  in  his  opinion,  so  unpromising,  as  from  the  ill  impression 
which  would  be  made  on  the  court  and  nation  by  the  total  failure  of  the 
American  government  to  execute  its  part  of  a  plan  originating  with  it- 
self; a  failure  which  would,  most  probably,  sacrifice  the  troops  and  ships 
employed  by  France. 

On  comparing  the  naval  force  of  England  with  that  of  France  in  the 
different  carts  of  the  world,  the  former  appeared  to  him  to  maintain  a 
oeeaded  superiority,  and  consequently  to  possess  the  power  of  shutting 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  :-: 

up  the  ships  of  the  latter  which  might  be  trusted  into  the  St.  Lawrence. 
To  suppose  that  the  British  government  would  not  avail  itself  of  this  su- 
periority on  such  an  occasion,  would  be  to  impute  to  it  a  blind  infatua- 
tion, or  ignorance  of  the  plans  of  its  adversary,  which  could  not  be  safely 
assumed  hi  calculations  of  such  serious  import. 

A  plan  too,  consisting  of  so  many  parts,  to  be  prosecuted  both  from 
Europe  and  America,  by  land  and  by  water;  which,  to  be  successful, 
required  such  a  harmonious  co-operation  of  the  whole,  such  a  perfect 
coincidence  of  events,  appeared  to  him  to  be  exposed  to  too  many  acci- 
dents, to  risk  upon  it  interests  of  such  high  value. 

In  a  long  and  serious  letter  to  congress,  he  apologized  for  not  obeying 
their  orders  to  deliver  the  plan  with  his  observations  upon  it  to  the  Mar- 
quis ;  and,  entering  into  a  full  investigation  of  all  its  parts,  demonstrated 
the  mischiefs,  and  the  dangers,  with  which  it  was  replete.  This  letter 
was  referred  to  a  committee,  whose  report  admits  the  force  of  the  rea- 
sons urged  by  the  Commander-in-chief  against  the  expedition,  and  their 
own  conviction  that  nothing  important  could  be  attempted  unless  the 
British  armies  should  be  withdrawn  from  the  United  States;  and  that, 
even  in  that  event,  the  present  plan  was  far  too  complex. 

Men,  however,  recede  slowly  and  reluctantly  from  favourite  and  flat- 
tering projects  on  which  they  have  long  meditated ;  and  the  committee, 
in  their  report,  proceeded  to  state  the  opinion  that  the  posts  held  by  the 
British  in  the  United  States  would  probably  be  evacuated  before  the  ac- 
tive part  of  the  ensuing  campaign ;  and  that,  therefore,  eventual  measures 
for  the  expedition  ought  to  be  taken. 

This  report  concludes  with  recommending  "  that  the  general  should 
be  directed  to  write  to  the  Marquis  De  Lafayette  on  that  subject ;  and  also 
to  write  to  the  minister  of  these  states  at  the  court  of  Versailles  very  fully, 
to  the  end  that  eventual  measures  may  be  taken,  in  case  an  armament 
should  be  sent  from  France  to  Quebec,  for  co-operating  therewith,  to 
the  utmost  degree,  which  the  finances  and  resources  of  these  states  will 
admit" 

This  report  also  was  approved  by  congress,  and  transmitted  to  the 
Commander-in-chief;  who  felt  himself  greatly  embarrassed  by  it.  While 
his  objections  to  the  project  retained  all  their  force,  he  found  himself  re- 
quired to  open  a  correspondence  for  the  purposes  of  soliciting  the  con- 
currence of  France  in  an  expedition  he  disapproved,  and  of  promising  a 
co-operation  he  believed  to  be  impracticable.  In  reply  to  this  commu- 
nication, he  said,  "  The  earnest  desire  I  have  strictly  to  comply  in  every 
instance,  with  the  views  and  instructions  of  congress,  can  not  but  make 
me  feel  the  greatest  uneasiness,  when  I  find  myself  in  circumstances  of 


288  THE  LIFE  OF 

hesitation  or  doubt,  with  respect  to  their  directions.  But  the  perfect  con- 
fidence I  have  in  the  justice  and  candour  of  that  honourable  body,  em- 
boldens me  to  communicate,  without  reserve,  the  difficulties  which  occur 
in  the  execution  of  their  present  order ;  and  the  indulgence  I  have  expe- 
rienced on  every  former  occasion,  induces  me  to  imagine  that  the  liberty 
I  now  take  will  not  meet  with  disapprobation." 

After  reviewing  the  report  of  the  committee,  and  stating  his  objections 
to  the  plan,  and  the  difficulties  he  felt  in  performing  the  duty  assigned  to 
him,  he  added,  "  But  if  congress  still  think  it  necessary  for  me  to  pro- 
ceed in  the  business,  I  must  request  their  more  definitive  and  explicit  in- 
structions, and  that  they  will  permit  me,  previous  to  transmitting  the 
intended  despatches,  to  submit  them  to  their  determination. 

"  I  could  wish  to  lay  before  congress  more  minutely  the  state  of  the 
army,  the  condition  of  our  supplies,  and  the  requisites  necessary  for  car- 
rying into  execution  an  undertaking  that  may  involve  the  most  serious 
events.  If  congress  think  this  can  be  done  more  satisfactorily  in  a  per- 
sonal conference,  I  hope  to  have  the  army  in  such  a  situation  before  I 
can  receive  their  answer,  as  to  afford  me  an  opportunity  of  giving  my 
attendance." 

Congress  acceded  to  his  request  of  a  personal  interview ;  and,  on  his 
arrival  in  Philadelphia,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  confer  with  him, 
as  well  on  this  particular  subject  as  on  the  general  state  of  the  army  and 
of  the  country. 

The  result  of  these  conferences  was,  that  the  expedition  against  Cana- 
da was  entirely,  though  reluctantly,*  given  up,  and  every  arrangement 
recommended  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  received  the  attention  to  which 
his  judgment  and  experience  gave  all  his  opinions  the  fairest  claim. 

*  See  note  No.  XV.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  289 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Divisions  in  Congress. — Letters  of  General  Washington  on  the  state  of  public  affairs. 
Invasion  of  Georgia. — General  Howe  defeated  by  Colonel  Campbell. — Savannah 
taken. — Sunbury  surrenders. — Georgia  reduced. — General  Lincoln  takes  command 
of  the  Southern  army. — Major  Gardener  defeated  by  General  Moultrie. — Insurrec- 
tion of  the  Tories  in  South  Carolina. — They  are  defeated  by  Colonel  Pickens. — 
Ash  surprised  and  defeated. — Moultrie  retreats. — Prevost  marches  to  Charleston. 
— Lincoln  attacks  the  British  at  Stono  Ferry  unsuccessfully.— Invasion  of  Virginia. 

AFTER  the  relinquishment  of  that  extensive  plan  of  conquest  which 
had  been  meditated  against  Canada,  no  other  object  seemed  to 
call  forth  the  energies  of  the  nation,  and  a  general  languor  ap- 
peared to  diffuse  itself  through  all  the  civil  departments.  The  alliance 
with  France  was  believed  to  secure  independence ;  and  a  confidence  that 
Britain  could  no  longer  prosecute  the  war  with  any  hope  of  success — a 
confidence  encouraged  by  communications  from  Europe — prevented 
those  exertions  which  were  practicable,  but  which  it  was  painful  to  make. 
This  temper  was  seen  and  deplored  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  in- 
cessantly combated  the  opinion  that  Britain  was  about  to  relinquish  the 
contest,  and  insisted  that  great  and  vigorous  exertions  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States  was  still  necessary  to  bring  the  war  to  a  successful 
termination. 

It  being  no  longer  practicable  to  engage  soldiers  by  voluntary  enlist- 
ment, and  government  not  daring  to  force  men  into  the  service  for  three 
years,  or  during  the  war,  the  vacant  ranks  were  scantily  supplied  with 
drafts  for  nine,  twelve,  and  eighteen  months.  A  great  proportion  of  the 
troops  were  discharged  in  the  course  of  each  year ;  and,  except  that  the 
old  officers  remained,  almost  a  new  army  was  to  be  formed  for  every 
campaign. 

Although  the  Commander-in-chief  pressed  congress  and  the  state 
governments  continually  and  urgently,  to  take  timely  measures  for  sup- 
plying the  places  of  those  who  were  leaving  the  service,  the  means 
adopted  were  so  slow  and  ineffectual  in  their  operation,  that  the  season 
for  action  never  found  the  preparations  completed ;  and  the  necessity  of 
struggling  against  superior  numbers  was  perpetual. 

The  pleasing  delusion  that  the  war  was  over,  to  which  the  public  mind 
delighted  to  surrender  itself,  made  no  impression  on  the  judgment  of 
Washington.  Viewing  objects  through  a  more  correct  medium,  he  per- 
ceived that  Great  Britain  had  yet  much  to  hope,  and  America  much  to  fear 


•J90  THE  LIFE  OF 

from  a  continuance  of  hostilities.  He  feared  that  the  impression  which 
the  divisions,  and  apparent  inertness  of  the  United  States  had  made  on 
the  British  commissioners,  would  be  communicated  to  their  government; 
and  this  consideration  increased  his  anxiety  in  favour  of  early  and  vigor- 
ous preparations  for  the  next  campaign.  Yet  it  was  not  until  the  23d  of 
January  that  congress  passed  the  .resolution,  authorizing  the  Command- 
er-in-chief to  re-enlist  the  army,  nor,  until  the  9th  of  March  that  the  re- 
quisition was  made  on  the  several  states  for  their  quotas.  The  bounty 
offered  by  the  first  resolution  being  found  insufficient,  the  government 
was  again  under  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  the  states.  Thus,  at  a  sea- 
son when  the  men  ought  to  have  been  in  camp,  the  measures  for  raising 
them  were  still  to  be  adopted. 

About  this  period,  several  circumstances  conspired  to  foment  those 
pernicious  divisions  and  factions  in  congress,  which,  in  times  of  greater 
apparent  danger,  patriotism  would  have  suppressed. 

The  ministers  of  the  United  States,  in  Europe,  had  reciprocally  crimi- 
nated each  other,  and  some  of  them  had  been  recalled.  Their  friends 
in  congress  supported  their  respective  interests  with  considerable  anima- 
tion ;  and,  at  length,  Mr.  Deane  published  a  manifesto,  in  which  he  ar- 
raigned at  the  bar  of  the  public,  the  conduct  not  only  of  those  concerned 
in  foreign  negotiations,  but  of  the  members  of  Congress  themselves. 

The  irritation  excited  by  these  and  other  contests,  was  not  a  little  in- 
creased  by  the  appearance,  in  a  New  York  paper,  of  an  extract  from  a 
letter  written  by  Mr.  Laurens,  the  president  of  congress,  to  Governor 
Huiston,  of  Georgia,  which,  during  the  invasion  of  that  state,  was  found 
among  his  papers.  In  this  letter,  Mr.  Laurens  had  unbosomed  himself 
with  the  unsuspecting  confidence  of  a  person  communicating  to  a  friend 
the  inmost  operations  of  his  mind.  In  a  gloomy  moment,  he  had  ex- 
pressed himself  with  a  degree  of  severity,  which  even  his  own  opinion, 
when  not  under  the  immediate  influence  of  chagrin,  would  not  entirely 
justify,  and  had  reflected  on  the  integrity  and  patriotism  of  members, 
without  particularizing  the  individuals  he  designed  to  censure. 

These  altercations  added  much  to  the  alarm  with  which  General  Wash- 
ington viewed  that  security  which  had  insinuated  itself  into  the  public 
mind ;  and  his  endeavours  were  unremitting  to  impress  the  same  appre- 
hensions on  those  who  were  supposed  capable  of  removing  the  delusion. 
In  his  confidential  letters  to  gentlemen  of  the  most  influence  in  the  several 
states,  he  represented  in  strong  terms  the  dangers  which  yet  threatened 
the  country,  and  earnestly  exhorted  them  to  a  continuance  of  those  sa- 
crifices and  exertions  which  he  still  deemed  essential  to  the  happy  termi- 
nation of  the  war.  The  dissensions  in  congress ;  the  removal  of  indi- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  291 

viduals  of  the  highest  influence  and  character  from  the  councils  of  the 
nation  to  offices  in  the  respective  states ;  the  depreciation  of  the  currency ; 
the  destructive  spirit  of  speculation  which  the  imaginary  gain  produced 
by  this  depreciation  had  diffused  throughout  the  union ;  a  general  laxity 
of  principles ;  and  an  unwillingness  to  encounter  personal  inconvenience 
for  the  attainment  of  the  great  object,  in  pursuit  of  which  so  much  blood 
and  treasure  had  been  expended ;  were  the  rocks  on  which,  he  appre- 
hended, the  state  vessel  might  yet  split,  and  to  which  he  endeavoured, 
incessantly,  to  point  the  attention  of  those  whose  weight  of  political  cha- 
racter enabled  them  to  guide  the  helm. 

"  I  am  particularly  desirous  of  a  free  communication  of  sentiments 
with  you  at  this  time,"  says  the  General  in  a  letter  written  to  a  gentle- 
man of  splendid  political  talents,  "  because  I  view  things  very  different- 
ly, I  fear,  from  what  people  in  general  do,  who  seem  to  think  the  con- 
test at  an  end,  and  that  to  make  money,  and  get  places,  are  the  only 
things  now  remaining  to  be  done.  I  have  seen  without  despondency, 
even  for  a  moment,  the  hours  which  America  has  styled  her  gloomy 
ones ;  but  I  have  beheld  no  day  since  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
when  I  have  thought  her  liberties  in  such  imminent  danger  as  at  pre- 
sent. Friends  and  foes  seem  now  to  combine  to  pull  down  the  goodly 
fabric  we  have  hitherto  been  raising  at  the  expense  of  so  much  time, 
blood,  and  treasure." 

After  censuring  with  some  freedom  the  prevailing  opinions  of  the  day, 
he  added,  "  To  me  it  appears  no  unjust  simile  to  compare  the  affairs  of 
this  great  continent  to  the  mechanism  of  a  clock,  each  state  repiesent- 
ing  some  one  or  other  of  the  smaller  parts  of  it,  which  they  are  endea- 
vouring to  put  in  fine  order,  without  considering  how  useless  and  un- 
availing their  labour  is,  unless  the  great  wheel,  or  spring,  which  is  to 
set  the  whole  in  motion,  is  also  well  attended  to,  and  kept  in  good  order. 
I  allude  to  no  particular  state,  nor  do  I  mean  to  cast  reflections  upon  any 
one  of  them,  nor  ought  I,  it  may  be  said,  to  do  so  on  their  representa- 
tives ;  but,  as  it  is  a  fact  too  notorious  to  be  concealed,  that  congress  is 
rent  by  party;  that  much  business  of  a  trifling  nature  and  personal  con- 
cernment, withdraws  their  attention  from  matters  of  great  national  mo- 
ment at  this  critical  period ;  when  it  is  also  known  that  idleness  and  dis- 
sipation take  place  of  close  attention  and  application,  no  man  who  wishes 
well  to  the  liberties  of  this  country,  and  desires  to  see  its  rights  establish- 
ed, can  avoid  crying  out — where  are  our  men  of  abilities?  Why  do  they 
not  come  forth  to  save  their  country  1  Let  this  voice,  my  dear  sir,  call 
upon  you,  Jefferson,  and  others.  Do  not,  from  a  mistaken  opinion  that 
we  are  to  sit  down  under  our  vine  and  our  own  fig-tree,  let  our  hitherto 


292  THE  LIFE  OF 

noble  struggle  (end  in  ignominy.  Believe  me  when  I  tell  you  there  is 
danger  of  it.  I  have  pretty  good  reasons  for  thinking  that  administra 
tion,  a  little  while  ago,  had  resolved  to  give  the  matter  up,  and  nego- 
tiate a  peace  with  us  upon  almost  any  terms ;  but  I  shall  be  much  mis- 
taken if  they  do  not  now,  from  the  present  state  of  our  currency,  dis- 
sensions, and  other  circumstances,  push  matters  to  the  utmost  extremity 
Nothing  I  am  sure  will  prevent  it  but  the  intervention  of  Spain,  and  their 
disappointed  hope  from  Russia." 

The  circumstances  in  the  situation  and  temper  of  America,  which 
made  so  deep  an  impression  on  the  Commander-in-chief,  operated  with 
equal  force  on  the  British  commissioners,  and  induced  them  to  think 
that,  by  continuing  the  war,  more  favourable  terms  than  were  now  de- 
manded might  be  obtained.  They  seem  to  have  taken  up  the  opinion 
that  the  mass  of  the  people,  fatigued  and  worn  out  by  the  complicated 
calamities  of  the  struggle,  sincerely  desired  an  accommodation  on  the 
terms  proposed  by  Great  Britain ;  and  that  the  increasing  difficulties 
resulting  from  the  failure  of  public  credit,  would  induce  them  to  desert 
congress,  or  compel  that  body  to  accede  to  those  terms.  These  opinions, 
when  communicated  to  the  government,  most  probably  contributed  to 
protract  the  war. 

The  narrative  of  military  transactions  will  now  be  resumed. 

The  British  arms  had  heretofore  been  chiefly  directed  against  the  north- 
ern and  middle  states.  The  strongest  parts  of  the  American  continent 
were  pressed  by  their  whole  force ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  at- 
tempt on  Sullivan's  island  in  1776,  no  serious  design  had  yet  been  mani- 
fested to  make  an  impression  in  the  south.  Entertaining  the  most  con- 
fident hopes  of  recovering  all  the  colonies,  the  British  government  had 
not  prosecuted  the  war  with  a  view  to  partial  conquest.  But  the  loss  of 
the  army  commanded  by  Burgoyne,  the  alliance  of  America  with  France, 
and  the  unexpected  obstinacy  with  which  the  contest  was  maintained, 
had  diminished  their  confidence ;  and,  when  the  pacific  propositions 
made  in  1778  were  rejected,  the  resolution  seems  to  have  been  taken  to 
change,  materially,  the  object  of  their  military  operations ;  and,  main- 
taining possession  of  the  islands  of  New  York,  to  direct  their  arms 
against  the  southern  states,  on  which,  it  was  believed,  a  considerable 
impression  might  be  made. 

It  was  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the  influence  of  this  impres- 
sion might  extend  northward ;  but,  however  this  might  be,  the  actual 
conquest  and  possession  of  several  states  would,  when  negotiations  for 
a  general  peace  should  take  place,  give  a  complexion  to  those  negotia. 
tions,  and  afford  plausible  ground  for  insisting  to  retain  territory  already 


I  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  293 

acquired.  The  most  active  and  interesting  operations  therefore  of  the 
succeeding  campaigns,  were  in  the  southern  states. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell,  who  sailed  from  the  Hook  about  the 
last  of  November  1778,  escorted  by  a  small  squadron  commanded  by 
Commodore  Hyde  Parker,  reached  the  isle  of  Tybee,  near  the  Savan- 
nah, on  the  23d  of  December ;  and,  in  a  few  days,  the  fleet  and  the 
transports  passed  the  bar,  and  anchored  in  the  river. 

The  command  of  the  southern  army,  composed  of  the  troops  of  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia,  had  been  committed  to  Major  General  Robert 
Howe,  who,  in  the  course  of  the  preceding  summer,  had  invaded  East 
Florida.*  The  diseases  incident  to  the  climate,  made  such  ravages 
among  his  raw  soldiers,  that,  though  he  had  scarcely  seen  an  enemy, 
he  found  himself  compelled  to  hasten  out  of  the  country  with  consider- 
able loss.  After  this  disastrous  enterprise,  his  army,  consisting  of  be- 
tween six  and  seven  hundred  continental  troops,  aided  by  a  few  hundred 
militia,  had  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  town  of  Savannah, 
situated  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  river  bearing  that  name.  The 
country  about  the  mouth  of  the  river  is  one  tract  of  deep  marsh,  in- 
tersected by  creeks  and  cuts  of  water,  impassable  for  troops  at  any 
time  of  the  tide,  except  over  causeways  extending  through  the  sunken 
ground. 

Without  much  opposition,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell  effected  a 
'anding  on  the  29th,  about  three  miles  below  the  town ;  upon  which 
Howe  formed  his  line  of  battle.  His  left  was  secured  by  the  river ; 
and  along  the  whole  extent  of  his  front  was  a  morass  which  stretched 
to  his  right,  and  was  believed  by  him  to  be  impassable  for  such  a  dis- 
tance, as  effectually  to  secure  that  wing. 

After  reconnoitring  the  country,  Colonel  Campbell  advanced  on  the 
great  road  leading  to  Savannah ;  and,  about  three  in  the  afternoon,  ap- 
peared in  sight  of  the  American  army.  While  making  dispositions  to 
dislodge  it,  he  accidentally  fell  in  with  a  negro,  who  informed  him  of  a 
private  path  leading  through  the  swamp,  round  the  right  of  the  Ameri- 
can lines  to  their  rear.  Determining  to  avail  himself  of  this  path,  he  de- 
tached a  column  under  Sir  James  Baird,  which  entered  the  morass  un- 
perceived  by  Howe. 

As  soon  as  Sir  James  emerged  from  the  swamp,  he  attacked  and  dis- 
persed a  body  of  Georgia  militia,  which  gave  the  first  notice  to  the  Ame- 
rican general  of  the  danger  which  threatened  his  rear.  At  the  same 
instant,  the  British  troops  in  his  front  were  put  in  motion,  and  their  ar- 

*  So  early  as  January  1776,  congress  had  recommended  the  reduction  of  St,  Augus- 
tine to  the  southern  colonies.— Secret  Journals  of  Congress,  page  38. 


294  THE  LIFE  OF 

tiHery  began  to  pjay  upon  him.  A  retreat  was  immediately  ordered ; 
and  the  continental  troops  were  under  the  necessity  of  running  across  a 
plain,  in  front  of  the  corps  which  had  been  led  into  their  rear  by  Sit 
James  Baird,  who  attacked  their  flanks  with  great  impetuosity,  and  con- 
siderable effect.  The  few  who  escaped,  retreated  up  the  Savannah, 
and,  crossing  that  river  at  Zubly's  ferry,  took  refuge  in  South  Carolina. 

The  victory  was  complete,  and  decisive  in  its  consequences.  About 
one  hundred  Americans  were  either  killed  in  the  field,  or  drowned  in 
attempting  to  escape  through  a  deep  swamp.  Thirty-eight  officers,  and 
four  hundred  and  fifteen  privates,  were  taken.  Forty-eight  pieces  of  can- 
non, twenty-three  mortars,  the  fort  with  all  its  military-stores,  a  large 
quantity  of  provisions  collected  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  the  capital 
of  Georgia,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conqueror.  These  advantages 
were  obtained  at  the  expense  of  only  seven  killed,  and  nineteen  wounded. 

No  military  force  now  remained  in  Georgia,  except  the  garrison  of 
Sunbury,  whose  retreat  to  South  Carolina  was  cut  off.  All  the  lower 
part  of  that  state  was  occupied  by  the  British,  who  adopted  measures  to 
secure  the  conquest  they  had  made.  The  inhabitants  were  treated  with 
a  lenity  as  wise  as  it  was  humane.  Their  property  was  spared,  and 
their  persons  protected.  To  make  the  best  use  of  victory,  and  of  the 
impression  produced  by  the  moderation  of  the  victors,  a  proclamation 
was  issued,  inviting  the  inhabitants  to  repair  to  the  British  standard,  and 
offering  protection  to  those  who  would  return  to  their  allegiance. 

The  effect  of  these  measures  did  not  disappoint  those  who  adopted 
them.  The  inhabitants  flocked  in  great  numbers  to  the  royal  standard ; 
military  corps  for  the  protection  of  the  country  were  formed ;  and  posts 
were  established  for  a  considerable  distance  up  the  river. 

The  northern  frontier  of  Georgia  being  supposed  to  be  settled  into  a 
state  of  quiet,  Colonel  Campbell  turned  his  attention  towards  Sunbury, 
and  was  about  to  proceed  against  that  place,  when  he  received  intelli- 
gence that  it  had  surrendered  to  General  Prevost. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  ordered  that  officer  to  co-operate  from  East 
Florida,  with  Colonel  Campbell.  On  hearing  that  the  troops  from  the 
north  were  ofF  the  coast,  he  entered  the  southern  frontier  of 
Georgia,  and  invested  Sunbury,  which,  after  a  slight  resist- 
ance, surrendered  at  discretion.  Having  placed  a  garrison  in  the  fort, 
he  proceeded  to  Savannah,  took  command  of  the  army,  and  detached 
Colonel  Campbell  with  eight  hundred  regulars  and  a  few  provincials  to 
Augusta,  which  fell  without  resistance,  and  thus  the  whole  state  of  Georgia 
was  reduced. 

While  the  expedition  conducted  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell  was 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  ii95 

preparing  at  New  York,  congress  was  meditating  the  conquest  of  East 
Florida. 

The  delegates  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  anxious  that  a  general 
of  more  experience  than  Howe  should  command  in  the  southern  depart- 
ment, had  earnestly  pressed  that  he  should  be  recalled,  and  that  General 
Lincoln,  whose  military  reputation  was  high,  should  be  appointed  to 
succeed  him.  In  compliance  with  their  solicitations,  Howe  was  ordered 
in  September,  1778,  to  repair  to  the  head  quarters  of  General  Washing- 
ton, and  Lincoln  was  directed  to  proceed  immediately  to  Charleston,  in 
South  Carolina,  in  order  to  take  command  in  the  southern  department. 
In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  General  Lincoln  repaired  to  Charleston, 
where  he  found  the  military  affairs  of  the  country  in  a  state  of  utter  de- 
rangement. Congress  had  established  no  continental  military  chest  in 
the  southern  department.  This  omission  produced  a  dependence  on  the 
government  of  the  state  for  supplies  to  move  the  army  on  any  emer- 
gency, and  consequent  subjection  of  the  troops  in  continental  service  to 
its  control.  The  militia,  though  taKen  into  continental  service,  consi- 
dered themselves  as  subject  only  to  the  military  code  of  the  state.  These 
regulations  threatened  to  embarrass  all  military  operations,  and  to  em- 
broil the  general  with  the  civil  government. 

While  Lincoln  was  labouring  to  make  arrangements  for  the  ensuing 
campaign,  he  received  intelligence  of  the  appearance  of  the  enemy  off 
the  coast.  The  militia  of  North  Carolina,  amounting  to  two  thousand 
men,  commanded  by  Generals  Ash  and  Rutherford,  had  already  reached 
Charleston ;  but  were  unarmed,  and  congress  had  been  unable  to  pro- 
vide magazines  in  this  part  of  the  union.  These  troops  were,  therefore, 
entirely  dependent  on  South  Carolina  for  every  military  equipment ;  and 
arms  were  not  delivered  to  them  until  its  was  too  late  to  save  the  capital 
of  Georgia. 

So  soon  as  it  was  ascertained  that  the  British  fleet  had  entered  the 
Savannah  river,  General  Lincoln  proceeded  with  the  utmost  expedition 
towards  the  scene  of  action.     On  his  march,  he  received  intelligence  of 
the  victory  gained  over  General  Howe ;  and  was  soon  afterwards  joined 
by  the  remnant  of  the  defeated  army  at  Purysburg,  a  small  town 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Savannah,  where  he  established  his 
head  quarters. 

The  regular  force  commanded  by  General  Prevost  must  have  amounted 
to  at  least  three  thousand  effective  men ;  and  this  number  was 
increased  by  irregulars  who  had  joined  him  in  Georgia.    The 
American  army  rather  exceeded  three  thousand  six  hundred  men,  of 
whom  not  quite  two  thousand  five  hundred  were  effective.    Something 


296  THE  LIFE  OF 

more  than  one  thousand  were  continental  troops,  part  of  whom  were  new 
levies ;  the  rest  were  militia. 

The  theatre  of  action  was  so  well  adapted  to  defensive  war,  that,  al- 
though General  Prevost  was  decidedly  superior  to  his  adversary,  it  was 
difficult  to  extend  his  conquests  into  South  Carolina.  With  the  view  of 
entering  that  state  by  the  way  of  the  sea  coast,  he  detached  Major  Gard- 
ner with  about  two  hundred  men,  to  take  possession  of  the  island  of  Port 
Royal.  That  officer,  soon  after  reaching  his  place  of  destination,  was 
attacked  by  General  Moultrie,  and  compelled  to  retreat  with  considerable 
Joss.  This  repulse  checked  the  designs  of  Prevost  on  South  Carolina. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  war,  a  considerable  proportion  of  the 
western  inhabitants  of  the  three  southern  states  had  been  attached  to  the 
royal  cause.  The  first  successes  of  the  British  were  soon  communicated 
to  them,  and  they  were  invited  to  assemble  and  join  the  king's  standard 
at  Augusta.  About  seven  hundred  embodied  themselves  on  the  frontiers 
of  South  Carolina,  and  began  their  march  to  that  place.  They  were 
overtaken  by  Colonel  Pickens  at  the  head  of  the  neighbouring  militia, 
near  Kittle  Creek,  and  defeated  with  considerable  loss.  Colonel  Boyd, 
their  leader,  was  among  the  slain ;  and  several  of  those  who  escaped 
were  apprehended,  tried,  and  five  of  them  executed  as  traitors.  About 
three  hundred  reached  the  British  out-posts,  and  joined  the  royal  stand- 
ard. This  defeat  broke  the  spirits  of  the  tories  for  a  time  ;  and  preserved 
quiet  in  the  west. 

As  the  American  army  gained  strength  by  reinforcements  of  militia, 
General  Lincoln  began  to  contemplate  offensive  operations.  A  detach- 
ment had  been  stationed  nearly  opposite  to  Augusta  under  General  Ash, 
and  he  purposed  joining  that  officer  so  soon  as  a  sufficient  force  could  be 
collected,  and  attempting  to  recover  the  upper  parts  of  Georgia.  Before 
he  was  able  to  execute  this  plan,  General  Prevost  withdrew  his  troops 
from  Augusta  to  Hudson's  Ferry.  Ash  was  then  ordered  to  cross  the 
Savannah,  and  take  post  near  the  confluence  of  Briar  Creek  with  that 
river.  This  camp  was  thought  unassailable.  Its  left  was  covered  by  a 
deep  swamp,  and  by  the  Savannah.  The  front  was  secured  by  Briar 
Creek,  which  is  unfordable  several  miles,  and  makes  an  acute  angle  with 
the  river. 

Having  determined  to  dislodge  the  Americans  from  this  position,  Pre 
vost  kept  up  the  attention  of  General  Lincoln  by  the  semblance  of  a  de- 
sign to  cross  the  Savannah ;  and,  at  the  same  time  amused  General  Ash 
with  a  feint  on  his  front,  while  Lieutenant  Colonel  Prevost  made  a  cir- 
cuit of  about  fifty  miles,  and,  crossing  Briar  Creek  fifteen  mile* 
'  above  the  ground  occupied  by  Ash,  came  down,  uriperceived 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  297 

and  unsuspected,  on  his  rear.  Ash,  unused  to  the  stratagems  of  war, 
was  so  completely  engaged  by  the  manoauvres  in  his  front,  that  Lieute- 
nant Co.onel  Prevost  was  almost  in  his  camp  before  any  intelligence  of 
his  approach  was  received.  The  continental  troops  under  General  El- 
bert  were  drawn  out  to  oppose  him,  and  commenced  the  action  with 
great  gallantry ;  but  most  of  the  militia  threw  away  their  arms  and  fled 
in  confusion.  As  they  precipitated  themselves  into  the  swamp  and  swam 
the  river  not  many  of  them  were  taken.  General  Elbert  and  his  small 
band  of  continental  troops,  aided  by  one  regiment  of  North  Carolina  mi- 
litia, were  soon  overpowered  by  numbers,  and  the  survivors  were  com- 
pelled to  surrender  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  The  killed  and  taken 
amounted  to  between  three  and  four  hundred  men.  General  Elbert  and 
Colonel  M'Intosh  were  among  the  latter.  But  the  loss  sustained  by  the 
American  army  was  much  more  considerable.  The  dispersed  militia 
returned  to  their  homes ;  and  not  more  than  four  hundred  and  fifty  of 
them  could  be  reassembled. 

This  victory  was  supposed  to  give  the  British  such  complete  possession 
of  Georgia,  that  a  proclamation  was  issued  the  succeeding  day  by  Gene- 
ral Prevost,  establishing  civil  government,  and  appointing  executive  and 
judicial  officers  to  administer  it. 

These  disasters,  instead  of  terrifying  South  Carolina  into  submission, 
animated  that  state  to  greater  exertions.  Mr.  John  Rutledge,  a  gentle- 
man of  great  talents  and  decision,  was  elected  governor;  and  the  legis- 
lature passed  an  act  empowering  him  and  the  council  to  do  every  thing 
that  appeared  to  him  and  them  necessary  for  the  public  good.  All  the 
energies  of  the  state  were  drawn  forth.  The  militia  were  called  out  in 
great  numbers,  and  the  laws  for  their  government  were  rendered  more 
severe.* 

Thus  reinforced,  General  Lincoln  resumed  his  plan  for  recovering  the 
upper  parts  of  Georgia;  and  marched  the  main  body  of  his 
army  up  the  Savannah. 

This  river  was  now  swelled  greatly  beyond  its  usual  limits ;  and  the 
swamps,  marshes,  and  creeks  which  intersect  the  country  being  full 
seemed  to  present  an  almost  impassable  barrier  to  an  invading  army.  A 
small  military  force  being  deemed  sufficient  to  arrest  the  progress  of  an 
enemy  through  a  route  which,  if  at  all  practicable,  was  so  difficult,  about 
eight  hundred  of  the  state  militia,  aided  by  two  hundred  continental 
troops,  were  left  with  General  Moultrie  for  the  defence  of  the  country. 

Aware  of  the  importance  of  this  movement,  and  hoping  to  recall  Lin- 

*  Ramsay. 


298  THE  LIFE  OF 

coin  by  alarming  him  for  the  safety  of  Charleston,  General  Prevost  suu 

denly  crossed  the  Savannah  with  three  thousand  men ;  and,  ad 

vancing  rapidly  on  General  Moultrie,  obliged  him  to  retreat  with 

precipitation.     The  militia  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  defend  the  passes 

with  any  degree  of  firmness ;  and  Moultrie,  instead  of  drawing  aid  from 

the  surrounding  country,  sustained  an  alarming  diminution  of  numbers 

by  desertion. 

On  the  passage  of  the  river  by  Prevost,  an  express  had  been  despatched 
to  Lincoln  with  the  intelligence.  Persuaded  that  the  British  genera! 
could  meditate  no  serious  attempt  on  Charleston,  and  that  the  real  object 
was  to  induce  him  to  abandon  the  enterprise  in  which  he  was  engaged, 
he  detached  a  reinforcement  of  three  hundred  light  troops  to  aid  Moultrie, 
and  crossing  the  Savannah  himself,  continued  his  march  down  the  south 
side  of  that  river  towards  the  capital  of  Georgia. 

Though  the  original  purpose  of  General  Prevost  had  been  limited  to 
the  security  of  Georgia,  the  opposition  he  encountered  was  so  much  less 
than  he  had  expected ;  the  temper  of  the  country  was  so  apparent ;  the 
assurances  of  those  who  flocked  to  his  standard ;  of  the  general  disposi- 
tion of  the  people  to  terminate  the  calamities  of  war  by  submission,  were 
so  often  and  so  confidently  repeated,  that  he  was  emboldened  to  extend 
his  views,  and  to  hazard  the  continuation  of  his  march  to  Charleston. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  this  threatening  aspect  of  affairs  in  South 
Carolina,  Lincoln  recrossed  the  Savannah,  and  hastened  to  the  relief  of 
that  state. 

The  situation  of  Charleston  was  extremely  critical.  The  inhabitants, 
entirely  unapprehensive  of  an  attack  by  land,  had  directed  their  whole 
attention  to  its  protection  against  an  invasion  by  sea.  Had  Prevost  con- 
tinued his  march  with  the  rapidity  with  which  it  was  commenced,  the 
place  must  have  fallen.  But,  after  having  gained  more  than  half  the  dis- 
tance, he  halted,  and  consumed  two  or  three  days  in  deliberating  on  his 
future  measures.  While  his  intelligence  determined  him  to  proceed,  and 
assured  him  of  a  state  of  things  which  rendered  success  almost  certain, 
that  state  of  things  was  rapidly  changing.  Fortifications  on  the  land 
side  were  commenced  and  prosecuted  with  unremitting  labour ;  the  neigh- 
bouring  militia  were  drawn  into  the  town  ;  the  reinforcements  detached 
by  General  Lincoln,  and  the  remnant  of  the  legion  of  Pulaski  arrived ; 
and  the  governor  also  entered  the  city,  at  the  head  of  some  troops  which 
had  been  stationed  at  Orangeburg. 

The  next  morning  Prevost  crossed  Ashly  river,  and  encamped  just 
without  cannon  shot  of  the  works.  The  town  was  summoned 
to  surrender,  and  the  day  was  spent  in  sending  and  receiving 


GEORGE  WASfflNGT6N.  299 

flags.  The  neutrality  of  South  Carolina  during  the  war,  leaving  the 
question  whether  that  state  should  finally  belong  to  Great  Britain  or  thn 
United  States,  to  be  settled  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  was  proposed  by  the 
garrison,  and  rejected  by  Prevost ;  who  required  that  they  should  surren- 
der themselves  prisoners  of  war.  This  proposition  being  also  rejected, 
the  garrison  prepared  to  sustain  an  assault.  But  an  attempt  to  carry 
the  works  by  storm  was  too  hazardous  to  be  made  ,•  and  Prevost  came 
to  the  prudent  resolution  of  decamping  that  night,  and  recrossing  Ashly 
river. 

The  British  army  passed  into  the  island  of  St.  James,  and  thence  to 
that  of  St.  John's,  which  lies  south  of  Charleston  harbour ;  soon  after  which 
General  Lincoln  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood,  so  as  to  confine  them 
in  a  great  degree  to  the  island  they  occupied.  This  island  is  separated 
from  the  main  land  by  an  inlet,  to  which  the  name  of  Stono  river  has 
been  given  ;  and  the  communication  is  preserved  by  a  ferry.  A  British 
post  was  established  upon  the  main  land  at  this  ferry,  and  works  were 
thrown  up  in  front  for  its  defence.  When  Prevost  commenced  his  retreat, 
and  the  troops  were  moving  from  island  to  island,  the  occasion  seemed  a 
fair  one  for  attacking  it.  Only  eight  hundred  men,  commanded  by  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Maitland,  defended  it ;  but  a  large  corps  still  lay  on  the 
island.  To  prevent  these  troops  from  supporting  those  on  the  main  land 
General  Moultrie,  who  commanded  in  Charleston,  was  ordered  to  pass 
over  a  body  of  militia  into  James's  island,  who  should  amuse  the  enemy 
in  St.  John's,  while  a  real  attack  should  be  made  on  the  post  at  the  ferry. 
About  seven  in  the  morning,  General  Lincoln  commenced  this 
attack  with  about  one  thousand  men ;  and  continued  it  with 
great  spirit,  until  he  perceived  that  strong  reinforcements  were  crossing 
over  from  the  island ;  when  he  called  off  his  troops,  and  retreated,  un- 
molested, to  his  old  ground. 

General  Moultrie  had  been  unable  to  execute  that  part  of  the  plan 
which  devolved  on  him.  Boats  were  not  in  readiness  to  convey  the 
men  into  James's  island,  and  consequently  the  feint  on  St.  John's  was  no: 
made. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans,  in  killed  and  wounded,  amounted  to  twen- 
ty-four officers,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  privates.  That  of  the 
British  was  stated  to  be  rather  less. 

Three  days  after  this  action,  the  posts  at  Stono  and  St.  John's  were 
evacuated.  The  heat  now  became  too  excessive  for  active  service ;  ana 
the  British  army,  after  establishing  a  post  on  the  island  contiguous  to 
Port  Royal  and  St.  Helena,  retired  into  Georgia  and  St.  Augustine. 

The  American  militia  dispersed,  leaving  General  Lincoln  at  the  head 


300  THE  LIFE  OF 

of  about  eight  hundred  men;  with  whom  he  retired  to  Sheldon,  where 
his  primary  object  was  to  prepare  for  the  next  campaign,  which  it  was 
supposed  would  open  in  October. 

The  invasion  of  the  southern  states  wore  so  serious  an  aspect,  that 
Eland's  regiment  of  cavalry,  and  the  remnant  of  that  lately  Baylor's, 
now  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Washington,  with  the  new  levies 
of  Virginia,  were  ordered  to  repair  to  Charleston,  and  to  place  them- 
selves under  the  command  of  General  Lincoln.  The  execution  of  these 
orders  was  for  a  time  suspended  by  the  invasion  of  Virginia. 

An  expedition  against  that  state  had  been  concerted  in  the  spring  be- 
tween Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  Sir  George  Collier,  the  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  British  naval  force  on  the  American  station.  The  land 
troops  assigned  to  this  service  were  commanded  by  General  Matthews. 
The  transports,  on  board  of  which  they  embarked,  were  convoyed  by 
the  Admiral  in  person.  On  the  9th  of  May  the  fleet  entered  the  Chesa- 
peake, and  the  next  day  anchored  in  Hampton  Roads. 

Virginia  had  raised  a  regiment  of  artillery  for  the  performance  of  gar- 
rison duty  in  the  state,  which  had  been  distributed  along  the  eastern 
frontier;  and  slight  fortifications  had  been  constructed  in  the  most 
important  situations,  which  were  defensible  on  the  side  of  the  water, 
but  were  not  tenable  against  a  military  force  strong  enough  to  act  on 
land.  Fort  Nelson,  on  the  west  side  of  Elizabeth  river,  garrisoned  by 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  commanded  by  Major  Matthews, 
was  designed  to  protect  the  towns  of  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth,  which 
were  on  each  side  of  the  river  just  above  it;  and  the  town  of  Gosport, 
which  lies  still  higher  up  on  a  point  of  land  intervening  between  two 
branches  of  the  river.  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth  were  places  of  the  most 
considerable  commerce  in  Virginia.  Large  supplies  for  the  army  were 
deposited  in  them ;  and  the  state  government  had  established  at  Gosport 
a  marine  yard,  where  ships  of  war  and  other  vessels  were  building,  for 
which  naval  stores  were  collected  to  a  very  great  amount.  The  de- 
struction of  these  vessels  and  stores,  constituted  the  principal  object  of 
General  Matthews. 

On  the  morning  of  the  tenth,  the  fleet  entered  Elizabeth  river",  and 
the  troops  were  landed  about  three  miles  below  the  fort,  without  opposi- 
tion. Foreseeing  that  the  works  would  be  attacked  the  next  morning 
on  the  land  side,  the  garrison  evacuated  the  fort  in  the  night,  and  took 
refuge  in  a  deep  and  extensive  swamp,  called  the  Dismal,  which  could 
not  be  penetrated  without  difficulty,  even  by  single  persons. 

The  whole  sea-board,  on  the  south  side  of  James's  river,  being  now  in 
possession  of  General  Matthews,  he  fixed  his  head  quarters  at  Ports- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  30* 

mouth,  whence  small  parties  were  detached  to  Norfolk,  Gosport,  Kemps' 
landing,  and  Suffolk,  where  military  and  naval  stores  to  a  great  amount, 
and  several  vessels  richly  laden,  fell  into  his  hands. 

This  invasion  was  of  short  duration.  General  Matthews,  after  de- 
stroying the  magazines  which  had  been  collected  in  the  small  towns  near 
the  coast,  and  the  vessels  in  the  rivers,  was  ordered  by  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton to  return  to  New  York,  where  he  arrived  towards  the  last  of  May. 

The  Admiral  and  General  were  both  so  impressed  with  the  import- 
ance of  Portsmouth  as  a  permanent  station,  that  they  united  in  repre- 
senting to  the  Commander-in-chief  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from 
keeping  possession  of  it.  But,  in  the  opinion  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  the 
army  did  not  at  that  time  admit  of  so  many  subdivisions;  and,  with  a 
view  to  more  interesting  objects,  Portsmouth  was  evacuated. 


Vol.  i  20 


302  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Discontents  in  a  part  of  the  American  army. — Letter  from  General  Washington  on 
the  subject. — Colonel  Van  Schaick  destroys  an  Indian    settlement. — Expedition 

against  the  Indians  meditated. — Fort  Fayette  surrendered  to  the  British. 

Invasion  of  Connecticut. — General  Wayne  storms  Stony  Point. — Expedition 
against  Penobscot. — Powles  Hook  surprised  by  Major  Lee. — Arrival  of  Admiral 
Arbuthnot. — Of  the  Count  D'Estaing. — Siege  of  Savannah. — Unsuccessful  attempt 
to  storm  that  place. — Siege  raised. — Victory  of  General  Sullivan  at  Newtown. — 
Spain  offers  her  mediation  to  the  belligerents. — Declares  war  against  England. — 
Letter  from  General  Washington  to  congress  respecting  the  annual  formation  of  the 
army. — The  army  goes  into  winter  quarters. 

THE  barbarities  committed  by  the  Indians,  in  the  course  of  the  pre- 
ceding year,  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  frontiers,  had 
added  motives  of  mingled  resentment  and  humanity  to  those 
of  national  interest,  for  employing  a  larger  force  in  the  protection  of 
that  part  of  the  union  than  had  heretofore  been  devoted  to  it. 

General  Washington  had  always  believed  that  k  was  impossible  to 
defend  the  immense  western  frontier  by  any  chain  of  posts  which  could 
be  established ;  and  that  the  country  would  be  protected  much  more  cer- 
tainly by  offensive  than  by  defensive  war.  His  plan  was  to  penetrate  into 
the  heart  of  the  Indian  settlements  with  a  force  competent  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  their  towns ;  and  also  to  reduce  the  British  post  at  Niagara, 
which  gave  its  possessors  an  almost  irresistible  influence  over  the  six 
nations.  This  plan  constituted  one  of  the  various  subjects  of  conference 
with  the  committee  of  congress  in  Philadelphia,  and  received  the  entire 
approbation  of  that  body. 

The  state  governments  also  took  a  strong  interest  in  the  protection  of 
their  western  settlements.  Connecticut,  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania, 
applied,  severally,  to  congress,  urging  the  adoption  of  such  vigorous 
measures  as  would  secure  the  frontiers  against  a  repetition  of  the  hor- 
rors which  had  been  already  perpetrated.  These  papers  were  referred 
to  the  committee  which  had  been  appointed  to  confer  with  General 
Washington,  in  conformity  with  whose  report  it  was  resolved,  "that  the 
Commander-in-chief  be  directed  to  take  efficient  measures  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  inhabitants,  and  chastisement  of  the  savages." 

The  Six  Nations  had  made  some  advances  towards  acquiring  the  com- 
forts of  civilized  life.  Several  comfortable  houses  were  to  be  seen  in 
their  populous  villages ;  and  their  fertile  fields  and  orchards  yielded  an 
abundant  supply  of  corn  and  fruit.  Some  few  of  their  towns  were  at- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  303 

tached  to  the  United  States  ;  but,  in  general,  they  were  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  British.  Many  of  the  loyalists  had  taken  refuge  among 
them,  and  had  added  to  their  strength  without  diminishing  their  ferocity. 
It  was  determined  to  lead  a  force  into  these  villages,  sufficient  to  over- 
power any  numbers  they  could  possibly  bring  into  the  field,  and  to  de- 
stroy the  settlements  they  had  made.  To  guard  against  reinforcements 
from  Canada,  means  were  used  to  inspire  that  colony  with  fears  for  itself. 

As  the  army  destined  for  this  expedition  was  about  to  move,  alarming 
symptoms  of  discontent  appeared  in  a  part  of  it.  The  Jersey  brigade, 
which  had  been  stationed  during  the  winter  at  Elizabethtown,  was  or- 
dered early  in  May,  to  march  by  regiments.  This  order  was  answered 
by  a  letter  from  General  Maxwell,  stating  that  the  officers  of  the  first 
regiment  had  delivered  a  remonstrance  to  their  Colonel,  addressed  to  the 
legislature  of  the  state,  declaring  that,  unless  their  complaints  on  the 
subjects  of  pay  and  support  should  obtain  the  immediate  attention  of  that 
body,  they  were,  at  the  expiration  of  three  days,  to  be  considered  as 
having  resigned ;  and  requesting  the  legislature,  in  that  event,  to  appoint 
other  officers  to  succeed  them.  They  declared,  however,  their  readiness 
to  make  every  preparation  for  obeying  the  orders  which  had  been  given, 
and  to  continue  their  attention  to  the  regiment  until  a  reasonable  time 
should  elapse  for  the  appointment  of  their  successors.  "This,"  added  the 
letter  of  General  Maxwell,  "  is  a  step  they  are  extremely  unwilling  to 
take,  but  it  is  such  as  I  make  no  doubt  they  will  all  take ;  nothing  but 
necessity — their  not  being  able  to  support  themselves  in  time  to  come, 
and  being  loaded  with  debts  contracted  in  time  past,  could  have  induced 
them  to  resign  at  so  critical  a  juncture." 

The  intelligence  conveyed  in  this  letter  made  a  serious  impression  on 
the  Commander-in-chief.  He  was  strongly  attached  to  the  army  and  to 
its  interests ;  had  witnessed  its  virtue  and  its  sufferings;  and  lamented 
sincerely  its  present  distresses.  The  justice  of  the  complaints  made  by 
the  officers  could  no  more  be  denied,  than  the  measure  they  had  adopted 
could  be  approved.  Relying  on  their  patriotism  and  on  his  own  influence, 
he  immediately  wrote  a  letter  to  Genex-al  Maxwell,  to  be  laid  before  them, 
in  which,  mingling  the  sensibility  of  a  friend  with  the  authority  of  a  gene- 
ral, he  addressed  to  their  understanding  and  to  their  love  of  country,  ob- 
servations calculated  to  invite  their  whole  attention  to  the  consequences 
which  must  result  from  the  step  they  were  about  to  take. 

"  The  patience  and  perseverance  of  the  army,"  proceeds  the  letter, 
"  have  been,  under  every  disadvantage,  such  as  to  do  them  the  highest 
honour  both  at  home  and  abroad,  and  have  inspired  me  with  an  unli- 
mited confidence  of  their  virtue,  which  has  consoled  me  amidst  every 


304  THE  LIFE  OF 

perplexity  and  reverse  of  fortune,  to  which  our  affairs,  in  a  struggle  of 
this  nature,  were  necessarily  exposed.  Now  that  we  have  made  so  great 
a  progress  to  the  attainment  of  the  end  we  have  in  view,  so  that  we  can 
not  fail  without  a  most  shameful  desertion  of  our  own  interests,  any 
thing  like  a  change  of  conduct  would  imply  a  very  unhappy  change  of 
principles,  and  a  forgetfulness,  as  well  of  what  we  owe  to  ourselves,  as  to 
our  country.  Did  I  suppose  it  possible  this  could  be  the  case,  even  in  a 
single  regiment  of  the  army,  I  should  be  mortified  and  chagrined  be- 
yond expression.  I  should  feel  it  as  a  wound  given  to  my  own  honour, 
which  I  consider  as  embarked  with  that  of  the  army  at  large.  But  this 
I  believe  to  be  impossible.  Any  corps  that  was  about  to  set  an  example 
of  the  kind,  would  weigh  well  the  consequences ;  and  no  officer  of  com- 
mon discernment  and  sensibility  would  hazard  them.  If  they  should 
stand  alone  in  it,  independent  of  other  consequences,  what  would  be  their 
feelings  on  reflecting  that  they  had  held  themselves  out  to  the  world  in  a 
point  of  light  inferior  to  the  rest  of  the  army.  Or  if  their  example  should 
be  followed,  and  become  general,  how  could  they  console  themselves  for 
having  been  the  foremost  in  bringing  ruin  and  disgrace  upon  their  coun- 
try. They  would  remember  that  the  army  would  share  a  double  portion 
of  the  general  infamy  and  distress,  and  that  the  character  of  an  Ameri- 
can officer  would  become  as  infamous  as  it  is  now  glorious. 

"  I  confess  the  appearances  in  the  present  instance  are  disagreeable ; 
but  I  am  convinced  they  seem  to  mean  more  than  they  really  do.  The 
Jersey  officers  have  not  been  outdone  by  any  others  in  the  qualities  eithei 
of  citizens  or  soldiers;  and  I  am  confident,  no  part  of  them  would  seri- 
ously intend  any  thing  that  would  be  a  stain  on  their  former  reputation. 
The  gentlemen  can  not  be  in  earnest ;  they  have  only  reasoned  wrong 
about  the  means  of  obtaining  a  good  end,  and,  on  consideration,  I  hope 
and  flatter  myself  they  will  renounce  what  must  appear  to  be  improper. 
At  the  opening  of  a  campaign,  when  under  marching  orders  for  an  im- 
portant service,  their  own  honour,  duty  to  the  public  and  to  themselves, 
and  a  regard  to  military  propriety,  will  not  suffer  them  to  persist  in  a 
measure  which  would  be  a  violation  of  them  all.  It  will  even  wound 
their  delicacy,  coolly  to  reflect  that  they  have  hazarded  a  step,  which 
has  an  air  of  dictating  terms  to  their  country,  by  taking  advantage  of 
the  necessity  of  the  moment. 

"The  declaration  they  have  made  to  the  state,  at  so  critical  a  time, 
that  unless  they  obtain  relief  in  the  short  period  of  three  days,  they  must 
be  considered  out  of  the  service,  has  very  much  that  aspect ;  and  the  seem- 
ing relaxation  of  continuing  until  the  state  can  have  a  reasonable  time  to 
provide  other  officers,  will  be  thought  only  a  superficial  veil.  I  am  now 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  305 

to  request  that  you  will  convey  my  sentiments  to  the  gentlemen  con- 
cerned, and  endeavour  to  make  them  sensible  that  they  are  in  an  error. 
The  service  for  which  the  regiment  was  intended  will  not  admit  of  delay. 
It  must  at  all  events  march  on  Monday  morning,  in  the  first  place  to 
camp,  and  farther  directions  will  be  given  when  it  arrives.  I  am  sure  I 
shall  not  be  mistaken  in  expecting  a  prompt  and  cheerful  obedience." 

The  representations  of  this  letter  did  not  completely  produce  the  de- 
sired effect.  The  officers  did  not  recede  from  their  claims.  In  an  ad- 
dress to  the  Commander-in-chief,  they  expressed  their  unhappiness  that 
any  act  of  theirs  should  give  him  pain,  but  proceeded  to  justify  the  step 
they  had  taken.  Repeated  memorials  had  been  presented  to  their  legis- 
lature, which  had  been  received  with,  promises  of  attention,  but  had  been 
regularly  neglected.  "  At  length,"  said  they,  "  we  have  lost  all  confi- 
dence in  our  legislature.  Reason  and  experience  forbid  that  we  should 
have  any.  Few  of  us  have  private  fortunes  ;  many  have  families  who 
already  are  suffering  every  thing  that  can  be  received  from  an  ungrate- 
ful country.  Are  we  then  to  suffer  all  the  inconveniences,  fatigues,  and 
dangers  of  a  military  life,  while  our  wives  and  our  children  are  perishing 
for  want  of  common  necessaries  at  home; — and  that  without  the  most 
distant  prospect  of  reward,  for  our  pay  is  now  only  nominal?  We  are 
sensible  that  your  excellency  can  not  wish  nor  desire  this  from  us. 

"  We  are  sorry  that  you  should  imagine  we  meant  to  disobey  orders. 
It  was  and  still  is  our  determination  to  march  with  our  regiment,  and  to 
do  the  duty  of  officers  until  the  legislature  should  have  a  reasonable 
time  to  appoint  others,  but  no  longer. 

"  We  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Excellency,  that  we  have  the  highest 
sense  of  your  ability  and  virtues ; — that  executing  your  orders  has  ever 
given  us  pleasure ; — that  we  love  the  service,  and  we  love  our  country ; 
— but  when  that  country  gets  so  lost  to  virtue  and  justice  as  to  forget  to 
support  its  servants,  it  then  becomes  their  duty  to  retire  from  its  service." 

This  letter  was  peculiarly  embarrassing.  To  adopt  a  stern  course  of 
proceeding  might  hazard  the  loss  of  the  Jersey  line,  an  event  not  less 
injurious  to  the  service,  than  painful  to  himself.  To  take  up  the  subject 
without  doing  too  much  for  the  circumstances  of  the  army,  would  be 
doing  too  little  for  the  occasion.  He  therefore  declined  taking  any 
other  notice  of  the  letter,  than  to  declare  through  General  Maxwell  that, 
while  they  continued  to  do  their  duty  in  conformity  with  the  determina- 
tion they  had  expressed,  he  should  only  regret  the  part  they  had  taken, 
and  should  hope  they  would  perceive  its  impropriety. 

The  legislature  of  New  Jersey,  alarmed  at  the  decisive  step  taken  by 
the  officers,  was  at  length  induced  to  pay  some  attention  to  their  situa- 


306  THE  LIFE  OF 

tion ;  they  consenting,  on  their  part,  to  withdraw  their  remonstrance. 
In  the  meantime,  they  continued  to  perform  their  duty ;  and  their  march 
was  not  delayed  by  this  unpleasant  altercation. 

In  communicating  this  transaction  to  congress,  General  Washington 
took  occasion  to  remind  that  body  of  his  having  frequently  urged  the 
absolute  necessity  of  some  general  and  adequate  provision  for  the  offi- 
cers of  the  army.  "  I  shall  only  observe,"  continued  the  letter,  "  that 
the  distresses  in  some  corps  are  so  great,  either  where  they  were  not 
until  lately  attached  to  any  particular  state,  or  where  the  state  has  been 
less  provident,  that  the  officers  have  solicited  even  to  be  supplied  with 
the  clothing  destined  for  the  common  soldiery,  coarse  arid  unsuitable  as 
it  was.  I  had  not  power  to  comply  with  the  request. 

"  The  patience  of  men  animated  by  a  sense  of  duty  and  honour,  will 
support  them  to  a  certain  point,  beyond  which  it  will  not  go.  I  doubt 
not  congress  will  be  sensible  of  the  danger  of  an  extreme  in  this  re- 
spect, and  will  pardon  my  anxiety  to  obviate  it." 

Before  the  troops  destined  for  the  grand  expedition  were  put  in  mo- 
tion, an  enterprise  of  less  extent  was  undertaken,  which  was  completely 
successful.  A  plan  for  surprising  the  towns  of  the  Onondagas,  one  of 
the  nearest  of  the  hostile  tribes,  having  been  formed  by  General  Schuy- 
ler,  and  approved  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  Colonel  Van  Schaick, 
assisted  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Willet,  and  Major  Cochran,  marched 
from  fort  Schuyler  on  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  April,  at  the  head  of 
between  five  and  six  hundred  men ;  and,  on  the  third  day,  reached  the 
point  of  destination.  The  whole  settlement  was  destroyed,  after  which 
the  detachment  returned  to  fort  Schuyler  without  the  loss  of  a  single 
man.  For  this  handsome  display  of  talents  as  a  partisan,  the  thanks 
of  congress  were  voted  to  Colonel  Van  Schaick,  and  tire  officers  and 
soldiers  under  his  command. 

The  cruelties  exercised  by  the  Indians  in  the  course  of  the  preceding 
year,  had  given  a  great  degree  of  importance  to  the  expedition  now 
meditated  against  them;  and  the  relative  military  strength  and  situation 
of  the  two  parties,  rendered  it  improbable  that  any  other  offensive  ope- 
rations could  be  carried  on  by  the  Americans  in  the  course  of  the  pre- 
sent campaign.  The  army  under  the  command  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
exclusive  of  the  troops  in  the  southern  department,  was  computed  at 
between  sixteen  and  seventeen  thousand  men.  The  American  army, 
the  largest  division  of  which  lay  at  Middlebrook,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  General  Washington,  was  rather  inferior  to  that  of  the 
British  in  real  strength.  The  grand  total,  except  those  in  the  southern 
and  western  country,  including  officers  of  every  description,  amounted 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  307 

to  about  sixteen  thousand.  Three  thousand  of  these  were  in  New  Eng- 
land under  the  command  of  General  Gates ;  and  the  remaining  thirteen 
thousand  were  cantoned  on  both  sides  the  North  River.  The  bare  state- 
ment of  numbers,  must  show  the  incompetency  of  the  American  army 
to  the  expulsion  of  the  British  from  either  New  York  or  Rhode  Island. 
On  their  part,  therefore,  the  plan  of  the  campaign  was,  necessarily,  de- 
fensive ;  and  the  hazards  and  difficulties  attending  the  execution  of  even 
a  defensive  plan  were  considerable. 

Independent  of  an  extensive  coast,  at  all  places  accessible  to  the  in- 
vading army,  the  Hudson,  penetrating  deep  into  the  country  which  was 
to  be  the  theatre  of  action,  gave  great  advantages  in  their  military  ope- 
rations to  those  who  commanded  the  water. 

After  the  destruction  of  forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery  in  1777,  it  had 
been  determined  to  construct  the  fortifications  intended  for  the  future 
defence  of  the  North  River,  at  West  Point,  a  position  which,  being  more 
completely  embosomed  in  the  hills,  was  deemed  more  defensible.  The 
works  had  been  prosecuted  with  unremitting  industry,  but  were  far  from 
being  completed. 

Some  miles  below  West  Point,  about  the  termination  of  the  highlands, 
is  King's  ferry,  where  the  great  road,  affording  the  most  convenient  com- 
munication between  the  middle  and  eastern  states,  crosses  the  North 
River.  The  ferry  is  completely  commanded  by  the  two  opposite  points 
of  land.  That  on  the  west  side,  a  rough  and  elevated  piece  of  ground, 
is  denominated  Stony  Point ;  and  the  other,  on  the  east  side,  a  flat  neck 
of  land  projecting  far  into  the  water,  is  called  Verplank's  Point.  The 
command  of  King's  ferry  was  an  object  worth  the  attention  of  either 
army ;  and  Washington  had  comprehended  the  points  which  protect  it 
within  his  plan  of  defence  for  the  highlands.  A  small  but  strong  work, 
termed  fort  Fayette,  was  completed  at  Verplank's,  and  was  garrisoned 
by  a  company  commanded  by  Captain  Armstrong.  The  works  on 
Stony  Point  were  unfinished.  As  the  season  for  active  operations  ap- 
proached. Sir  Henry  Clinton  formed  a  plan  for  opening  the  campaign 
with  a  brilliant  coup  de  main  up  the  North  River ;  and,  towards  the  lat- 
ter end  of  May,  made  preparations  for  the  enterprise. 

These  preparations  were  immediately  communicated  to  General  Wash- 
ington, who  was  confident  that  the  British  general  meditated  an  attack 
on  the  forts  in  the  highlands,  or  designed  to  take  a  position  between 
those  forts  and  Middlcbrook,  in  order  to  interrupt  the  communication 
between  the  different  parts  of  the  American  army,  to  prevent  their  re- 
union, and  to  beat  them  in  detail.  Measures  were  instantly  taken  to 
counteract  either  of  these  designs.  The  intelligence  from  New  York 


308  THE  LIFE  OF 

was  communicated  to  Generals  Putnam  and  M'Dougal,  who  were  order- 
ed to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march ;  and,  on  the  29th  of  May, 
the  army  moved  by  divisions  from  Middlebrook  towards  the  highlands. 
On  the  30th,  the  British  army,  commanded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in 
person,  and  convoyed  by  Sir  George  Collier,  proceeded  up  the  river ; 
and  General  Vaughan,  at  the  head  of  the  largest  division,  landed  next 
morning,  about  eight  miles  below  Verplank's.  The  other  division,  under 
the  particular  command  of  General  Patterson,  but  accompanied  by  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  advancing  farther  up,  landed  on  the  west  side  within 
three  miles  of  Stony  Point. 

That  place  being  immediately  abandoned,  General  Patterson  took 
possession  of  it  on  the  same  afternoon.  He  dragged  some  heavy  can- 
non and  mortars  to  the  summit  of  the  hill  in  the  course  of  the 
night ;  and,  at  five  next  morning,  opened  a  battery  on  fort 
Fayette,  at  the  distance  of  about  one  thousand  yards.  During  the  fol- 
lowing night,  two  galleys  passed  the  fort,  and,  anchoring  above  it,  pre- 
vented the  escape  of  the  garrison  by  water;  while  General  Vaughan 
invested  it  closely  by  land.  No  means  of  defending  the  fort,  or  of  sav- 
ing themselves  remaining,  the  garrison  became  prisoners  of  war.  Imme- 
diate directions  were  given  for  completing  the  works  at  both  posts,  and 
for  putting  Stony  Point,  in  particular,  in  a  strong  state  of  defence. 

It  is  scarcely  supposable  that  the  views  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  mov- 
ing up  the  river,  were  limited  to  this  single  acquisition.  The  means 
employed  were  so  disproportioncd  to  the  object,  as  to  justify  a  belief  that 
he  contemplated  farther  and  more  important  conquests.  Whatever  may 
have  been  his  plans,  the  measures  of  precaution  taken  by  Washington 
counteracted  their  execution;  and  before  Clinton  was  in  a  situation  to 
proceed  against  West  Point,  General  M'Dougal  was  so  strengthened,  and 
the  American  army  took  such  a  position  on  the  strong  grounds  about 
the  Hudson,  that  the  enterprise  became  too  hazardous  to  be  farther  pro- 
secuted. 

After  completing  the  fortifications  on  both  sides  the  river,  at  King's 
ferry,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  placed  a  strong  garrison  in  each  fort,  and  proceed 
ed  down  the  river  to  Philipsburg.  The  relative  situation  of  the  hostile  ar 
mies  presenting  insuperable  obstacles  to  any  grand  operation,  they  could 
be  employed  offensively  only  on  detached  expeditions.  Connecticut 
from  its  contiguity  to  New  York,  and  its  extent  of  sea  coast,  was  pecu- 
liarly exposed  to  invasion.  The  numerous  small  cruizers  which  plied 
in  the  Sound,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  British  commerce,  and  the  large 
supplies  of  provisions  drawn  from  the  adjacent  country,  for  the  use  of 
the  continental  army,  furnished  great  inducements  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  309 

to  direct  his  enterprises  particularly  against  that  state.  He  also  hoped 
to  draw  General  Washington  from  his  impregnable  position  on  the  North 
River  into  the  low  country,  and  thus  obtain  an  opportunity  of  striking  at 
some  part  of  his  army,  or  of  seizing  the  posts,  which  were  the  great  ob- 
ject of  the  campaign.  With  these  views,  he  planned  an  expedition 
against  Connecticut,  the  command  of  which  was  given  to  Governor 
Tryon,  who  reached  New  Haven  bay  on  the  5th  of  July,  with  about  two 
thousand  six  hundred  men. 

General  Washington  was  at  the  time  on  the  lines,  examining  in  per- 
son the  condition  of  the  works  on  Stony  and  Verplank's  Points  ;  in  con- 
sequence of  which,  the  intelligence  which  was  transmitted  to  head  quar- 
ters that  the  fleet  had  sailed,  could  not  be  immediately  communicated  to 
the  governor  of  Connecticut,  and  the  first  intimation  which  that  state 
received  of  its  danger,  was  given  by  the  appearance  of  the  enemy.  The 
militia  assembled  in  considerable  numbers  with  alacrity ;  but  the  British 
effected  a  landing,  and  took  possession  of  the  town.  After  destroying 
the  military  and  naval  stores  found  in  the  place,  they  re-embarked,  and 
proceeded  westward  to  Fairfield,  which  was  reduced  to  ashes.  The 
good  countenance  shown  by  the  militia  at  this  place  is  attested  by  the 
apology  made  by  General  Tryon  for  the  wanton  destruction  of  private 
property,  which  disgraced  his  conduct.  "  The  village  was  burnt,"  he 
says,  "  to  resent  the  fire  of  the  rebels  from  their  houses,  and  to  mask  our 
retreat." 

From  Fairfield  the  fleet  crossed  the  Sound  to  Huntingdon  bay,  where 
it  remained  until  the  eleventh,  when  it  recrossed  that  water,  after  which 
the  troops  were  landed  in  the  night  on  the  cow  pasture,  a  peninsula  on 
the  east  side  of  the  bay  of  Norwalk.  About  the  same  time,  a  much 
larger  detachment  from  the  British  army  directed  its  course  towards 
Horse  Neck,  and  made  demonstrations  of  a  design  to  penetrate  into  the 
country  in  that  direction. 

On  the  first  intelligence  that  Connecticut  was  invaded,  General  Par- 
sons, a  native  of  that  state,  had  been  directed  by  General  Washington  to 
hasten  to  the  scene  of  action.  Placing  himself  at  the  head  of  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  continental  troops,  who  were  supported  by  considerable 
bodies  of  militia,  he  attacked  the  British  in  the  morning  of  the  twelfth,  as 
soon  as  they  were  in  motion,  and  kept  up  an  irregular  distant  fire  through- 
out the  day.  But  being  too  weak  to  prevent  the  destruction  of  any  par- 
ticular town  on  the  coast,  Norwalk  was  reduced  to  ashes;  after  which 
the  British  re-embarked,  and  returned  to  Huntingdon  bay,  there  to  wait 
for  reinforcements.  At  this  place,  however,  Tryon  received  orders  to 
return  to  the  White  Stone ;  where,  in  a  conference  between  Sir  Henry 


310  THE  LIFE  OF 

Clinton  and  Sir  George  Collier,  it  was  determined  to  proceed  against 
New  London  with  an  increased  force. 

On  the  invasion  of  Connecticut,  the  Commander-in-chief  was  prompt 
in  his  exertions  to  send  continental  troops  from  the  nearest  encampments 
to  its  aid ;  but,  before  they  could  afford  any  real  service,  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton found  it  necessary  to  recall  Tryon  to  the  Hudson. 

General  Washington  had  planned  an  enterprise  against  the  posts  at 
King's  ferry,  comprehending  a  double  attack,  to  be  made  at  the  same 
time,  on  both.  But  the  difficulty  of  a  perfect  co-operation  of  detach- 
ments, incapable  of  communicating  with  each  other,  determined  him  to 
postpone  the  attack  on  Verplank's,  and  to  make  that  part  of  the  plan 
dependent  on  the  success  of  the  first.  His  whole  attention  therefore  was 
turned  to  Stony  Point ;  and  the  troops  destined  for  this  critical  service, 
proceeded  on  it  as  against  a  single  object. 

The  execution  of  the  plan  was  entrusted  to  General  Wayne,  who  com- 
manded the  light  infantry  of  the  army.  Secrecy  was  deemed  so  much 
more  essential  to  success  than  numbers,  that  no  addition  was  made  to 
the  force  already  on  the  lines.  One  brigade  was  ordered  to  commence 
its  march,  so  as  to  reach  the  scene  of  action  in  time  to  cover  the  troops 
engaged  in  the  attack,  should  any  unlocked  for  disaster  befall  them;  and 
Major  Lee  of  the  light  dragoons,  who  had  been  eminently  useful  in  ob- 
taining the  intelligence  which  led  to  the  enterprise,  was  associated  with 
General  Wayne,  as  far  as  cavalry  could  be  employed  in  such  a  ser- 
vice. The  night  of  the  fifteenth,  and  the  hour  of  twelve,  were  chosen  for 
the  assault. 

Stony  Point  is  a  commanding  hill,  projecting  far  into  the  Hudson, 
which  washes  three-fourths  of  its  base.  The  remaining  fourth  is,  in  a 
great  measure,  covered  by  a  deep  marsh,  commencing  near  the  river  on 
the  upper  side,  and  continuing  into  it  below.  Over  this  marsh  there  is 
only  one  crossing  place ;  but  at  its  junction  with  the  river,  is  a  sandy 
beach,  passable  at  low  tide.  On  the  summit  of  this  hill  stood,  the  fort, 
which  was  furnished  with  heavy  ordnance.  Several  breast-works  and 
strong  batteries  were  advanced  in  front  of  the  main  work ;  and,  about 
half  way  down  the  hill,  were  two  rows  of  abattis.  The  batteries  were 
calculated  to  command  the  beach  and  the  crossing  place  of  the  marsh, 
and  to  rake  and  enfilade  any  column  which  might  be  advancing  from 
either  of  those  points  towards  the  fort.  In  addition  to  these  defences, 
several  vessels  of  war  were  stationed  in  the  river,  and  commanded  the 
ground  at  the  foot  of  the  hill.  The  garrison  consisted  of  about  six  hun- 
dred men,  commanded  by  Colonel  Johnson. 

General  Wayne  arrived  about  eight  in  the  afternoon  at  Spring  Steel's, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  -311 

one  and  a  half  miles  from  the  fort ;  and  made  his  dispositions  for  the 
assault. 

It  was  intended  to  attack  the  works  on  the  right  and  left  flanks  at  the 
same  instant.  The  regiments  of  Febiger  and  of  Meigs,  with  Major 
Hull's  detachment,  formed  the  right  column  ;  and  Butler's  regiment,  with 
two  companies  under  Major  Murfree,  formed  the  left.  One  hundred  and 
fifty  volunteers,  led  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Fleury  and  Major  Posey,  con- 
stituted the  van  of  the  right ;  and  one  hundred  volunteers  under  Major 
Stewart,  composed  the  van  of  the  left.  At  half  past  eleven  the  two 
columns  moved  to  the  assault,  the  van  of  each  with  unloaded  muskets, 
and  fixed  bayonets.  They  were  each  preceded  by  a  forlorn  hope  of 
twenty  men,  the  one  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Gibbon,  and  the  other 
by  Lieutenant  Knox.  They  reached  the  marsh  undiscovered ;  and,  at 
twenty  minutes  after  twelve,  commenced  the  assault. 

Both  columns  rushed  forward  under  a  tremendous  fire.  Surmounting 
every  obstacle,  they  entered  the  works  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet ;  and, 
without  discharging  a  single  musket,  obtained  possession  of  the  fort. 

The  humanity  displayed  by  the  conquerors  was  not  less  conspicuous, 
nor  less  honourable  than  their  courage.  Not  an  individual  suffered  after 
resistance  had  ceased. 

All  the  troops  engaged  in  this  perilous  service  manifested  a  degree  of 
ardour  and  impetuosity,  which  proved  them  to  be  capable  of  the  most 
difficult  enterprises ;  and  all  distinguished  themselves,  whose  situation 
enabled  them  to  do  so.  Colonel  Fleury  .was  the  first  to  enter  the  fort 
and  strike  the  British  standard.  Major  Posey  mounted  the  works  al- 
most at  the  same  instant,  and  was  the  first  to  give  the  watch  word- — 
"  The  fort's  our  own." — Lieutenants  Gibbon  and  Knox  performed  the 
service  allotted  to  them  with  a  degree  of  intrepidity  which  could  not  be 
surpassed.  Of  twenty  men  who  constituted  the  party  of  the  former, 
seventeen  were  killed  or  wounded. 

Sixty  three  of  the  garrison  were  killed,  including  two  officers.  The 
prisoners  amounted  to  five  hundred  and  forty-three,  among  whom  were 
one  lieutenant  colonel,  four  captains,  and  twenty  subaltern  officers.  The 
military  stores  taken  in  the  fort  were  considerable.* 

The  loss  sustained  by  the  assailants  was  not  proportioned  to  the  ap- 
parent danger  of  the  enterprise.  The  killed  and  wounded  did  not  exceed 
one  hundred  men ;  General  Wayne,  who  marched  with  Febiger's  regi- 
ment in  the  right  column,  received  a  slight  wound  in  the  head  which 
stunned  him  for  a  time,  but  did  not  compel  him  to  leave  the  column. 

*  The  author  was  in  the  covering  party,  visited  the  fort  next  day,  and  conversed 
with  the  officers  who  had  been  engaged  in  storming  the  works. 


312  THE  LIFE  OF 

Being  supported  by  his  aids,  he  entered  the  fort  with  the  regiment.  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Hay  was  also  among  the  wounded. 

Although  the  design  upon  fort  Fayette  had  yielded  to  the  desire  of  se- 
curing the  success  of  the  attack  on  Stony  Point,  it  had  not  been  aban 
doned.  Two  brigades  under  General  M'Dougal  had  been  ordered  tc 
approach  the  works  on  Verplank's,  in  which  Colonel  Webster  command- 
ed, and  be  in  readiness  to  attack  them  the  instant  General  Wayne  should 
obtain  possession  of  Stony  Point.  That  this  detachment  might  not  per- 
mit the  favourable  moment  to  pass  unimproved,  Wayne  had  been  re- 
quested to  direct  the  messenger  who  should  convey  the  intelligence  of 
his  success  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  pass  through  M'Dougal's  camp, 
and  give  him  advice  of  that  event.  He  was  also  requested  to  turn  the 
cannon  of  the  fort  against  Verplank's,  and  the  vessels  in  the  river.  The 
last  orders  were  executed,  and  a  heavy  cannonade  was  opened  on  fort 
Fayette,  and  on  the  vessels,  which  compelled  them  to  fall  down  the  river. 
Through  some  misconception,  never  explained,  the  messenger  despatch- 
ed by  General  Wayne  did  not  call  on  M'Dougal,  but  proceeded  directly 
to  head  quarters.  Thus,  every  advantage  expected  from  the  first  im- 
pression made  by  the  capture  of  Stony  Point  was  lost ;  and  the  garrison 
had  full  leisure  to  recover  from  the  surprise  occasioned  by  that  event, 
and  to  prepare  for  an  attack.  This  change  of  circumstances  made  it 
necessary  to  change  the  plan  of  operation.  General  Howe  was  directed 
to  take  the  command  of  M'Dougal's  detachment,  to  which  some  pieces 
of  heavy  artillery  were  to  be  annexed.  He  was  ordered,  after  effecting 
a  breach  in  the  walls,  to  make  the  dispositions  for  an  assault,  and  to  de- 
mand a  surrender ;  but  not  to  attempt  a  storm  until  it  should  be  dark 
To  these  orders,  explicit  instructions  were  added  not  to  hazard  his  party 
by  remaining  before  Verplank's,  after  the  British  should  cross  Croton 
river  in  force. 

Through  some  unaccountable  negligence  in  the  persons  charged  with 
the  execution  of  these  orders,  the  battering  artillery  was  not  accompa- 
nied with  suitable  ammunition;  and  the  necessary  intrenching  tools 
were  not  brought.  These  omissions  were  supplied  the  next  day ;  but  it 
was  then  too  late  to  proceed  against  Verplank's. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  loss  of  Stony  Point,  and  of  the  danger 
to  which  the  garrison  of  fort  Fayette  was  exposed,  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
relinquished  his  views  on  Connecticut,  and  made  a  forced  march  to 
Dobbs'  ferry.  Some  troops  were  immediately  embarked  to  pass  up  the 
river,  and  a  light  corps  was  pushed  forward  to  the  Croton.  This  move- 
ment relieved  fort  Fayette. 

The  failure  of  the  attempt  to  obtain  possession  of  Verplank's  Point 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  31  a 

leaving  that  road  of  communication  still  closed,  diminished  the  advan- 
tages which  had  been  expected  to  result  from  the  enterprise  so  much, 
that  it  was  deemed  unadviseable  to  maintain  Stony  Point.  On  recon- 
noitring the  ground,  General  Washington  believed  that  the  place  could 
not  be  rendered  secure  with  a  garrison  of  less  than  fifteen  hundred  men; 
a  number  which  could  not  be  spared  from  the  army  without  weakening 
it  too  much  for  farther  operations.  He  determined  therefore  to  evacuate 
Stony  Point,  and  retire  to  the  Highlands.  As  soon  as  this  resolution 
was  executed,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  repossessed  himself  of  that  post,  re- 
paired the  fortifications,  and  placed  a  stronger  garrison  in  it ;  after  which 
he  resumed  his  former  situation  at  Philipsburg. 

The  two  armies  watched  each  other  for  some  time.  At  length,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  finding  himself  unable  to  attack  Washington  in  the  strong 
position  he  had  taken,  or  to  draw  him  from  it,  and  being  desirous  of  trans- 
ferring the  theatre  of  active  war  to  the  south,  withdrew  into  York  island, 
and  was  understood  to  be  strengthening  the  fortifications  erected  for  its 
defence,  as  preparatory  to  the  large  detachments  he  intended  making  to 
reinforce  the  southern  army. 

Although  this  movement  was  made  principally  with  a  view  to  south 
ern  operations,  it  was  in  some  degree  hastened  by  the  opinion,  that  New 
York  required  immediate  additional  protection  during  the  absence  of  the 
fleet,  which  was  about  to  sail  for  the  relief  of  Penobscot. 

Early  in  June,  Colonel  M'Clean,  with  six  hundred  and  fifty  men,  had 
penetrated  from  Nova  Scotia  into  the  eastern  parts  of  Maine,  and  taken 
possession  of  a  strong  piece  of  ground  on  the  Penobscot,  which  he  had 
begun  to  fortify. 

The  state  of  Massachusetts,  alarmed  at  an  invasion  which  threatened 
a  serious  diminution  of  territory,  determined  to  dislodge  him.  A  re- 
spectable fleet,  commanded  by  Commodore  Saltonstal,  and  an  army  of 
near  four  thousand  men,  under  General  Lovell,  were  prepared  with  so 
much  celerity,  that  the  whole  armament  appeared  in  the  Penobscot  as 
early  as  the  25th  of  July. 

M'Clean  had  taken  possession  of  a  peninsula  on  the  eastern  side  ot 
Penobscot,  and  had  intrenched  the  isthmus  connecting  it  with  the  con- 
tinent. The  part  towards  the  river  was  steep  and  difficult  of  access  ; 
and  was  also  defended  by  his  frigates  and  batteries,  the  principal  of 
which  was  constructed  about  the  centre  of  the  peninsula. 

A.fter  being  repulsed  in  his  first  attempt,  General  Lovell  effected  a 
landing  on  the  western  part  of  the  peninsula,  where  he  ascended  a  pre- 
cipice of  two  hundred  feet ;  and,  with  the  loss  of  only  fifty  men  killed 
and  wounded,  drove  the  party  which  defended  it  from  the  ground.  A 


314  THE  LIFE  OF 

battery  was  erected  within  seven  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  main 
work  of  the  besieged,  and  a  warm  cannonade  was  kept  up  for  several 
days  on  both  sides. 

Perceiving  the  difficulty  of  carrying  the  place  with  a  militia  impatient 
to  return  to  their  homes,  General  Lovell  represented  his  situation  to  the 
government  of  Massachusetts,  who  applied  to  General  Gates,  then  com- 
manding at  Providence,  for  a  reinforcement  of  four  hundred  continental 
troops.  This  request  was  readily  granted,  and  Jackson's  regiment  was 
ordered  to  Penobscot.  In  the  mean  time  an  ineffectual  cannonade  was 
continued,  and  preparations  were  made  to  storm  the  works  on  the  arri- 
val of  the  expected  reinforcements. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  on  the  13th  of  August,  when  Lovell 
received  information  that  Sir  George  Collier  had  entered  the  river  with 
a  superior  naval  force.  He  re-embarked  his  whole  army  the  following 
night,  and  drew  up  his  flotilla  in  a  crescent  across  the  river,  as  if  deter- 
mined to  maintain  its  position.  This  show  of  resistance  was  made  in 
the  hope  of  stopping  Sir  George  Collier  until  the  land  forces  on  board 
the  transports  could  be  conveyed  up  the  river,  and  disembarked  on  the 
western  shore.  But  the  British  admiral  was  too  confident  in  his  strength 
to  permit  this  stratagem  to  succeed ;  and,  as  he  approached,  the  Ameri- 
cans sought  for  safety  in  flight.  A  general  chase  and  unresisted  de- 
struction ensued.  The  ships  of  war  were  blown  up,  and  the  transports 
fled  in  the  utmost  confusion  up  the  river.  Being  pursued  by  the  British 
squadron,  the  troops  landed  in  a  wild  uncultivated  country;  and  were 
obliged  to  explore  their  way,  without  provisions,  through  a  pathless  wil- 
derness, for  more  than  a  hundred  miles.  Exhausted  with  famine  and 
fatigue,  they  at  length  gained  the  settled  parts  of  the  country,  after  hav- 
ing lost  several  men  who  perished  in  the  woods. 

While  Sir  Henry  Clinton  continued  encamped  just  above  Haerlem, 
with  his  upper  posts  at  Kingsbridge,  and  the  American  army  preserved 
its  station  in  the  Highlands,  a  bold  plan  was  formed  for  surprising  a 
British  post  at  Powles  Hook,  which  was  executed  with  great  address  by 
Major  Lee. 

This  officer  was  employed  on  the  west  side  of  the  river  with  directions 
to  observe  the  situation  of  the  British  in  Stony  Point,  but,  principally, 
to  watch  the  motions  of  their  main  army.  While  his  parties  scoured 
the  country,  he  obtained  intelligence  which  suggested  the  idea  of  sur- 
prising and  carrying  off  the  garrison  at  Powles  Hook,  a  point  of  land  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Hudson,  immediately  opposite  the  town  of  New 
York,  penetrating  deep  into  the  river.  On  the  point  nearest  New  York, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  315 

some  works  had  been  constructed,  which  were  garrisoned  by  four  or 
five  hundred  men. 

A  deep  ditch,  into  which  the  water  of  the  river  flowed,  having  over  it  a 
drawbridge  connected  with  a  barred  gate,  had  been  cut  across  the  isth- 
mus, so  as  to  make  the  Hook,  in  reality,  an  island.  This  ditch  could 
be  passed  only  at  low  water.  Thirty  paces  within  it  was  a  row  of  abat- 
tis  running  into  the  river ;  and  some  distance  in  front  of  it,  is  a  creek 
fordable  only  in  two  places. 

This  difficulty  of  access,  added  to  the  remoteness  of  the  nearest  corps 
of  the  American  army,  impressed  the  garrison  with  the  opinion  that  they 
were  perfectly  secure ;  and  this  opinion  produced  an  unmilitary  remiss- 
ness  in  the  commanding  officer,  which  did  not  escape  the  vigilance  of 
Lee. 

On  receiving  his  communications,  General  Washington  was  inclined 
to  favour  the  enterprise  they  suggested;  but  withheld  his  full  assent, 
until  he  was  satisfied  that  the  assailants  would  be  able  to  make  good 
their  retreat. 

The  Hackensack,  which  communicates  with  the  waters  of  the  Hudson 
below  New  York,  runs  almost  parallel  with  that  river  quite  to  its  source, 
and  is  separated  from  it  only  a  few  miles.  This  neck  is  still  farther 
narrowed  by  a  deep  creek  which  divides  it,  and  empties  into  the  Hack- 
ensack below  fort  Lee.  West  of  that  river  runs  the  Passaick,  which 
unites  with  it  near  Newark,  and  forms  another  long  and  narrow  neck 
of  land.  From  Powles  Hook  to  the  new  bridge,  the  first  place  where 
the  Hackensack  could  be  crossed  without  boats,  the  distance  is  fourteen 
miles ;  and  from  the  North  River  to  the  road  leading  from  the  one  place 
to  the  other,  there  are  three  points  of  interception,  the  nearest  of  which 
is  less  than  two  miles,  and  the  farthest  not  more  than  three.  The  Bri- 
tish were  encamped  in  full  force  along  the  North  river,  opposite  to  these 
points  of  interception.  To  diminish  the  danger  of  the  retreat,  it  was  in- 
tended to  occupy  the  roads  leading  through  the  mountains  of  the  Hudson 
to  the  Hackensack  with  a  select  body  of  troops. 

Every  preparatory  arrangement  being  made,  the  night  of  the  eigh- 
teenth of  August  was  fixed  on  for  the  enterprise.  A  detachment  from 
the  division  of  Lord  Stirling,  including  three  hundred  men  designed  for 
the  expedition,  was  ordered  down  as  a  foraging  party.  As  there  was 
nothing  unusual  in  this  movement,  it  excited  no  suspicion.  Lord  Stir- 
ling followed  with  five  hundred  men,  and  encamped  at  the  new  bridge. 

Major  Lee,  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  men,  took  the  road  through 
the  mountains  which  ran  parallel  to  the  North  River ;  and,  having  se- 
cured all  the  passes  into  York  Island,  reached  the  creek  which  surrounds 


316  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  Hook  between  two  and  three  in  the  morning.  He  passed  first  the 
creek,  and  then  the  ditch  undiscovered ;  and,  about  three  in  the  morning, 
entered  the  main  work,  and  with  the  loss  of  only  two  killed  and  three 
wounded,  made  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine  prisoners,  including  three 
officers.  Very  few  of  the  British  were  killed.  Major  Sutherland,  who 
commanded  the  garrison,  threw  himself  with  forty  or  fifty  Hessians  into 
a  strong  redoubt,  which  it  was  thought  unadviseable  to  attack,  because 
the  time  occupied  in  carrying  it  might  endanger  the  retreat.  Wasting 
no  time  in  destroying  what  could  easily  be  replaced,  Major  Lee  hastened 
to  bring  off  his  prisoners  and  his  detachment. 

To  avoid  the  danger  of  retreating  up  the  narrow  neck  of  land  which 
has  already  been  described,  some  boats  had  been  brought  in  the  course 
of  the  night  to  Dow's  Ferry  on  the  Hackensack,  not  far  from  Powles 
Hook.  The  officer  who  guarded  them  was  directed  to  remain  until  the 
arrival  of  the  troops  engaged  in  the  expedition,  which,  it  was  understood, 
would  happen  before  day.  The  light  having  made  its  appearance  with- 
out any  intelligence  from  Major  Lee,  the  officer  having  charge  of  the 
boats  conjectured  that  the  attack  had  been  postponed ;  and,  to  avoid  dis- 
covery, retired  with  them  to  Newark.  The  head  of  the  retreating  co- 
lumn soon  afterwards  reached  the  ferry  ;  and,  fatigued  as  they  were  by 
the  toilsome  march  of  the  preceding  night,  were  compelled  to  pass  as 
rapidly  as  possible  up  the  narrow  neck  of  land  between  the  two  rivers 
to  the  new  bridge.  A  horseman  was  despatched  with  this  information 
to  Lord  Stirling,  and  the  line  of  march  was  resumed. 

About  nine  in  the  preceding  evening,  Major  Buskirk  had  been  detached 
up  the  North  River  with  a  considerable  part  of  the  garrison  of  Powles 
Hook,  and  some  other  troops,  for  the  purpose  of  falling  in  with  the  Ame- 
rican party  supposed  to  be  foraging  about  the  English  neighbourhood. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  disappointment  respecting  the  boats, 
Lord  Stirling  took  the  precaution  to  detach  Colonel  Ball  with  two  hun- 
dred fresh  men  to  meet  Lee,  and  cover  his  retreat.  Just  after  Ball  had 
passed,  Buskirk  entered  the  main  road,  and  fired  on  his  rear.  Taking 
it  for  granted  that  this  was  only  the  advanced  corps  of  a  large  detach- 
ment sent  to  intercept  the  party  retreating  from  Powles  Hook,  Ball  made 
a  circuit  to  avoid  the  enemy ;  and  Buskirk,  finding  a  detachment  he  had 
not  expected,  took  the  same  measure  to  secure  his  own  retreat.  The 
two  parties,  narrowly  missing  each  other,  returned  to  their  respective 
points  of  departure ;  and  Lee  reached  the  new  bridge  without  interrup- 
tion.* 

*  The  author  states  these  facts  from  his  own  observation,  and  conversations  with 
other  officers  of  the  detachment. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  317 

This  critical  enterprise  reflected  much  honour  on  the  partisan  with 
whom  it  originated,  and  by  whom  it  was  conducted.  General  Wash- 
ington announced  it  to  the  army  in  his  orders  with  much  approbation  ; 
and  congress  bestowed  upon  it  a  degree  of  applause  more  adapted  to  the 
talent  displayed  in  performing  the  service  than  to  its  magnitude. 

A  few  days  after  the  surprise  of  Powles  Hook,  the  long  expected  fleet 
from  Europe,  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  having  o 
board  a  reinforcement  for  the  British  army,  arrived  at  New  York.  This 
reinforcement  however  did  not  enable  Sir  Henry  Clinton  to  enter  imme- 
diately on  that  active  course  of  offensive  operations  which  he  had  medi- 
tated. It  was  soon  followed  by  the  Count  D'Estaing,  who  arrived  on 
the  southern  coast  of  America  with  a  powerful  fleet;  after  which  the 
British  General  deemed  it  necessary  to  turn  all  his  attention  to  his  own 
security.  Rhode  Island,  and  the  posts  up  the  North  River  were  evacu- 
ated, and  the  whole  army  was  collected  in  new  York,  the  fortifications 
of  which  were  carried  on  with  unremitting  industry. 

The  Count  D'Estaing  and  Admiral  Byron,  having  sailed  about  the 
same  time  from  the  coast  of  North  America,  met  in  the  West  Indies, 
where  the  war  was  carried  on  with  various  success.  St.  Lucia  surren- 
dered to  the  British,  in  compensation  for  which  the  French  took  St.  Vin- 
cents and  Grenada.  About  the  time  of  the  capture  of  the  latter  island, 
D'Estaing  received  reinforcements  which  gave  him  a  decided  naval  su- 
periority ;  after  which  a  battle  was  fought  between  the  two  hostile  fleets, 
in  which  the  Count  claimed  the  victory,  and  in  which  so  many  of  the 
British  ships  were  disabled  that  the  Admiral  was  compelled  to  retire  into 
port  in  order  to  refit. 

The  earnest  representations  made  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  had 
prevailed  on  the  cabinet  of  Versailles  to  instruct  the  Count  D'Estaing  to 
afford  them  all  the  aid  in  his  power ;  and  the  present  moment  seemed  a 
fit  one  for  carrying  these  orders  into  execution.  Letters  from  General 
Lincoln,  from  the  executive  of  South  Carolina,  and  from  the  French  con- 
eul  at  Charleston,  urged  him  to  pay  a.  visit  to  the  southern  states ;  and 
represented  the  situation  of  the  British  in  Georgia  to  be  such  that  his  ap- 
pearance would  insure  the  destruction  of  the  army  in  that  quarter,  and 
the  recovery  of  the  state. 

Yielding  to  these  solicitations,  the  Count  sailed  with  twenty-two  ships 
of  the  line,  and  eleven  frigates,  having  on  board  six  thousand  soldiers, 
and  arrived  so  suddenly  on  the  southern  coast  of  America,  that  the  Ex- 
periment of  fifty  guns,  and  three  frigates,  fell  into  his  hands.  A  vessel 
was  sent  to  Charleston  with  information  of  his  arrival,  and  a  plan  was 
concerted  for  the  siege  of  Savannah.  D'Estaing  was  to  land  three  thou- 

VOL.  i.  21 


318  THE  LIFE  OF 

sand  men  at  Beaulieu  on  the  llth  of  September,  and  Lincoln  was  to 
cross  the  Savannah  on  the  same  day  with  one  thousand  Americans,  and 
effect  a  junction  with  him. 

The  town  of  Savannah  was,  at  that  time,  the  head  quarters  of  Gene- 
ral Prevost.  Apprehending  no  immediate  danger,  he  had  weakened  the 
garrison  by  establishing  several  out-posts  in  Georgia;  and  by  leaving 
Colonel  Maitland  with  a  strong  detachment  in  the  island  of  Port  Royal, 
in  South  Carolina. 

On  the  appearance  of  the  French  fleet,  expresses  were  despatched  to 
Colonel  Maitland  and  to  all  the  out-posts,  directing  the  troops  to  repair 
without  loss  of  time  to  Savannah.  These  orders  were  promptly  obeyed ; 
and,  on  the  10th  of  September,  the  several  detachments  in  Georgia  had 
all  arrived  in  safety,  except  the  sick  and  convalescents  of  the  garrison 
of  Sunbury,  who  were  intercepted. 

On  the  llth,  General  Lincoln  reached  Zubly's  Ferry,  and,  on  the 
15th,  was  assured  that  the  French  had  disembarked  in  force.  A  junc- 
tion of  the  two  armies  was  formed  the  next  day  before  the  town  of  Sa- 
vannah. 

On  the  night  of  the  12th,  the  Count  D'Estaing  had  landed  about  three 
thousand  men  at  Beaulieu ;  and  the  next  day,  before  the  arrival  of  Gene- 
ral Lincoln,  had  summoned  the  garrison  to  surrender  to  the  arms  of  the 
King  of  France.  Being  desirous  of  gaining  time,  General  Prevost  an- 
swered the  summons  in  such  a  manner  as  to  encourage  the  opinion  that 
he  designed  to  capitulate ;  in  the  expectation  of  which  a  suspension  of 
hostilities  for  twenty-four  hours  was  granted.  In  that  important  interval, 
Colonel  Maitland  arrived  from  Beaufort,  with  the  troops  which  had  been 
stationed  at  that  place. 

As  the  French  were  in  possession  of  the  main  channel  by  which  the 
Savannah  communicates  with  the  sea,  Colonel  Maitland  entered  the  town 
by  a  route  which  had  been  deemed  impracticable.  He  came  round  by 
Dawfuskie,  an  island  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  landing  in  a 
deep  marsh,  drew  his  boats  through  it  into  the  Savannah,  above  the 
place  where  the  ships  lay  at  anchor,  and  thence  made  his  way  by  small 
parties  into  the  town. 

On  receiving  this  reinforcement,  the  resolution  was  taken  to  defend 
the  place  to  the  last  extremity ;  and,  the  next  day,  this  determination  was 
communicated  to  the  Count  D'Estaing. 

After  Bringing  up  the  heavy  ordnance  and  stores  from  the  fleet,  the 
besieging  army  broke  ground ;  and,  by  the  first  of  October,  had  pushed 
their  sap  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  abattis  on  the  left  of  the 
British  lines.  Several  batteries  were  opened  on  the  besieged  which 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  319 

Clayed  almost  incessantly  upon  their  works,  but  made  no  impression  on 
them. 

The  situation  of  D'Estaing  was  becoming  critical.  More  time  had 
already  been  consumed  on  the  coast  of  Georgia  than  he  had  supposed 
would  be  necessary  for  the  destruction  of  the  British  force  in  that  state. 
He  became  uneasy  for  the  possessions  of  France  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
apprehensive  for  the  safety  of  the  ships  under  his  command.  The  naval 
officers  remonstrated  strenuously  against  longer  exposing  his  fleet  on  an 
insecure  coast,  at  a  tempestuous  season  of  the  year,  and  urged  the  dan- 
ger of  being  overtaken  by  a  British  squadron,  when  broken  and  scat- 
tered by  a  storm,  with  a  degree  of  persevering  earnestness  which  the 
Count  found  himself  incapable  of  resisting. 

In  a  few  days  the  lines  of  the  besiegers  might  have  been  carried  by 
regular  approaches,  into  the  works  of  the  besieged,  which  would  have 
rendered  the  capture  of  the  town  and  garrison  inevitable.  But  D'Estaing 
declared  that  he  could  devote  no  more  time  to  this  object ;  and  it  only 
remained  to  raise  the  siege,  or  to  attempt  the  works  by  storm.  The  lat- 
ter part  of  the  alternative  was  adopted. 

On  the  left  of  the  allied  army,  was  a  swampy  hollow  way  which  af- 
forded a  cover  for  troops  advancing  on  the  right  flank  of  the  besieged, 
to  a  point  within  fifty  yards  of  their  principal  work.  It  was  determined 
to  march  to  the  main  attack  along  this  hollow ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  to 
direct  feints  against  other  parts  of  the  lines. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  October,  before  day,  a  heavy  cannon 
ade  and  bombardment  were  commenced  from  all  the  batteries,  as  preli- 
minary to  the  assault.  About  three  thousand  five  hundred  French,  and 
one  thousand  Americans,  of  whom  between  six  and  seven  hundred  were 
regulars,  and  the  residue  militia  of  Charleston,  advanced  in  three  co- 
lumns, led  by  D'Estaing  and  Lincoln,  aided  by  the  principal  officers  of 
both  nations,  and  made  a  furious  assault  on  the  British  lines.  Their 
reception  was  warmer  than  had  been  expected.  The  fire  from  the  bat- 
teries of  the  besieged  reached  every  part  of  the  columns  of  the  assail- 
ants which  had  emerged  from  the  swamp,  and  did  great  execution.  Yet 
the  allied  troops  advanced  with  unabated  ardour,  passed  through  the 
abbattis,  crossed  the  ditch,  and  mounted  the  parapet.  Both  the  French 
and  Americans  planted  their  "standards  on  the  walls,  and  were  killed  in 
great  numbers,  while  endeavouring  to  force  their  way  into  the  works. 
For  about  fifty  minutes,  the  contest  was  extremely  obstinate.  At  length, 
the  columns  of  the  assailants  began  to  relax,  and  a  pause  was  manifested 
in  the  assault. 

In  this  critical  moment,  Major  Glaziers,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of 


320  THE  LIFE  OF 

grenadiers  and  marines,  rushing  suddenly  from  the  lines,  threw  himself 
on  those  who  had  made  their  way  into  the  redoubts,  and  drove  them 
over  the  ditch  and  abbattis  into  the  hollow  through  which  they  had 
marched  to  the  attack.  It  became  apparent  that  farther  perseverance 
could  produce  no  advantage,  and  a  retreat  was  ordered. 

In  this  unsuccessful  attempt,  the  French  lost  in  killed  and  wounded, 
about  seven  hundred  men.  Among  the  latter,  were  the  Count  D'Estaing 
himself,  Major  General  De  Fontanges,  and  several  other  officers  of  dis- 
tinction. The  continental  troops  lost  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  men, 
and  the  Charleston  militia,  who,  though  associated  with  them  in  dan- 
ger, were  more  fortunate,  had  one  captain  killed,  and  six  privates 
wounded. 

The  loss  of  the  garrison  was  astonishingly  small.  In  killed  and 
wounded,  it  amounted  only  to  fifty-five.  So  great  was  the  advantage 
of  the  cover  afforded  by  their  works. 

After  this  repulse,  the  Count  D'Estaing  announced  to  General  Lin- 
coln, his  determination  to  raise  the  siege.  The  remonstrances  of  that 
officer  were  unavailing;  and  the  removal  of  the  heavy  ordnance  and 
stores  was  commenced.  This  being  accomplished,  both  armies  moved 
from  their  ground  on  the  evening  of  the  18th  of  October.  The  Ameri- 
cans, recrossing  the  Savannah  at  Zubly's  ferry,  again  encamped  in 
South  Carolina,  and  the  French  re-embarked. 

Although  the  issue  of  this  enterprise  was  the  source  of  severe  cha- 
grin and  mortification,  the  prudence  of  General  Lincoln  suppressed 
every  appearance  of  dissatisfaction,  and  the  armies  separated  with  mani- 
festations of  reciprocal  esteem. 

The  hopes  which  had  brought  the  militia  into  the  field  being  disap- 
pointed, they  dispersed ;  and  the  affairs  of  the  southern  states  wore  a 
more  gloomy  aspect  than  at  any  former  period. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  situation  of  Lincoln,  congress  passed 
a  resolution  requesting  General  Washington  to  order  the  North  Caro- 
lina troops,  and  such  others  as  could  be  spared  from  the  northern  army, 
to  the  aid  of  that  in  the  south ;  and  assuring  the  states  of  South  Caro- 
lina and  Georgia  of  the  attention  of  government  to  their  preservation ; 
but  requesting  them,  for  their  own  defence,  to  comply  with  the  recom- 
mendations formerly  made  respecting  the  completion  of  their  conti- 
nental regiments,  and  the  government  of  their  militia  while  in  actual 
service. 

During  these  transactions  in  the  south,  the  long  meditated  expedition 
against  the  Indians  was  prosecuted  with  success. 

The  largest  division  of  the  western  army  was  to  assemble  at  Wyoming, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  321 

on  the  main  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  General  Sullivan  expect- 
ed to  leave  that  place  in  the  month  of  June.  Such,  however,  were  the 
delays  in  procuring  provisions  and  military  stores,  that  it  was  the  last 
of  July*  before  he  could  move  from  the  place  of  rendezvous. 

Another  body  of  troops,  designed  to  compose  a  part  of  the  western 
army,  had  passed  the  winter  on  the  Mohawk.  On  the  22d  of  August, 
these  two  divisions  united,  and  the  whole  army,  amounting  to  five  thou- 
sand men,  marched  up  the  Tyoga,  which  led  into  the  heart  of  the  Indian 
country. 

Such  extensive  and  tedious  preparations  could  not  be  made  unob- 
served. The  plan  of  operations  contemplated  by  Sullivan  seems  to  have 
been  completely  understood;  and,  notwithstanding  the  vast  superiority 
of  his  force,  the  Indians  determined  to  defend  their  country.  They  re- 
solved to  risk  a  general  action  for  its  preservation,  and  selected  the 
ground  for  the  conflict  with  judgment. 

About  a  mile  in  front  of  Newtown,  they  collected  their  whole  force, 
estimated  by  General  Sullivan  at  fifteen  hundred  men,  but  by  themselves 
at  only  eight  hundred,  commanded  by  the  two  Butlers,  Grey,  Johnson, 
M'Donald,  and  Brandt.  Five  companies  of  whites,  calculated  at  two 
hundred  men,  were  united  with  them.  They  had  constructed  a  breast- 
work about  half  a  mile  in  length,  on  a  piece  of  rising  ground.  The 
right  flank  of  this  work  was  covered  by  the  river,  which,  bending  to  the 
right,  and  winding  round  their  rear,  exposed  only  their  front  and  left  to 
an  attack.  On  the  left,  was  a  high  ridge  nearly  parallel  to.  the  general 
course  of  the  river,  terminating  somewhat  below  the  breast-work ;  and 
still  farther  to  the  left,  was  another  ridge  running  in  the  same  direction, 
and  leading  to  the  rear  of  the  American  army.  The  ground  was  cover- 
ed with  pine  interspersed  with  low  shrub-oaks,  many  of  which,  for  the 
purpose  of  concealing  their  works,  had  been  cut  up  and  stuck  in  front 
of  them,  so  as  to  exhibit  the  appearance  of  being  still  growing.  The 
road,  after  crossing  a  deep  brook  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  turned  to  the 
right,  and  ran  nearly  parallel  to  the  breast-work,  so  as  to  expose  the 

*  While  Sullivan  was  preparing  to  invade  their  country,  the  savages  were  not  inac- 
tive. At  the  head  of  a  small  party  of  whites  and  Indians,  Joseph  Brandt  fell  upon 
the  frontiers  of  New  York,  murdered  several  of  the  inhabitants,  carried  others  into 
captivity,  and  burnt  several  houses.  He  was  pursued  by  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
militia,  whom  he  drew  into  an  ambuscade,  and  entirely  defeated.  A  few  days  after- 
wards, Captain  M'Donald,  at  the  head  of  a  small  party,  of  whom  a  third  were  Brit- 
ish, took  a  fort  on  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  made  the  garrison, 
amounting  to  thirty  men,  prisoners  of  war.  The  women  and  children,  contrary  to 
tke  usage  of  Indians,  were  permitted  to  retire  into  the  settled  country.— Gordon. 

2  C 


322  THE  LIFE  OF 

whole  flank  of  the  army  to  their  fire,  if  it  should  advance  without  dis- 
covering their  position. 

Parties  communicating  with  each  other  were  stationed  on  both  hills, 
so  as  to  fall  on  the  right  flank  and  rear  of  Sullivan,  as  soon  as  the  action 
should  commence. 

About  eleven  in  the  morning  of  the  29th  of  August,  this  work  was 
discovered  by  Major  Par,  who  commanded  the  advance  guard  of  the 
army ;  upon  which,  General  Hand  formed  the  light  infantry  in  a  wood, 
about  four  hundred  yards  distant  from  the  enemy,  and  stood  upon  his 
ground  until  the  main  body  should  arrive.  In  the  mean  time,  a  conti- 
nual skirmishing  was  kept  up  between  Par's  rifle  corps,  and  small  par- 
ties of  Indians  who  sallied  from  their  works,  and  suddenly  retreated, 
apparently  with  the  hope  of  being  incautiously  pursued. 

Conjecturing  that  the  hills  on  his  right  were  occupied  by  the  savages, 
Sullivan  ordered  General  Poor  to  take  possession  of  that  which  led  into 
his  rear,  and,  thence,  to  turn  the  left,  and  gain  the  rear,  of  the  breast- 
work ;  while  Hand,  aided  by  the  artillery,  should  attack  in  front.  These 
orders  were  promptly  executed.  While  the  artillery  played  on  the 
works,  Poor  pushed  up  the  mountain,  and  a  sharp  conflict  commenced, 
which  was  sustained  for  some  time,  with  considerable  spirit  on  both 
sides.  Poor  continued  to  advance  rapidly,  pressing  the  Indians  before 
him  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  occasionally  firing  on  them.  They 
retreated  from  tree  to  tree,  keeping  up  an  irregular  fire,  until  he  gained 
the  summit  of  the  hill.  Perceiving  that  their  flank  was  completely  un- 
covered by  this  movement,  and  that  they  were  in  danger  of  being  sur- 
rounded, the  savages  abandoned  their  breast-work,  and,  crossing  the 
river,  fled  with  the  utmost  precipitation. 

This  victory  cost  the  Americans  about  thirty  men.  The  ascertained 
loss  of  the  Indians  was  also  inconsiderable.  But  they  were  so  intimi- 
dated, that  every  idea  of  farther  resistance  was  abandoned.  As  Sulli- 
van advanced,  they  continued  to  retreat  before  him  without  harassing 
his  main  body,  or  even  skirmishing  with  his  detachments,  except  in  a 
single  instance. 

He  penetrated  far  into  the  heart  of  their  country,  which  his  parties 
scoured,  and  laid  waste  in  every  direction.  Houses,  corn-fields,  gar- 
dens, and  fruit  trees,  shared  one  common  fate ;  and  Sullivan  executed 
strictly  the  severe  but  necessary  orders  he  had  received,  to  render  the 
country  completely  uninhabitable  for  the  present,  and  thus  to  compel  the 
hostile  Indians,  by  want  of  food,  to  remove  to  a  greater  distance. 

The  objects  of  the  expedition  being  accomplished,  Sullivan  returned 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  323 

to  Easton  in  Pennsylvania,  having  lost  only  forty  men  by  sickness  and 
the  enemy. 

The  devastation  of  the  country  has  been  spoken  of  with  some  degree 
of  disapprobation ;  but  this  sentiment  is  the  result  rather  of  an  amiable 
disposition  in  the  human  mind  to  condemn  whatever  may  have  the  ap- 
pearance of  tending  to  aggravate  the  miseries  of  war,  than  of  reflection. 
Circumstances  existed  which  reconciled  to  humanity  this  seeming  de- 
parture from  it.  Great  Britain  possessed  advantages  which  ensured  a 
controlling  influence  over  the  Indians,  and  kept  them  in  almost  con- 
tinual war  with  the  United  States.  Their  habitual  ferocity  seemed  to 
have  derived  increased  virulence  from  the  malignity  of  the  whites  who 
had  taken  refuge  among  them ;  and  there  was  real  foundation  for  the 
opinion  that  an  annual  repetition  of  the  horrors  of  Wyoming  could  be 
prevented  only  by  disabling  the  savages  from  perpetrating  them.  No 
means  in  the  power  of  the  United  States  promised  so  certainly  to  effect 
this  desirable  object,  as  the  removal  of  neighbours  whose  hostility  could 
be  diminished  only  by  terror,  and  whose  resentments  were  to  be  as- 
suaged only  by  fear. 

While  Sullivan  laid  waste  the  country  on  the  Susquehanna,  another 
expedition  under  Colonel  Brodhead,  was  carried  on  from  Pittsburg  up 
the  Alleghany,  against  the  Mingo,  Munscy,  and  Seneca  tribes.  At  the 
nead  of  between  six  and  seven  hundred  men,  he  advanced  two  hundred 
miles  up  the  river,  and  destroyed  the  villages  and  cornfields  on  its  head 
branches.  Here  too  the  Indians  were  unable  to  resist  the  invading  army. 

After  one  unsuccessful  skirmish,  they  abandoned  their  villages  to  a 
destruction  which  was  inevitable,  and  sought  for  personal  safety  in  their 
woods. 

On  receiving  the  communications  of  General  Sullivan,  congress  pass 
ed  a  vote  approving  his  conduct,  and  that  of  his  army.  That  approba 
tion,  however,  seems  not  to  have  extended  beyond  his  conduct  in  the 
Indian  country.  His  demands  for  military  stores  for  the  expedition  had 
been  so  high ;  in  his  conversations  with  his  officers,  he  had  so  freely 
censured  the  government  for  its  failure  to  comply  with  those  demands; 
in  general  orders,  he  had  so  openly  complained  of  inattention  to  the  pre- 
parations necessary  to  secure  the  success  of  the  enterprise ;  that  consi- 
derable offence  was  given  to  several  members  of  congress,  and  still  more 
to  the  board  of  war.  From  the  operation  of  these  causes,  when  Sullivan, 
at  the  close  of  the  campaign,  complained  of  ill  health,  and  offered,  on 
that  account,  to  resign  his  commission,  the  endeavours  of  his  friends  to 
obtain  a  vote  requesting  him  to  continue  in  the  service,  ana  permitting 
him  to  retire  from  actual  duty  until  his  health  should  be  restored,  were 


324  THE  LIFE  OF 

overruled ;  and  his  resignation  was  accepted.  The  resolution  permit- 
ting him  to  resign  was,  however,  accompanied  with  one  thanking  him 
for  his  past  services. 

Although  these  great  exertions  to  terminate  Indian  hostility  did  not 
afford  complete  security  to  the  western  frontiers,  they  were  attended 
with  considerable  advantages.  The  savages,  though  not  subdued,  were 
intimidated ;  and  their  incursions  became  less  formidable,  as  well  as  less 
frequent. 

The  summer  of  1779  passed  away  without  furnishing  any  circum- 
stance in  America  which  could  be  supposed  to  have  a  material  influence 
on  the  issue  of  the  war.  In  Europe,  however,  an  event  took  place  which 
had  been  long  anxiously  expected,  and  was  believed  to  be  of  decisive 
importance.  Spain  at  length  determined  to  make  one  common  cause 
with  France  against  Great  Britain.  It  was  supposed  that  the  two  pow- 
ers would  be  able  to  obtain  a  complete  ascendency  at  sea ;  and  that  their 
combined  fleets  would  maintain  a  superiority  on  the  American  coast,  as 
well  as  in  Europe. 

From  the  first  determination  of  France  to  take  part  in  the  war,  it  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  earnest  wish  of  the  cabinet  of  Versailles  to  en- 
gage Spain  likewise  in  the  contest. 

Her  resentments  against  England,  her  solicitude  to  diminish  the  naval 
strength  of  that  nation,  and  her  wish  to  recover  Jamaica,  Gibraltar,  and 
the  Floridas,  urged  her  to  seize  the  fair  occasion  now  offered  of  dismem- 
bering the  British  empire,  and  accomplishing  these  favourite  objects. 
But  her  dread  of  the  effect  which  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
might  produce  on  her  own  colonies,  mingled  with  some  apprehensions 
of  danger  from  the  contest  she  was  about  to  provoke,  had  produced 
an  appearance  of  irresolution,  which  rendered  her  future  course,  for  a 
time,  uncertain.  In  this  conflict  of  opposite  interests,  the  influence  of  the 
cabinet  of  Versailles,  and  the  jealousy  of  the  naval  power  of  Britain,  at 
length  obtained  the  victory  ;  and  his  Catholic  Majesty  determined  to  pre- 
vent the  reannexation  of  the  United  States  to  their  mother  country ;  but 
to  effect  this  object  by  negotiation  rather  than  by  the  sword. 

In  pursuance  of  this  pacific  system,  he  offered  his  mediation  to  the 
belligerent  powers.  This  proposition  was  readily  accepted  by  France ; 
but  the  minister  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  evaded  any  explicit  arrange- 
ments on  the  subject,  while  he  continued  to  make  general  verbal  decla- 
rations of  the  willingness  of  his  sovereign  to  give  peace  to  Eurone  under 
the  mediation  of  his  Catholic  Majesty.  In  consequence  of  these  decla- 
rations, the  Spanish  minister  proposed  a  truce  for  a  term  of  years,  and 
that  a  congress  of  deputies  from  the  belligerent  powers  should  assemble? 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  325 

at  Madrid  to  adjust  the  terms  of  a  permanent  treaty  ;  into  which  depu- 
ties from  the  United  States  were  to  be  admitted,  as  the  representatives 
of  a  sovereign  nation.  Although  an  explicit  acknowledgment  of  their 
independence  was  not  to  be  required,  it  was  to  be  understood  that  they 
should  be  independent  in  fact,  and  should  be  completely  separated  from 
the  British  empire. 

This  negotiation  was  protracted  to  a  considerable  length ;  and  in  the 
mean  time,  all  the  address  of  the  cabinet  of  London  was  used  to  detach 
either  France  or  the  United  States  from  their  alliance  with  each  other. 
Notice  of  it  was  given  to  the  American  government  by  the  minister  of 
France  at  Philadelphia,  as  well  as  by  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  one  of  their 
agents  in  Europe ;  and  congress  was  repeatedly  urged  by  the  former,  to 
furnish  those  who  might  be  authorized  to  represent  them  in  the  confer- 
ences for  a  general  treaty,  with  ample  powers  and  instructions  to  con- 
clude it.  An  extraordinary  degree  of  solicitude  was  manifested  to  hasten 
the  full  powers,  and  to  moderate  the  claims  of  the  United  States. 

It  seems  to  have  been  the  policy  of  the  cabinet  of  Versailles  to  exclude 
the  American  States  from  a  share  of  the  fisheries,  and  to  limit  their  west- 
ern boundary  to  the  settlements  then  made.  Either  from  a  real  appre- 
hension that  the  war  might  be  protracted  should  the  United  States  insist 
on  the  acknowledgment  of  their  independence  as  a  preliminary  to  any 
treaty,  or  from  an  opinion  that  such  preliminary  acknowledgment  would 
leave  the  terms  of  the  treaty  less  under  the  control  of  France,  and  the 
American  plenipotentiaries  more  masters  of  their  own  conduct,  Mon- 
sieur Girard  laboured  to  persuade  congress  to  recede  from  that  demand. 
If  they  could  be  independent  in  fact,  he  thought-  the  form  not  worth  con- 
tending for.* 

While  congress  was  employed  in  debating  the  instructions  to  their 
ministers,  the  negotiation  was  brought  to  a  close.  As  Spain  became  pre- 
pared for  hostilities,  the  offered  mediation  was  pressed  in  such  terms  as 
to  produce  the  necessity  of  either  accepting  or  rejecting  it.  This  drew 
from  the  cabinet  of  London  a  declaration  that  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  was  inadmissible ;  upon  which  his  Catholic  Majesty  de- 
termined to  take  part  in  the  war. 

On  the  departure  of  his  minister  from  London  without  taking  leave, 
the  British  government  issued  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  against  the 
vessels  and  subjects  of  the  Spanish  crown ;  and  a  powerful  Spanish  fleet, 
which  had  been  preparing  during  the  negotiation,  was  expedited,  to  co- 

*  The  author  has  seen  notes  taken  by  a  member  of  congress,  of  communications 
made  by  Mr.  Girard,  when  admitted  to  an  audience,  which  avow  these  sentiments. 
The  secret  journals  of  congress  sustain  this  statement. 


326  THE  LIFE  OF 

operate  with  that  of  France.  Yet  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
was  not  acknowledged,  nor  was  their  minister  accredited.  Despatches, 
giving  notice  of  the  hostilities  meditated  by  his  Catholic  Majesty,  were 
forwarded  to  Don  Galvez,  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  who  collected  a 
considerable  military  force  at  New  Orleans,  and  reduced  the  settlements 
held  by  the  British  crown  on  the  Mississippi,  which  had  not  been  ap- 
prized of  the  war. 

Intelligence  of  this  important  event  was  given  to  congress  while  that 
oody  was  deliberating  on  the  instructions  to  their  negotiators.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  this  information  had  some  influence  on  those  delibera- 
tions ;  and,  rendering  the  American  government  less  solicitous  about  the 
future  conduct  of  Spain,  diminished  the  motives  for  making  territorial 
sacrifices  to  that  power.  Their  ministers  were  ordered  to  make  it  a 
preliminary  article  to  any  negotiation,  that  Great  Britain  should  agree 
to  treat  with  the  United  States,  as  sovereign,  free,  and  independent ;  and 
that  their  independence  should  be  expressly  assured  and  confirmed  by 
the  terms  of  the  treaty  itself. 

That  the  United  States  might  be  enabled  to  avail  themselves  without 
further  delays,  of  any  occasion  which  might  be  presented  for  terminating 
the  war,  Mr.  John  Adams,  who  was  already  in  Europe,  was  authorized 
to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  a  commercial  treaty  with  Great 
Britain  ;  and  Mr.  Jay,  at  that  time  president  of  congress,  was  appointed 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of  Madrid,  with  instructions  to  insist 
on  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi ; — a  claim  to  which  Spain  ob- 
jected, and  which  was  discountenanced  by  France. 

As  the  campaign  drew  to  a  close  without  affording  any  solid  founda- 
tion for  the  hope  that  the  war  was  about  to  terminate,  General  Wash- 
ington repeated  those  efforts  which  he  had  made  so  often  and  so  unsuccess- 
fully, to  induce  early  preparations  for  the  ensuing  year.  He  submitted 
to  the  view  of  his  government  a  detailed  report  of  the  whole  army,  which 
exhibited  the  alarming  fact,  that  by  the  last  of  the  following  June,  the 
terms  of  service  of  nearly  one  half  the  men  under  his  command  would 
expire. 

It  was  not  the  least  considerable  of  the  inconveniences  attending  the 
complex  system  of  government  then  prevailing  in  the  United  States,  that 
measures  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  nation  were  never  taken  in  sea- 
son. Thus,  when  the  time  for  raising  the  quotas  of  the  respective  states 
by  voluntary  enlistment  had  passed  away,  and  the  necessity  of  resorting 
to  coercive  means  had  become  absolute,  those  means  were  so  delayed, 
and  so  irregularly  put  in  execution,  that  the  terms  of  service  of  different 
portions  of  the  army  expired  almost  every  month  in  the  year ;  and  raw 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  327 

troops,  ignorant  of  the  first  rudiments  of  military  duty,  were  introduced 
in  the  most  critical  moments  of  a  campaign.  Had  timely  and  corres- 
pondent measures  been  taken  by  the  states  to  raise  their  respective 
quotas  by  a  specified  time  in  the  depth  of  winter,  the  recruits  would  have 
received  the  advantage  of  a  few  months  training  before  they  were 
brought  into  actual  service,  and  the  General,  that  of  a  certain  uninter- 
rupted force  for  each  campaign.  This  course  of  proceeding  had  been 
continually  recommended,  and  the  recommendation  had  been  as  con- 
tinually neglected. 

"  In  the  more  early  stages  of  the  contest,"  said  the  Commander-in- 
chief  to  congress,  in  a  letter  of  the  8th  of  November,  "  when  men  might 
have  been  enlisted  for  the  war,  no  man,  as  my  whole  conduct,  and  the 
uniform  tenor  of  my  letters  will  evince,  was  ever  more  opposed  to  short 
enlistments  than  I  was ;  and  while  there  remained  a  prospect  of  obtaining 
recruits  on  a  permanent  footing  in  the  first  instance,  as  far  as  duty  and 
a  regard  to  my  station  would  permit,  I  urged  my  sentiments  in  favour  of 
it.  But  the  prospect  of  keeping  up  an  army  by  voluntary  enlistments 
being  changed,  or  at  least  standing  on  too  precarious  and  uncertain  a 
footing  to  depend  on  for  the  exigency  of  our  affairs,  I  took  the  liberty  in 
February,  1778,  in  a  particular  manner,  to  lay  before  the  committee  of 
arrangement  then  with  the  army  at  Valley  Forge,  a  plan  for  an  annual 
draught,  as  the  surest  and  most  certain,  if  not  the  only  means  left  us,  of 
maintaining  the  army  on  a  proper  and  respectable  ground.  And,  more 
and  more  confirmed  in  the  propriety  of  this  opinion  by  the  intervention 
of  a  variety  of  circumstances,  unnecessary  to  detail,  I  again  took  the 
freedom  of  urging  the  plan  to  the  committee  of  conference  in  January 
last ;  and,  having  reviewed  it  in  every  point  of  light,  and  found  it  right, 
at  least  the  best  that  has  occurred  to  me,  I  hope  I  shall  be  excused  by 
congress  in  offering  it  to  them,  and  in  time  for  carrying  into  execution 
for  the  next  year ;  if  they  should  conceive  it  necessary  for  the  states  to 
complete  their  quotas  of  troops. 

"  The  plan  I  would  propose  is,  that  each  state  be  informed  by  con- 
gress annually  of  the  real  deficiency  of  its  troops,  and  called  upon  to 
make  it  up,  or  such  less  specific  number  as  congress  may  think  proper, 
by  a  draught.  That  the  men  draughted  join  the  army  by  the  first  of 
January,  and  serve  until  the  first  of  January  in  the  succeeding  year. 
That  from  the  time  the  draughts  join  the  army,  the  officers  of  the  states 
from  which  they  come,  be  authorized  and  directed  to  use  their  endeavours 
to  enlist  them  for  the  war,  under  the  bounties  granted  to  the  officers 
themselves,  and  to  the  recruits,  by  the  act  of  the  23d  of  January,  1779, 
viz :  ten  dollars  to  the  officer  for  each  recruit,  and  two  hundred  to  the 


328  THE  LIFE  OF 

recruits  themselves.  That  all  state,  county,  and  town  bounties  tc 
draughts,  if  practicable,  be  entirely  abolished,  on  account  of  the  uneasi- 
ness and  disorders  they  create  among  the  soldiery,  the  desertions  they 
produce,  and  for  other  reasons  which  will  readily  occur.  That  on  or 
before  the  first  of  October  annually,  an  abstract,  or  return,  similar  to  the 
present  one,  be  transmitted  to  congress,  to  enable  them  to  make  their  re- 
quisitions to  each  state  with  certainty  and  precision.  This  I  would  pro- 
ose  as  a  general  plan  to  be  pursued ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that  this,  01 
one  nearly  similar  to  it,  will  be  found  the  best  now  in  our  power,  as  il 
will  be  attended  with  the  least  expense  to  the  public,  will  place  the  ser 
vice  on  the  footing  of  order  .and  certainty,  and  will  be  the  only  one  that 
can  advance  the  general  interest  to  any  great  extent." 

These  representations  on  the  part  of  the  Commander-in-chief  were  not 
more  successful  than  those  which  had  before  been  made.  Although  the 
best  dispositions  existed  in  congress,  the  proceedings  of  that  body  were 
unavoidably  slow ;  and  the  difficulty  of  effecting  a  concert  of  measures 
among  thirteen  sovereign  states,  was  too  great  to  be  surmounted.  In 
consequence  of  these  radical  defects  in  the  system  itself,  the  contribu- 
tions of  men  made  by  the  states  continued  to  be  irregular,  uncertain,  and 
out  of  season ;  and  the  army  could  never  acquire  that  consistency  and 
stability,  which  would  have  resulted  from  an  exact  observance  of  the 
plan  so  often  recommended. 

On  receiving  information  of  the  disaster  which  had  been  sustained  by 
the  allied  amis  at  Savannah,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  resumed  his  plan  of  ac- 
tive operations  against  the  southern  states.  A  large  embarkation  took 
place  soon  after  that  event  had  been  announced  to  him,  which  sailed 
from  the  Hook  towards  the  end  of  December.  The  troops  were  com- 
manded by  himself  in  person,  and  the  fleet  by  Admiral  Arbuthnot.  The 
defence  of  New  York  and  its  dependencies  were  entrusted  to  General 
Knyphausen. 

The  preparations  made  in  New  York  for  some  distant  enterprise  were 
immediately  communicated  by  his  faithful  intelligencers  to  General 
Washington,  who  conjectured  the  object,  and  hastened  the  march  of  the 
troops  designed  to  reinforce  General  Lincoln. 

The  season  for  action  in  a  northern  climate  being  over,  the  General 
turned  his  attention  to  the  distribution  of  his  troops  in  winter  quarters. 
Habit  had  familiarized  the  American  army  to  the  use  of  huts  constructed 
by  themselves ;  and  both  officers  and  men  were  content  to  pass  the  win- 
ter in  a  hutted  camp.  In  disposing  of  the  troops,  therefore,  until  the 
time  for  action  should  return,  wood  and  water,  a  healthy  situation,  con- 
venience for  supplies  of  provisions,  stations  which  would  enable  them  to 


m 
- 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  329 

cover  the  country,  and  to  defend  particular  positions,  were  the  objects 
taken  into  consideration,  and  were  all  to  be  consulted. 

With  a  view  to  these  various  circumstances,  the  army  was  thrown  into 
two  great  divisions.  The  northern  was  to  be  commanded  by  General 
Heath ;  and  its  chief  object  was  the  security  of  West  Point,  and  of  the 
posts  on  the  North  River,  as  low  as  King's  ferry.  Subordinate  to  this, 
was  the  protection  of  the  country  on  the  Sound,  and  down  the  Hudson  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Kingsbridge.  The  other  and  principal  division, 
under  the  immediate  command  of  General  Washington,  was  put  under 
cover,  late  in  December,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Morristown. 


330  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

South  Carolina  invaded.— The  British  fleet  passes  the  bar,  and  gets  possession  of  the 
harbour  of  Charleston. — Opinion  of  General  Washington  on  the  propriety  of  de- 
fending that  place. — Sir  Henry  Clinton  invests  the  town. — Tarlton  surprises  an 
American  corps  at  Monk's  Corner. — Fort  Moultrie  surrendered. — Tarlton  defeats 
Colonel  White. — General  Lincoln  capitulates. — Buford  defeated. — Arrangements 
for  the  government  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia. — Sir  Henry  Clinton  embarks 
for  New  York. — General  Gates  takes  command  of  the  Southern  army. — Is  defeated 
near  Camden. — Death  of  De  Kalb. — Success  of  General  Sumpter. — He  is  defeated. 

THE  departure  of  the  French  fleet  produced  a  sudden  change  in  the 
prospects  of  the  southern  states.     The  sanguine  hopes  which 
had  been  entertained  of  the  recovery  of  Georgia,  gave  place 
to  gloomy  and  well  founded  apprehensions  for  South  Carolina. 

The  facility  with  which  General  Prevost  had  passed  through  the  state, 
and  the  assurances  he  had  received  of  the  indisposition  of  a  large  portion 
of  the  people  to  defend  themselves,  disclosed  too  certainly  the  true  situa 
tion  of  the  country,  not  to  convince  all  discerning  men  that  a  real  at- 
tempt at  conquest  would  be  made  the  ensuing  year.  General  Lincoln 
perceived  the  approaching  danger,  without  being  able  to  provide  against 
it.  His  power,  as  a  military  commander,  was  too  limited,  and  his  influ- 
ence on  the  government  of  the  state  too  weak,  to  draw  forth  even  the 
means  it  possessed  in  time  for  its  protection. 

Though  the  preservation  of  its  metropolis  was  of  vast  importance  to 
the  state,  no  preparations  were  making  to  put  it  in  a  condition  to  stand  a 
siege.  The  forts  on  the  islands  were  in  ruins,  and  the  works  across  the 
neck  remained  unfinished.  The  representations  made  on  this  subject  to 
the  governor  by  General  Lincoln  were  not  disregarded  ;  but  from  some 
defect  in  the  existing  law,  the  executive  found  it  impracticable  to  obtain 
labour  for  these  interesting  objects. 

Admiral  Arbuthnot  arrived  at  Savannah  on  the  31st  of  January.  One 
of  his  transports,  which  had  been  separated  from  the  fleet  in  a  storm, 
was  brought  into  Charleston  harbour  on  the  23d  of  that  month ;  and  the 
prisoners  gave  the  first  certain  intelligence  that  the  expedition  from  New 
York  was  destined  against  the  capital  of  South  Carolina. 

Before  the  middle  of  February,  the  fleet  entered  the  harbour,  or  inlet, 
of  North  Edisto ;  and  landed  the  troops  without  opposition  on  St.  John's 
Island.  A  part  of  the  fleet  was  sent  round  to  blockade  the  harbour  of 
Charleston,  while  the  army  proceeded  slowly  and  cautiously  from  Stono 
Creek  to  Wappoo  Cut,  and  through  the  islands  of  St.  John  and  St.  James. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  331 

This  delay,  in  the  event  so  fatal,  but  then  deemed  so  propitious  to  the 
American  arms,  was  employed  to  the  utmost  advantage  in  improving  the 
defences  of  Charleston.  The  legislature  had  enabled  the  executive  to 
employ  slaves  to  work  on  the  fortifications ;  and  had  passed  an  act  dele- 
gating great  powers  to  the  Governor  and  such  of  his  council  as  he  could 
conveniently  consult.  Under  these  acts,  six  hundred  slaves  were  em- 
ployed on  the  works,  and  vigorous,  though  not  very  successful  measures 
were  taken  by  the  executive  to  assemble  the  militia  of  the  country.  The 
fallacious  hope  was  entertained  that,  if  the  town  could  be  rendered  de- 
fensible, the  garrison  would  be  made  sufficiently  strong  by  reinforcements 
from  the  north,  and  by  the  militia  of  the  state,  to  maintain  the  place  and 
compel  Sir  Henry  Clinton  to  raise  the  siege. 

The  American  army  being  too  weak  to  make  any  serious  opposition 
to  the  progress  of  the  British  through  the  country,  the  cavalry,  with  a 
small  corps  of  infantry,  were  directed  to  hover  on  their  left  flank ;  and 
the  other  troops,  consisting  of  about  fourteen  hundred  regulars  fit  for 
duty,  aided  by  the  militia,  were  drawn  into  the  town,  and  employed  on 
the  works. 

Understanding  that  great  exertions  were  making  to  improve  the  forti- 
fications, and  that  the  garrison  was  gaining  strength,  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
ordered  General  Patterson  to  join  him  with  the  troops  which  could  be 
spared  from  Georgia,  and  directed  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarlton,  after 
supplying  the  horses  which  had  been  lost  during  a  very  stormy  voyage 
from  New  York,  to  cover  his  march  through  South  Carolina.  In  one 
of  the  excursions  of  that  active  officer  to  disperse  the  militia  who  assem- 
bled to  oppose  the  progress  of  Patterson  through  the  country,  his  cavalry 
encountered  Lieutenant  Colonel  Washington,  who  commanded  the  rem- 
nant of  Baylor' s  regiment,  and  were  driven  back  with  some  loss ;  but 
the  want  of  infantry  disabled  Washington  from  pressing  his  advantage. 

In  defending  Charleston,  the  command  of  the  harbour  is  of  great  im- 
portance. To  preserve  this  advantage,  congress  had  ordered  four  fri- 
gates to  South  Carolina,  which,  with  the  marine  force  belonging  to  the 
state,  and  two  French  vessels,  were  placed  under  the  command  of  Com- 
modore Whipple. 

General  Washington  was  the  more  sanguine  in  the  hope  of  defending 
the  harbour,  because  it  was  understood  that  the  bar  was  impassable  by  a 
ship  of  the  line,  and  that  even  a  large  frigate  could  not  be  brought  over 
it,  without  first  taking  out  her  guns,  or  careening  her  so  much  that  the 
crew  would  be  unable  to  work  her. 

On  sounding  within  the  bar  it  was  discovered  that  the  water  was  too 
shallow  for  the  frigates  to  act  with  any  effect,  and  that,  in  making  the 


332  THE  LIFE  OF 

attempt,  they  would  be  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  batteries  which  the  as- 
sailants had  erected.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  officers  of  the  navy 
were  unanimously  of  opinion  that  no  successful  opposition  could  be  made 
at  the  bar,  and  that  the  fleet  might  act  more  advantageously  in  concert 
with  the  fort  on  Sullivan's  Island. 

The  intention  of  disputing  the  passage  over  the  bar  being  abandoned 

Commodore  Whipple  moored  his  squadron  in  a  line  with  fort 

Moultrie,  in  a  narrow  passage  between  Sullivan's  Island  and  the 

middle  ground  ;  and  the  British  ships,  without  their  guns,  passed  the  bar 

and  anchored  in  five  fathom  hole. 

It  being  now  thought  impossible  to  prevent  the  fleet  from  passing  fort 
Moultrie,  and  taking  such  stations  in  Cooper  river  as  would  enable  them 
to  rake  the  batteries  on  shore,  and  to  close  that  communication  between 
the  town  and  country,  the  plan  of  defence  was  once  more  changed,  and 
the  armed  vessels  were  carried  into  the  mouth  of  Cooper  river,  and  sunk 
in  a  line  from  the  town  to  Shute's  folly. 

This  was  the  critical  moment  for  evacuating  the  town.  The  loss  of 
the  harbour  rendered  the  defence  of  the  place,  if  not  desperate,  so 
improbable,  that  the  hope  to  maintain  it,  could  not  have  been  rationally 
entertained  by  a  person,  who  was  not  deceived  by  the  expectation  of  aids 
much  more  considerable  than  were  actually  received. 

When  this  state  of  things  was  communicated  to  General  Washington, 
by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Laurens,  he  said  in  reply,  "  The  impracticability 
of  defending  the  bar,  I  fear,  amounts  to  the  loss  of  the  town  and  garrison. 
At  this  distance  it  is  impossible  to  judge  for  you.  I  have  the  greatest 
confidence  in  General  Lincoln's  prudence ;  but  it  really  appears  to  me, 
that  the  propriety  of  attempting  to  defend  the  town,  depended  on  the 
probability  of  defending  the  bar;  and  that  when  this  ceased,  the  attempt 
ought  to  have  been  relinquished.  In  this,  however,  I  suspend  a  definitive 
judgment,  and  wish  you  to  consider  what  I  say  as  confidential."  Un 
fortunately,  this  letter  did  not  arrive  in  time  to  influence  the  conduct  of 
the  besieged. 

Having  crossed  Ashley  river,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  moved  down  the  neck, 
and,  on  the  night  of  the  first  of  April,  broke  ground  within  eight  hundred 
yards  of  the  American  lines. 

The  defences  of  Charleston  had  been  constructed  under  the  direction 
of  a  Mr.  Laumay,  a  French  gentleman  in  the  American  service;  and, 
although  not  calculated  to  resist  a  regular  siege,  were  far  from  being 
contemptible. 

While  the  besiegers  were  employed  on  their  first  parallel,  the  garrison 
received  a  considerable  reinforcement.  General  Woodford,  who  had 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  333 

marched  from  Morristown  in  December,  entered  the  town  with  the  old 
continental  troops  of  the  Virginia  line,  now  reduced  to  seven  hundred 
effectives.  General  Hogan,  with  the  line  of  North  Carolina,  had  arrived 
before  him.  The  garrison  consisted  of  rather  more  than  two  thousand 
regular  troops,  of  about  one  thousand  North  Carolina  militia,  and  of  the 
citizens  of  Charleston.  The  exertions  of  the  Governor  to  bring  in  the 
militia  of  South  Carolina  had  not  succeeded. 

By  the  9th  of  April,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  completed  his  first  parallel 
extending  across  the  neck,  and  mounted  his  guns  in  battery.  His  works 
formed  an  oblique  line,  from  six  to  seven  hundred  yards  distant  from 
those  of  the  besieged.  About  the  same  time,  Admiral  Arbuthnot  passed 
Sullivan's  island,  under  a  heavy  and  well  directed  fire  from  fort  Moultrie, 
then  commanded  by  Colonel  Pinckney,  and  anchored  under  James'  island 
near  fort  Johnson,  just  out  of  gunshot  of  the  batteries  of  the  town. 

Being  now  in  complete  possession  of  the  harbour,  the  British  General 
and  Admiral  sent  a  joint  summons  to  General  Lincoln,  demanding  the 
surrender  of  the  town,  to  which  he  returned  this  firm  and  modest  answer. 
"  Sixty  days  have  elapsed  since  it  has  been  known  that  your  intentions 
against  this  town  were  hostile,  in  which,  time  has  been  afforded  to  abandon 
it;  but  duty  and  inclination  point  to  the  propriety  of  supporting  it  to  the 
last  extremity." 

On  receiving  this  answer,  the  besiegers  opened  their  batteries,  but 
seemed  to  rely  principally  on  proceeding  by  sap  quite  into  the  American 
lines. 

About  this  time,  the  Governor  with  half  the  members  of  the  council, 
went  into  the  country,  in  the  hope  of  collecting  a  respectable  force  in  the 
rear,  and  on  the  left  flank  of  the  besieging  army.  The  Lieutenant 
Governor,  and  the  other  members  of  the  council  remained  in  town. 

Hitherto,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  not  extended  his  lines  north  of 
Charleston  neck,  and  the  communication  of  the  garrison  with  the  country 
north  east  of  Cooper  remained  open.  The  American  cavalry,  under 
the  command  of  General  Huger,  had  passed  that  river,  and  was  stationed 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Monk's  corner,  about  thirty  miles  above  Charles- 
ton. As  an  additional  security  to  this,  the  only  remaining  communica- 
tion, two  posts  of  militia  were  established,  one  between  the  Cooper  and 
the  Santee  rivers,  to  which  the  Governer  repaired  in  person ;  and  another 
at  a  ferry  on  the  Santee,  where  boats  were  to  be  collected  for  the  purpose 
of  facilitating  the  passage  of  the  American  army  over  that  river,  should  it 
be  deemed  adviseable  to  evacuate  the  town- 

Such  importance  was  attached  to  this  object,  that  Lincoln,  after  Wood- 
ford  had  entered  Charleston,  detached  a  part  of  his  regular  troops,  to 

VOL.  i.         2  D  22 


?5i  THE  LIFE  OF 

throw  op  some  works  afoot  nine  miles  above  the  town,  on  Wando,  the 
eastern  branch  of  Cooper,  and  OB  Lamprere  s  point.  The  militia,  it  was 
hoped,  though  OBwiHing  to  enter  Charleston,  might  be  drawn  to  theae 


After  the  fleet  had  entered  the  harbour,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  turned  his 
to  the  t'tmrt  i  y  on  die  east  of  Cooper,  to  OMjOire  the  possessKm 
was  necessary  to  disBife  the  American  cavalry.  This  ser- 
vice  was  committed  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Webster,  who  de- 
tached Tarlton  with  the  horse  and  a  corps  of  infantry  to 
He  succeeded  completely.  Conducted  in  the  night  through 
paths  to  the  American  videttes,  he  entered  the  camp  with 
them,  kiBed  and  took  about  one  hundred  men,  and  dispersed  the  residue, 
who  saved  themselves  on  foot  in  a  swamp.  Near  fifty  wagons  loaded 
win  mififary  store  s,  and  about  (bur  hundred  horses,  fefl  into  the  hands  • 
of  the  vieton. 

This  decisive  Mow  gare  I^ieutenant  Gdood  Webster  possession  of  the 
Cooper  and  Wando ;  and  closed  the  only  route* 

nH  hare  retreated. 
The  besiegers  had  now  commenced  their  second  parallei,  and  it  became 
every  day  more  apparent  that  the  town  most  ultimately  yield  to  their 
regoiar  approaches.  An  etracuatMn  was  proposed,  and  •^•^•i*  is  un- 
derstood to  have  been  in  faTour  of  that  measure ;  but  the  remonstrances 
of  the  principal  inhabitants,  who  entreated  him  not  to  adandon  them  to 
the  finy  of  a  disappointed  enemy,  added  to  the  great  difficulty  which 
most  attend  such  an  attempt,  especially  when  opposed  by  the  ciril  go 
renment,  deterred  him  from  adopting  the  only  coarse  which  afforded 
even  a  probability,  by  saving  bis  army,  of  saving  the  southern  states. 

Soon  after  the  aftair  at  Monk's  corner,  Sir  Bevy  Canton  received  a 
remtorcement  of  three  thousand  men  from  New  York.  This  addition  to 
his  strength  enabled  him  to  detach  largely  to  die  aid  of  Lieutenant  Colo- 
nel Webster,  after  which  Lord  CornwalBs  took  command  of  the  troops 
OB  that  side  of  Cooper  river. 

Upon  this  change  of  situation,  Lincoln  called  another  council  of  war. 
Notwithstanding  the  multiplied  difficulties  attending  an  eva- 
cuation of  Charleston,  ho  appeam  to  hare  been  still  inclined 
tok.    But  a  number  of  fortunate  circumstances  most  hftve  concurred  to 
render  a  retreat  possible;  and  the  attempt  was  effectually  prevented  by 
the  opposition  of  the  civil  government.    The  opinion  seems  to  have  pre- 
vailed, that  the  escape  of  the  garrison  would  be  followed  by  the  destrur- 
oonof  the  town,  and  the  rain  of  Hs  inhabitants. 

The  council  advised  that  a  capitulation  should  be  nroposed,  and  that 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  335 

, 

the  town  should  be  surrendered  on  condition  that  the  garrison  should  be 
at  h'befty  still  to  bear  arms,  and  that  the  inhabitants  should  be  secured  in 
their  persons  and  property.  These  propositions  being  rejected,  hostili- 
ties recommenced. 

The  besiegers  had  completed  their  second  parallel,  and  had  be^un  the 
third,  when  Colonel  Henderson  made  a  vigorous  sally  on  their  right, 
which  was  attended  with  some  success.  That  this  was  the  only  sortie 
made  during  the  siege,  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  weakness  of  the  garrison. 
General  Lincoln  deemed  it  necessary  to  reserve  all  his  strength  to  man 
his  lines  in  the  event  of  an  assault,  or  to  force  a  retreat,  should  lie  deter- 
mine to  evacuate  the  city. 

In  this  state  of  things,  General  Du  Portail,  w  ho  had  been  directed  to 
join  the  southern  army,  was  conducted  by  secret  ways  inio  the  town. 
He  perceived  the  impossibility  of  defending  the  place,  and  repeated  the 
proposition  for  attempting  a  retreat.  This  proposition  was  again  rr- 
•  jected ;  and  it  only  remained  to  defer  the  surrender  as  long  as  possi- 
ble, in  the  vain  hope  that  some  fortunate  occurrence  might  bring  relief. 

Every  day  diminished  this  hope,  and  added  to  the  difficulties  of  the 
besieged.     The  admiral  took  possession  of  Mount  Pleasant,  which  in- 
duced the  immediate  evacuation  of  Lamprere's  point ;  soon  after  which 
the  garrison  of  fort  Moultrie,  amounting  to  about  two  hundred  men.* 
surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.     On  the  same  day, 
the  cavalry  which  had  escaped  the  disaster  at  Monk's  corner, 
and  had  been  reassembled  under  the  command  of  Colonel  White,  of  New- 
Jersey,  was  again  surprised  and  defeated  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarlton 
at  Lanncau's  ferry. 

The  investment  of  the  town  was  now*  complete;  the  advances  were 
rapid;  and  it  became  obvious  that  the  place  could  bo  defended  only  a 
low  days'  longer.  The  besiegers  had  finished  their  third  parallel;  and 
by  a  sap  pushed  to  the  dam  that  supplied  the  canal  with  water,  had 
drained  it  in  many  places  to  the  bottom.  The  garrison,  fatigued  and 
worn  out  with  constant  duty,  was  too  weak  to  man  the  lines  sufficiently; 
their  guns  were  almost  all  dismounted  ;  most  of  the  embrasures  demo- 
lished; their  shot  nearly  expended;  their  provision,  \\ith  the  exception 
of  a  few  eows,  entirely  consumed;  and  the  approaches  of  the  iTsiogtw, 
so  near,  that  their  marksmen  frequently  picked  off  the  men  from  the 
guns,  and  killedf  any  person  who  showed  himself  above  the  works. 

•  After  the  fleet  passed  the  fort,  Colonel  Pincknoy  ami  a  part  of  the  garrison  \\vr, 
withdrawn. 

t  Colonel  Parker  and  Captain  Peyton,  two  valuable  officers  from  Virginia,  fell  in 
this  manner. 


336  THE  LIFE  OF 

In  this  state  of  things,  the  garrison  was  summoned,  a  second  time,  to 
surrender;  on  which  a  council  was  again  called,  which  advised  a  capi- 
tulation. In  pursuance  of  this  advice,  General  Lincoln  proposed  terms 
which  were  refused,  and  hostilities  recommenced. 

The  besiegers  now  advanced  their  works  in  front  of  their  third  paral- 
lel, crossed  the  canal,  pushed  a  double  sap  to  the  inside  of  the  abbattis, 
and  approached  within  twenty  yards  of  the  American  works.  Prepara- 
tions for  an  assault  by  sea  and  land  were  making.  With  less  than  three 
thousand  men,  many  of  whom  were  militia,  lines  three  miles  in  extent 
were  to  be  defended  against  the  flower  of  the  British  army,  assisted  by  a 
powerful  maritime  force.  Convinced  that  success  was  not  possible,  the 
citizens  prepared  a  petition  to  General  Lincoln,  entreating  him  to  sur- 
render the  town  on  the  terms  which  had  been  offered  by  the  besiegers. 

This  proposition  was  made  and  accepted ;  and  the  capitulation  was 
signed  on  the  12th  of  May. 

The  town,  and  all  public  stores  were  surrendered.  The  garrison,  as 
well  the  citizens  who  had  borne  arms  as  the  continental  troops,  militia, 
and  sailors,  were  to  be  prisoners  of  war.  The  garrison  were  to  march 
out  of  town,  and  to  deposite  their  arms  in  front  of  their  works;  but  their 
drums  were  not  to  beat  a  British  march,  nor  their  colours  to  be  reversed. 
The  militia  were  to  retire  to  their  homes  on  parole,  and  their  persons 
and  property,  as  well  as  the  persons  and  property  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town,  to  be  secure  while  they  adhered  to  their  paroles. 

These  terms  being  agreed  on,  the  garrison  laid  down  their  arms,  and 
General  Leslie  was  appointed  to  take  possession  of  the  town. 

The  defence  of  Charleston  was  obstinate,  but  not  bloody.  The  be- 
siegers conducted  their  approaches  with  great  caution;  and  the  besieged, 
too  weak  to  hazard  repeated  sorties,  kept  within  their  lines.  The  loss 
on  both  sides  was  nearly  equal.  That  of  the  British  was  seventy-six 
killed  and  one  hundred  and  eighty-nine  wounded ;  and  that  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, excluding  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  not  bearing  arms,  was 
ninety-two  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  wounded. 

From  the  official  returns  made  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton  by  his  deputy 
adjutant  general,  the  number  of  prisoners,  exclusive  of  sailors,  amounted 
to  five  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighteen  men.  This  report,  however, 
presents  a  very  incorrect  view  of  the  real  strength  of  the  garrison.  It 
includes  every  male  adult  inhabitant  of  the  town.  The  precise  number 
of  privates  in  the  continental  regiments,  according  to  the  report  made  to 
congress  by  General  Lincoln,  was  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  se- 
venty-seven ;  of  whom  five  hundred  were  in  the  hospital. 

The  unfortunate  are  generally  condemned ;  and  the  loss  of  the  garri- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  337 

son  of  Charleston  so  maimed  the  force,  and  palsied  the  operations  of  the 
American  government  in  the  south,  that  censure  was  unsparingly  be- 
stowed on  the  officer  who  had  undertaken  and  persevered  in  the  defence 
of  that  place.  In  his  justificatory  letter  to  the  Commander-in-chief, 
General  Lincoln  detailed  at  large  the  motives  of  his  conduct,  and  stated 
the  testimony  on  which  those  delusive  hopes  of  substantial  assistance 
were  founded,  which  tempted  him  to  remain  in  town,  until  the  unexpect- 
ed arrival  of  the  reinforcement  from  New  York  deprived  him  of  the 
power  to  leave  it. 

The  importance  of  that  great  mart  of  the  southern  states,  which  had 
become  the  depot  for  the  country  to  a  considerable  extent  around  it ;  the 
magazines  and  military  stores  there  collected,  which,  from  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  wagons,  could  not  be  removed ;  the  ships  of  war,  which 
must  be  sacrificed  should  the  town  be  evacuated ;  the  intention  of  con- 
gress that  the  place  should  be  defended;  the  assurances  received  that 
the  garrison  should  be  made  up  to  ten  thousand  men,  of  whom  nearly 
one  half  would  be  regular  troops ;  the  anxious  solicitude  of  the  govern- 
ment of  South  Carolina ;  all  concurred  to  induce  the  adoption  of  a  mea- 
sure which,  in  its  consequences,  was  extremely  pernicious  to  the  United 
States.  In  the  opinion  of  those  who  were  best  enabled  to  judge  of  his 
conduct,  General  Lincoln  appears  to  have  been  completely  justified. 
The  confidence  of  his  government,  and  the  esteem  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  sustained  no  diminution. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  aware  of  the  impression  his  conquest  had 
made,  and  of  the  value  of  the  first  moments  succeeding  it.  Calculating 
on  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  showing  an  irresistible  force  in 
various  parts  of  the  country  at  the  same  time,  he  made  three  large  de- 
tachments from  his  army ; — the  first  and  most  considerable,  towards  the 
frontiers  of  North  Carolina ;  the  second  to  pass  the  Saluda  to  Ninety -Six ; 
and  the  third  up  the  Savannah  towards  Augusta. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  who  commanded  the  northern  detachment,  received 
intelligence,  soon  after  passing  the  Santee,  that  Colonel  Buford,  with 
about  four  hundred  men,  was  retreating  in  perfect  security  towards 
North  Carolina.  He  detached  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarlton  with  his  le- 
gion, the  infantry  being  mounted,  in  pursuit  of  this  party.  That  officer, 
by  making  a  movement  of  near  one  hundred  miles  in  two  days,  overtook 
Buford,  in  a  line  of  march,  at  the  Waxhaws,  and  demanded  a  surrender 
on  the  terms  which  had  been  granted  to  the  garrison  of  Charleston. 
This  was  refused.  While  the  flags  were  passing,  Tarlton  continued  to 
make  his  dispositions  for  the  assault,  and,  the  instant  the  truce  was  over, 
his  cavalry  made  a  furious  charge  on  the  Americans,  who  had  received 


388  THE  LIFE  OF 

no  orders  to  engage,  and  who  seem  to  have  been  uncertain  whether  to 
defend  themselves  or  not.  In  this  state  of  dismay  and  confusion,  some 
fired  on  the  assailants,  while  others  threw  down  their  arms  and  begged 
for  quarter.  None  was  given.  Colonel  Buford  escaped  with  a  few  ca- 
valry ;  and  about  one  hundred  infantry,  who  were  in  advance,  saved 
themselves  by  flight ;  but  the  regiment  was  almost  demolished.  Tarl- 
ton,  in  his  official  report,  says  that  one  hundred  and  thirteen  were  killed 
on  the  spot,  one  hundred  and  fifty  so  badly  wounded  as  to  be  incapable 
of  being  moved,  and  fifty-three  were  brought  away  as  prisoners.  The 
loss  of  the  British  was  five  killed  and  fourteen  wounded. 

Tarlton  gives  a  very  different  account  of  the  circumstances  which  pre- 
ceded this  massacre.  He  says  that  the  demand  for  a  surrender  was 
made  long  before  Buford  was  overtaken,  and  was  answered  by  a  defi- 
ance ;  that,  on  overtaking  him,  the  British  vanguard  made  prisoners  of 
a  serjeant  and  four  light  dragoons,  in  the  presence  of  the  two  command- 
ers, who  immediately  prepared  for  action ;  that  as  he  advanced  to  the 
charge,  when  within  fifty  paces,  the  American  infantry  presented,  and 
were  commanded  by  their  officers  to  retain  their  fire  until  the  British 
cavalry  should  be  nearer.* 

The  American  officers  who  survived  the  carnage  of  the  day,  generally 
assert  that  flags  passed  after  being  overtaken,  that  they  had  received  no 
orders  from  Colonel  Buford  when  the  charge  was  made,  and  that  the 
fire  of  their  troops  was  retained  until  the  enemy  was  upon  them,  because 
they  did  not  think  themselves  authorized  to  give  it.  The  facts  that  Bu- 
ford's  field  pieces  were  not  discharged,  and  that  the  loss  was  so  very 
unequal,  are  not  to  be  reconciled  with  the  idea  of  deliberate  preparation 
for  battle,  and  justify  the  belief  that  the  statement  made  by  the  American 
officers  is  correct. 

After  the  defeat  of  Buford,  scarcely  the  semblance  of  opposition  re- 
mained in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  The  military  force  employed 
by  congress  was  nearly  destroyed ;  the  spirit  of  resistance  seemed  en- 
tirely broken ;  and  a  general  disposition  to  submit  to  the  victor  displayed 
itself  in  almost  every  part  of  the  country. 

The  two  other  detachments  saw  no  appearance  of  an  enemy.  They 
received  the  submission  of  the  inhabitants,  who  either  became  neutral  by 
giving  their  paroles,  not  to  bear  arms  against  his  Britannic  Majesty,  or 

*  Lieutenant  Bowyer,  an  American  officer  who  was  in  the  engagement,  near  the 
person  of  Colonel  Buford,  in  a  letter  which  the  author  has  lately  seen,  states  this  af- 
fair in  a  manner  not  much  conflicting  with  the  statement  made  of  it  by  Colonel  Tarl- 
ton. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  339 

took  the  oaths  of  allegiance,  and  resumed  the  character  of  British  sub- 
jects. 

To  keep  up  this  disposition,  garrisons  were  posted  in  different  stations, 
and  a  series  of  measures  was  pursued  for  the  purpose  of  settling  the  civil 
affairs  of  the  province,  and  of  giving  stability  to  the  conquest  which  had 
been  made. 

So  entirely  did  the  present  aspect  of  affairs  convince  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton of  the  complete  subjugation  of  the  state,  and  of  the  favourable  dispo- 
sition of  the  people  towards  the  -British  government,  that  he 
ventured  to  issue  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  discharged  the 
militia  who  were  prisoners  from  their  paroles,  with  the  exception  of  those 
who  were  taken  in  Charleston  and  fort  Moultrie,  and  restored  them  to 
all  the  rights  and  duties  of  British  subjects ;  declaring,  at  the  same  time, 
that  such  of  them  as  should  neglect  to  return  to  their  allegiance,  should 
be  considered  and  treated  as  enemies  and  rebels. 

This  proclamation  disclosed  to  the  inhabitants  their  real  situation.  It 
proved  that  a  state  of  neutrality  was  not  within  their  reach  ;  that  the  evils 
of  war  were  unavoidable ;  that  they  must  arrange  themselves  on  the 
one  side  or  the  other;  and  that  the  only  alternative  presented  to  them 
was,  to  drive  the  enemy  out  of  their  country,  or  take  up  arms  against 
their  countrymen. 

With  the  most  sanguine  hopes  that  the  southern  states  would  be  re- 
united to  the  British  empire,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  embarked  for 
New  York,  leaving  about  four  thousand  British  troops  in  South 
Carolina,  under  the  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis. 

His  lordship  found  it  necessary  to  suspend  the  expedition  he  had  medi- 
tated against  North  Carolina.  The  impossibility  of  supporting  an  army 
in  that  state  before  harvest,  as  well  as  the  intense  heat  of  the  season,  re- 
quired this  delay.  His  first  care  was  to  distribute  his  troops  through 
South  Carolina  and  the  upper  parts  of  Georgia,  so  as  to  promote  the  great 
and  immediate  objects  of  enlisting  the  young  men  who  were  willing  to 
join  his  standard,  of  arranging  the  plan  of  a  militia,  and  of  collecting 
magazines  at  convenient  places. 

In  the  mean  time,  he  Despatched  emissaries  to  his  friends  in  North 
Carolina,  to  inform  them  of  the  necessary  delay  of  his  expedition  into 
their  country,  and  to  request  them  to  attend  to  their  harvest,  collect  pro- 
visions, and  remain  quiet  until  late  in  August  or  early  in  September, 
when  the  King's  troops  would  be  ready  to  enter  the  province. 

The  impatience  of  the  royalists,  stimulated  by  the  triumph  of  their 
friends  in  a  neighbouring  state,  and  by  the  necessary  severities  of  a  vigi- 
lant government,  could  not  be  restrained  by  this  salutary  counsel.  Anti- 


340  THE  LIFE  OF 

cipating  the  immediate  superiority  of  their  party,  they  could  not  brook 
the  authority  exercised  over  them,  and  broke  out  into  premature  and  ill 
concerted  insurrections,  which  were  vigorously  encountered,  and  gene- 
rally suppressed.  One  body  of  them,  however,  amounting  to  about 
eight  hundred  men,  led  by  Colonel  Bryan,  marched  down  the  east  side 
of  the  Yadkin  to  a  British  post  at  the  Cheraws,  whence  they  proceeded 
to  Camden. 

Having  made  his  dispositions,  and  fixed  on  Camden  as  the  place  for 
his  principal  magazines,  Cornwallis  lefFthe  command  of  the  frontiers  to 
Lord  Rawdon,  and  retired  to  Charleston  for  the  purpose  of  making  those 
farther  arrangements  of  a  civil  nature,  which  the  state  of  affairs  and  the 
interest  of  his  sovereign  might  require. 

His  lordship,  as  well  as  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  seems  to  have  supposed  the 
state  of  South  Carolina  to  be  as  completely  subdued  in  sentiment  as  in 
appearance.  Impatient  to  derive  active  aids  from  the  new  conquest,  his 
measures  were  calculated  to  admit  of  no  neutrality.  For  some  time 
these  measures  seemed  to  succeed,  and  professions  of  loyalty  were  made 
in  every  quarter.  But  under  this  imposing  exterior,  lurked  a  mass  of 
concealed  discontent,  to  which  every  day  furnished  new  aliment,  and 
which  waited  only  for  a  proper  occasion  to  show  itself. 

The  people  of  the  lower  parts  of  South  Carolina,  though  far  from  being 
united,'  were  generally  attached  to  the  revolution,  and  had  entered  into 
the  war  with  zeal.  They  were  conducted  by  a  high  spirited  and  intelli- 
gent gentry,  who  ardently  sought  independence  as  a  real  and  permanent 
good. 

Several  causes  had  combined  to  suspend  the  operation  of  this  senti- 
ment. Many  of  their  leaders  were  prisoners;  and  the  brilliant  successes 
of  the  British  arms  had  filled  numbers  with  despair.  Others  were  sensi- 
ble of  the  inutility  of  present  resistance;  and  a  still  greater  number, 
fatigued  and  harassed  with  militia  duty,  were  willing  to  withdraw  from 
the  conflict,  and,  as  spectators,  to  await  its  issue.  To  compel  these 
men  to  share  the  burdens  of  the  war,  was  to  restore  them  to  their  former 
friends. 

Late  in  March,  General  Washington  had  obtained  the  consent  of  con- 
gress to  reinforce  the  southern  army  with  the  troops  of  Maryland  and 
Delaware,  and  with  the  first  regiment  of  artillery.  This  detachment  was 
to  be  commanded  by  the  Baron  De  Kalb,  a  German  veteran  who  had 
engaged  ear,ly  in  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

Such,  however,  was  the  deranged  state  of  American  finances,  and  such 
the  depression  of  public  credit,  that  these  troops  could  not  be  put  imme- 
diately in  motion.  They  were  at  length  embarked  at  the  Head  of  Elk, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  341 

and  conveyed  by  water  to  Petersburg,  in  Virginia,  whence  they  marched 
towards  South  Carolina.  Their  progress  was  delayed  by  that  difficulty 
of  obtaining  subsistence  which  had  induced  Lord  Cornwallis  to  suspend 
the  invasion  of  North  Carolina  until  harvest  should  be  gathered.  No 
preparations  having  been  made  for  them,  they  were  reduced  to  the  ne- 
cessity of  spreading  themselves  over  the  country  in  small  detachments 
to  collect  corn,  and  grind  it  for  their  daily  food.  In  this  manner  they 
proceeded  through  the  upper  parts  of  North  Carolina  to  Deep  River,  and 
encamped  near  Buffalo  Ford  in  July.  At  this  place  the  Baron  halted  for 
a  few  days,  in  some  uncertainty  respecting  his  future  course.* 

The  militia  of  North  Carolina,  commanded  by  General  Caswell,  were 
beyond  the  Pedee,  on  the  road  to  Camden,  and  had  nearly  consumed 
the  scanty  supplies  which  could  be  gleaned  from  a  country  that  was  far 
from  being  productive.  The  Baron  was  meditating  on  a  plan  for 
leaving  the  direct  road  and  moving  up  the  country  to  the  fertile  banks  of 
the  Yadkin,  when  the  approach  of  Major  General  Gates  was  announced 
by  the  arrival  of  his  aid-de-camp,  Major  Armstrong.* 

Aware  of  the  danger  to  which  the  loss  of  Charleston  had  exposed  that 
part  of  the  confederacy,  congress  deemed  it  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
select  a  general  for  that  department,  in  whom  great  military  talents 
should  be  combined  with  that  weight  of  character  which  might  enable 
him  to  draw  out  the  resources  of  the  country.  They  turned  their  eyes 
on  Gates  ;f  and  sanguine  hopes  were  entertained  that  the  conqueror  of 
Burgoyne  would  prove  the  saviour  of  the  southern  states.  On  the  13th 
of  June,  he  was  called  to  the  command  in  the  southern  department,  and 
was  directed  to  repair  immediately  to  the  army.  He  entered,  without 
loss  of  time,  on  the  duties  of  his  station;  and,  on  the  25th  of  July, 
reached  the  camp,  where  he  was  received  by  the  Baron  De  Kalb  with 
the  utmost  cordiality  and  respect. 

The  approach  of  this  army,  and  the  information  that  great  exertions 
were  making  in  Virginia  to  augment  it,  revived  the  hopes  of  South  Caro- 
lina, and  brought  again  into  action  a  spirit  supposed  to  be  extinguished. 
The  British  troops  having  occupied  the  north-western  parts  of  the  state, 
the  most  active  friends  of  the  revolution  in  that  quarter  had  fled  from 
their  homes,  and  sought  an  asylum  in  North  Carolina  and  Virginia. 
As  the  discontents  of  their  countrymen  increased,  and  the  prospect  of 
being  supported  by  regular  troops  brightened,  a  small  body  of  these 
exiles,  amounting  to  less  than  two  hundred,  assembled  together,  and 

*  Journal  of  Colonel  Williams. 

t  This  appointment  was  made  without  consulting  the  Commander-in-chief.  He 
had  determined,  if  consulted,  to  recommend  General  Greene. 


342  THE  LIFE  OF 

choosing  Colonel  Sumpter,  an  old  continental  officer,  for  their  chief^ 
entered  South  Carolina.  They  skirmished  with  the  royal  militia  and 
small  corps  of  regulars  on  the  frontiers,  sometimes  successfully,  and 
always  with  the  active  courage  of  men  fighting  for  the  recovery  of  their 
property.  The  followers  of  Sumpter  were  soon  augmented  to  six  hun- 
dred men ;  and  a  disposition  once  more  to  take  up  arms  showed  itself 
in  various  parts  of  the  state.  Some  corps  of  militia,  which  had  been 
embodied  under  the  authority  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  deserted  his  standard, 
and  joined  their  countrymen.  Perceiving  this  change  of  temper,  the 
British  general  thought  it  necessary  to  draw  in  his  out-posts,  and  to  col- 
lect his  troops  into  larger  bodies. 

On  taking  command  of  the  southern  army,  General  Gates  directed 
the  troops  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  at  a  moment's  warn- 
ing ;  and,  on  the  morning  of  the  27th,  put  the  whole  in  motion.  Disre- 
garding the  judicious  remonstrances  which  were  made  to  him  against 
pursuing  the  direct  road,  he  determined  on  taking  the  nearest  route  to 
the  advanced  post  of  the  British  on  Lynch's  Creek,  a  few  miles  from 
Camden.  The  motives  assigned  by  himself  for  passing  through  this 
barren  country  were,  the  necessity  of  uniting  with  Caswell,  who  had 
evaded  the  orders  repeatedly  given  him  to  join  the  army,  the  danger  of 
dispiriting  the  troops,  and  intimidating  the  people  of  the  country,  by 
pursuing  a  route  not  leading  directly  towards  the  enemy,  and  the  assu- 
rances he  had  received  that  supplies  would  overtake  him,  and  would  be 
prepared  for  him  on  the  road. 

These  assurances  were  not  fulfilled ;  and,  the  country  being  still  more 
barren  than  had  been  anticipated,  the  distress  of  the  army  was  extreme, 
Th^  soldiers  subsisted  on  a  few  lean  cattle  found  in  the  woods,  and  a 
very  scanty  supply  of  green  corn  and  peaches.  Encouraged  by  the 
example  of  their  officers,  who  shared  all  their  sufferings,  and  checked 
occasional  murmurs,  they  struggled  through  these  difficulties,  and,  after 
effecting  a  junction  with  General  Caswell  and  with  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Porterfield,*  the  army  reached  Ctermont,  sometimes  called  Rugcly's 
mills,  on  the  13th  of  August.  Possession  was  taken  of  this  place  with- 
out any  opposition  from  Lord  Rawdon,  who,  on  the  approach  of  the 

*  This  valuable  officer  was  pressing  forward  to  Charleston  when  that  place  surren- 
dered. Continuing  to  advance,  he  was  within  one  day's  inarch  of  Colonel  Buford, 
when  that  officer  was  defeated.  Colonel  Porterfield  still  remained  on  the  frontiers  of 
the  Carolinas ;  and  had  the  address  not  only  to  avoid  the  fate  of  every  other  corps 
sent  to  the  relief  of  Charleston,  but  to  subsist  his  men  ;  and  keep  up  the  semblance 
of  holding  that  part  of  South  Corolina. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  343 

American  army,  drew  in  his  out-posts,  and  assembled  all  his  forces  at 
Camden.* 

The  day  after  the  arrival  of  Gates  at  Clermont,  he  was  joined  by 
seven  hundred  militia  from  Virginia,  commanded  by  Brigadier  General 
Stevens,  an  officer  of  considerable  merit,  who,  during  the  campaigns  of 
1777  and  1778,  had  commanded  a  continental  regiment.  On  the  same 
day,  an  express  arrived  from  Colonel  Sumpter,  with  information  that  an 
escort  of  clothing,  ammunition,  and  other  stores  for  the  garrison  at 
Gamden,  was  on  the  way  from  Ninety-Six,  and  must  pass  the  Wateree 
at  a  ferry  about  a  mile  from  Camden,  which  was  covered  by  a  small 
redoubt  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  One  hundred  regular  infantry 
with  two  brass  field-pieces,  were  immediately  detached  to  join  Colonel 
Sumpter,  who  was  ordered  to  reduce  the  redoubt,  and  to  intercept  the 
convoy.* 

To  attract  the  attention  of  the  garrison  in  Camden,  and  thus  co-ope- 
rate with  the  expedition  under  Sumpter,  it  was  determined  in  a  council 
of  general  officers  to  put  the  army  in  motion  that  evening,  and  to  take 
a  post  about  seven  miles  from  Camden  with  a  deep  creek  in  front. 

The  sick,  the  heavy  baggage,  and  the  military  stores  were  ordered 
under  a  guard  to  Waxhaws,f  and  the  army  was  directed  to  be  in  readi- 
ness to  march  precisely  at  ten  in  the  evening  in  the  following  order. 

Colonel  Armand's  legion  composed  the  van.  Porterfield's  light  in- 
fantry, reinforced  by  a  company  of  picked  men  from  Stevens's  brigade, 
covered  the  right  flank  of  the  legion ;  while  Major  Armstrong's  light 
infantry  of  North  Carolina  militia,  reinforced  in  like  manner  from  Cas- 
well's  division,  covered  the  left.  The  Maryland  division,  followed  by 
the  North  Carolina  and  Virginia  militia,  with  the  artillery,  composed  the 
main  body  and  rear  guard ;  and  the  volunteer  cavalry  were  equally  dis- 
tributed on  the  flanks  of  the  baggage. 

In  the  event  of  an  attack  in  front  by  the  British  cavalry,  the  infantry 
on  the  flanks  were  directed  to  march  up,  and  to  continue  their  fire  on 
the  assailants.  It  was  supposed  they  would  enable  Colonel  Armand  to 
resist  the  shock ;  and  his  orders  were  positive  to  maintain  his  ground 
against  the  cavalry,  whatever  their  numbers  might  be4 

At  the  time  of  communicating  these  orders  to  Colonel  Otho  H.  Wil- 
liams, the  Deputy  Adjutant  General,  Gates,  showed  him  a  rough  esti- 
mate of  the  army,  making  it  upwards  of  seven  thousand.  Convinced 
that  this  estimate  was  exaggerated,  Colonel  Williams  availed  himself  of 

*  Journal  of  Colonel  Williams. 

t  Colonel  Williams  says  these  orders  were  not  executed. 

J  Journal  of  Colonel  Williams. 


344  THE  LIFE  OF 

his  means  of  information  to  make  an  abstract  of  the  whole,  which  he 
presented  to  the  general,  and  which  exhibited  exactly  three  thousand  and 
fifty -two  in  the  column  of  present  fit  for  duty,  of  whom  more  than  two- 
thirds  were  militia.  Gates  expressed  some  surprise  at  the  numbers,  but 
said,  "  there  are  enough  for  our  purpose,"  and  directed  the  orders  to  be 
issued  to  the  army.  About  ten  at  night,  the  line  of  march  was  taken 
up,  and  the  army  had  advanced  about  half  way  to  Camden,  when  a  firing 
commenced  in  front.* 

Intelligence  of  the  approach  of  the  American  army,  and  of  the  defec- 
tion of  the  country  between  Pedee  and  the  Black  River,  had  been 
communicated  to  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  had  induced  him  to  hasten  in 
person  to  Camden,  which  place  he  reached  the  day  Gates  arrived  at 
Clermont. 

The  British  army  did  not  much  exceed  two  thousand  men,  of  whom 
about  nineteen  hundred  were  regulars ;  but,  as  the  whole  country  was 
rising,  Lord  Cornwallis  apprehended  that  every  day  would  strengthen 
his  enemy,  and  therefore  determined  to  attack  him  in  his  camp ;  hoping, 
by  a  prompt  execution  of  this  resolution,  to  surprise  him.  By  one  of 
those  caprices  of  fortune  on  which  great  events  often  depend,  he  march- 
ed from  Camden  to  attack  Gates  in  Clermont,  at  the  very  hour  that 
Gates  moved  from  that  place  towards  Camden.* 

About  half  past  two  in  the  morning,  the  advanced  parties  of  the  hos- 
tile armies,  to  their  mutual  surprise,  met  in  the  woods,  and 
began  to  skirmish  with  each  other.  Some  of  Armand's  ca- 
valry being  wounded  by  the  first  fire,  threw  the  others  into  disorder, 
and  the  whole  recoiled  so  suddenly  that  the  first  Maryland  regiment, 
composing  the  front  of  the  column  was  broken,  and  the  whole  line 
thrown  into  consternation.  From  this  first  impression,  the  raw  troops 
never  recovered.  The  light  infantry,  however,  particularly  Porterfield's 
corps,  behaved  so  well  as  to  check  the  advance  of  the  British.  Unfor- 
tunately, their  gallant  commander  received  a  mortal  wound,  which  com- 
pelled him  to  leave  his  regiment.  Yet  a  part  of  it  kept  its  ground;  and, 
with  the  aid  of  the  legion  infantry,  stopped  the  British  van ;  upon  which 
order  was  restored  to  the  American  army. 

The  officers  were  immediately  employed  in  forming  a  line  of  battle  in 
front.  The  Maryland  division,  including  the  troops  of  Delaware,  were 
on  the  right,  the  North  Carolina  militia  in  the  centre,  and  the  Virginia 
militia  on  the  left. 

In  this  rencounter  some  prisoners  were  made,  from  one  of  whom  Colo- 
nel Williams  drew  the  information  that  the  British  army,1  consisting  of 
*  Journal  of  Colonel  Williams. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  345 

near  three  thousand  men,  commanded  by  Lord  Cornwallis  in  person, 
was  in  full  march  five  or  six  hundred  yards  in  front.  This  intelligence  was 
immediately  communicated  to  General  Gates,  who  had  supposed  Lord 
Cornwallis  to  be  still  in  Charleston.  The  general  officers  were  assem- 
bled in  the  rear  of  the  line,  and  this  information  submitted  to  them.  Af- 
ter a  short  silence,  Stevens  said,  "  Gentlemen,  is  it  not  too  late  to  do  any 
thing  but  fight?"  No  other  advice  being  given,  General  Gates,  who  seems 
to  have  been  himself  disposed  to  risk  a  battle,  directed  the  officers  to  re- 
pair to  their  respective  commands. 

The  ground  on  which  the  army  was  drawn  up  was  so  narrowed  by  a 
marsh  on  each  flank,  as  to  admit  of  removing  the  first  Maryland  brigade, 
so  as  to  form  a  second  line  about  two  hundred  yards  in  rear  of  the  first. 
The  artillery  was  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  first  line,  and  Armstrong's 
light  infantry  was  ordered  to  cover  a  small  interval  between  the  flank  of 
the  left  wing  and  the  marsh. 

Frequent  skirmishes  occurred  during  the  night  between  the  advanced 
parties,  with  scarcely  any  other  effect  than  to  discover  the  situation  of 
the  armies,  evince  the  intention  of  the  generals,  and  serve  as  a  prelude 
to  the  events  of  the  succeeding  morning. 

At  dawn  of  day  the  British  appeared  in  front,  advancing  in  column. 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Webster  commanded  on  the  right,  and  Lord  Rawdon 
on  the  left.  The  seventy -first  regiment  composed  the  reserve.  Four 
field  pieces  were  attached  to  the  left,  and  one  to  the  corps  de  reserve. 

Captain  Singleton  opened  some  field  pieces  on  the  front  of  the  column, 
at  the  distance  of  about  two  hundred  yards,  soon  after  which  the  Ameri- 
can left  was  ordered  to  commence  the  action.  It  was  then  perceived  that 
the  British  right  was  advancing  in  line;  and  as  Stevens  led  on  his  bri- 
gade in  good  order,  Colonel  Williams  advanced  in  front  with  a  few 
volunteers,  intending  by  a  partial  fire  to  extort  that  of  the  enemy  at  some 
distance,  and  thereby  diminish  its  effect  on  the  militia.  The  experiment 
did  not  succeed.  The  British  rushed  forward  with  great  impetuosity, 
firing  and  huzzaing  at  the  same  time;  and  the  terrified  militia,  disre- 
garding the  exertions  of  Stevens,  who,  in  the  firm  tone  of  courage,  en 
deavoured  to  inspire  them  with  confidence  in  the  bayonets  they  had  just 
received,  threw  down  their  loaded  muskels,  fled  from  the  field  with  the 
utmost  precipitation,  and  were  followed  by  the  light  infantry  of  Arm- 
strong. The  whole  North  Carolina  division,  except  one  regiment  com- 
manded by  Colonel  Dixon,  an  old  continental  officer,  which  was  posted 
nearest  the  continental  troops,  followed  the  shameful  example.  Other 
parts  of  the  same  brigade,  which  was  commanded  by  Gregory,  paused 
for  an  instant;  but  the  terror  of  their  brethren  was  soon  .communicated 
2  E 


346  THE  LIFE  OF 

to  them,  and  they  also  threw  away  their  arms,  and  sought  for  safety  in 
flight.  Their  general,  while  endeavouring  to  rally  them,  was  danger- 
ously wounded. 

Tarlton's  legion  charged  them  as  they  broke,  and  pursued  them  in 
their  flight.  Gates,  in  person,  assisted  by  their  generals,  made  several 
efforts'  to  rally  the  militia ;  but  the  alarm  in  their  rear  still  continuing, 
they  poured  on  like  a  torrent,  and  bore  him  with  them.  He  hastened 
with  General  Caswell  to  Clermont,  in  the  hope  of  stopping  a  sufficient 
number  of  them  at  their  old  encampment,  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  con- 
tinental troops ;  but  this  hope  was  entirely  disappointed.  Believing  the 
continental  troops  also  to  be  dispersed,  he  gave  up  all  as  lost,  and  re- 
treated with  a  few  friends  to  Charlotte,  about  eighty  miles  from  the  field 
of  battle,  where  he  left  General  Caswell  to  assemble  the  neighbouring 
militia,  and  proceeded  himself  to  Hillsborough,  in  order  to  concert  some 
plan  of  farther  defence  with  the  government. 

Entirety  deserted  by  the  militia  who  composed  the  whole  centre  and 
left  wing  of  the  army,  the  continental  troops,  with  the  Baron  De  Kalb  at 
their  head,  were  left  without  orders,  under  circumstances  which  might 
have  justified  a  retreat.  But  taking  counsel  from  their  courage,  and 
seeing  only  the  path  of  duty,  they  preferred  the  honourable  and  danger- 
ous part  of  maintaining  their  position.  They  were  charged  by  Lord 
Rawdon  about  the  time  the  militia  on  their  left  were  broken  by  Webster ; 
but  the  charge  was  received  with  unexpected  firmness.  The  bayonet 
was  occasionally  resorted  to  by  both  parties,  and  the  conflict  was  main- 
tained for  near  three  quarters  of  an  hour  with  equal  obstinacy.  During 
this  time,  the  regiment  on  the  left  of  the  second  Maryland  brigade  being 
covered  by  the  reserve,  so  that  it  could  be  only  engaged  in  front,  gained 
ground  and  made  prisoners. 

The  reserve,  having  its  left  entirely  exposed,  was  flanked  by  the 
British  right  wing  under  Webster ;  who,  after  detaching  a  part  of  his 
cavalry  and  light  infantry  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  militia,  wheeled  on  that 
brigade,  and  attacking  it  in  front  and  round  the  left  flank,  threw  it  into 
some  disorder.  The  soldiers  were,  however,  quickly  rallied,  and  re- 
newed the  action  with  unimpaired  spirit.  Overpowered  by  numbers,  they 
were  again  broken,  and  by  the  -exertion  of  their  officers  were  again 
formed,  so  as  still  to  maintain  the  combat,  and  still  to  cover  the  flank  of 
their  brethren  of  the  second  brigade,  who  were  in  a  manner  blended  with 
the  enemy,  and  who  kept  up  a  desperate  conflict  in  the  hope  of  yet  ob- 
taining the  victory. 

The  fire  of  the  whole  British  army  was  now  directed  against  these  two 
devoted  brigades.  They  had  not  lost  an  inch  of  ground  when  Lord 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  347 

Cornwallis,  perceiving  that  they  were  without  cavalry,  pushed  his  dra- 
goons upon  them,  and  at  the  same  instant,  charged  them  with  the  bayonet. 
These  gallant  troops  were  no  longer  able  to  keep  the  field.  They  were  at 
length  broken ;  and,  as  they  did  not  give  way  until  intermingled  with  the 
enemy,  they  dispersed  and  fled  in  confusion.  Before  they  were  reduced 
to  this  last  extremity,  the  Baron  De  Kalb,  who  fought  on  foot  with  the 
second  Maryland  brigade,  fell  under  eleven  wounds.  His  aid-de-camp, 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Du  Buysson,  received  him  in  his  arms,  announced 
his  rank  and  nation  to  the  surrounding  foe,  and  begged  that  they  would 
spare  his  life.  While  thus  generously  exposing  himself  to  save  his  friend, 
he  received  several  wounds,  and,  with  his  general,  was  taken  prisoner. 
The  Baron  expired  in  a  few  hours,  and  spent  his  last  breath  in  dictating 
a  letter,  expressing  the  warmest  affection  for  the  officers  and  men  of  his 
division,  and  the  most  exalted  admiration  of  their  courage  and  good  con- 
duct.* 

Never  was  a  victory  more  complete.  Every  corps  was  broken  and 
dispersed  in  the  woods.  The  general  officers  were  divided  from  their 
men ;  and,  except  Rutherford  of  the  North  Carolina  militia  who  was 
made  a  prisoner,  reached  Charlotte  at  different  times.  Colonel  Wil- 
liams, who  witnessed  the  whole  battle,  and  bore  a  conspicuous  part  in  it, 
concludes  his  very  animated  description  of  it,  with  the  observation,  that 
"  if  in  this  affair  the  militia  fled  too  soon,  the  regulars  may  be  thought 
almost  as  blameable  for  remaining  too  long  on  the  field  ;  especially  after 
all  hope  of  victory  must  have  been  despaired  of."  He  censures  freely 
the  conduct  of  the  brigadiers,  who  gave,  he  says,  no  orders  whatever  to 
their  brigades. 

About  two  hundred  wagons,  with  a  great  part  of  the  baggage,  mili- 
tary stores,  small  arms,  and  all  the  artillery,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
conqueror.  The  loss  of  men  could  never  be  accurately  ascertained,  as 
no  returns  were  received  from  the  militia.  Of  the  North  Carolina  divi- 
sion, between  three  and  four  hundred  were  made  prisoners,  and  between 
sixty  and  one  hundred  were  wounded.  Of  the  Virginia  militia,  three 
were  wounded  on  the  field ;  and,  as  they  were  the  first  to  fly,  not  many 
were  taken. 

For  the  numbers  engaged,  the  loss  sustained  by  the  regulars  was  con- 
siderable. It  amounted  to  between  three  and  four  hundred  men,  of  whom 
a  large  portion  were  officers.  The  British  accounts  state  the  loss  of  the 
American  army  at  eight  or  nine  hundred  killed,  and  about  one  thousand 
prisoners ;  while  their  own  is  said  to  be  only  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
five,  of  whom  two  hundred  and  forty-five  were  wounded.  Although 
*  Journal  of  Colonel  Williams. 


.348  THE  LIFE  OF 

many  of  the  militia  were  killed  during  the  flight,  this  account  is  probably 
exaggerated.  It  would  seem  too,  that  while  the  continental  troops  kept 
the  field,  the  loss  on  both  sides,  in  that  part  of  the  action,  must  have  been 
nearly  equal. 

On  his  retreat,  the  day  of  the  battle,  General  Gates  received  informa- 
tion of  the  complete  success  of  Sumpter.  That  officer  had,  on  the  eve- 
ning that  Lord  Cornwallis  marched  from  Camden,  reduced  the  redoubt 
on  the  Wateree,  captured  the  guard,  and  intercepted  the  escort  with  the 
stores. 

This  gleam  of  light  cheered  the  dark  gloom  which  enveloped  his  af- 
fairs but  for  a  moment.  He  was  soon  informed  that  this  corps  also  was 
defeated,  and  entirely  dispersed. 

On  hearing  of  the  disaster  which  had  befallen  Gates,  Sumpter  began 
to  retreat  up  the  south  side  of  the  Wateree.  Believing  himself  out  of 
danger,  he  had  halted  on  the  twenty-eighth,  during  the  heat  of  the 
day,  near  the  Catawba  Ford,  to  give  his  harassed  troops  some  repose. 
At  that  place  he  was  overtaken  by  Tarlton,  who  had  been  detached  in 
pursuit  of  him  on  the  morning  of  the  17th,  and  who,  advancing  with  his 
accustomed  celerity,  entered  the  American  camp  so  suddenly,  as  in  a 
great  measure  to  cut  off  the  men  from  their  arms.  Some  slight  resistance 
made  from  behind  the  wagons  was  soon  overcome,  and  the  Americans 
fled  precipitately  to  the  river  and  woods.  Between  three  and  four  hun 
dred  of  them  were  killed  and  wounded  ;  their  baggage,  artillery,  arms 
and  ammunition  were  lost;  and  the  prisoners  and  stores  they  had  taken 
were  recovered.  This  advantage  was  gained  with  the  loss  of  only  nine 
men  killed  and  six  wounded. 

Two  videttes  had  been  placed  by  Sumpter,  on  the  road  along  which 
Tarlton  had  advanced,  who  fired  upon  his  van  and  killed  one  of  his  dra- 
goons, upon  which  they  were  both  sabred.  We  are  informed  by  Colonel 
Tarlton  that  the  inquiries  made  by  Sumpter  respecting  the  two  shots, 
were  answered  by  an  assurance  from  an  officer,  just  returned  from  the 
advanced  sentries,  that  the  militia  were  firing  at  cattle. 

Intelligence  of  this  disaster  reached  Charlotte  next  day.  Generals 
Smallwood  and  Gist  were  then  arrived  at  that  place,  and  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  straggling,  dispirited,  half  famished  officers  and  soldiers 
had  also  dropped  in.  It  was  thought  adviseable  to  retreat  immediately  to 
Salisbury.  From  that  place,  General  Gates  directed  the  remnant  of  the 
troops  to  march  to  Hillsborough,  where  he  was  endeavouring  to  assemble 
another  army,  which  might  enable  him  yet  to  contend  for  the  southern 
states. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  349 

- 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Distress  in  the  American  camp. — Expedition  against  Staten  Island — Requisitions  on 
the  states. — New  scheme  of  finance. — Committee  of  congress  deputed  to  camp. — 
Resolution  to  make  up  depreciation  of  pay. — Mutiny  in  the  line  of  Connecticut. — 
General  Knyphausen  enters  Jersey. — Sir  Henry  Clinton  returns  to  New  York. — 
Skirmish  at  Springfield. — Exertions  to  strengthen  the  army. — Bank  established  in 
Philadelphia. — Contributions  of  the  ladies. — Farther  proceedings  of  the  states. — 
Arrival  of  a  French  armament  in  Rhode  Island. — Changes  in  the  quartermaster's 
department. — Enterprise  against  New  York  abandoned. — .-Naval  superiority  of  the 
British. 

WHILE  disasters  thus  crowded  on  each  other  in  the  southern  states, 
the  Commander-in-chief  found  himself  surrounded  with  diffi- 
culties, which  required  his  utmost  exertions  to  avoid  calamities 
equally  distressing.     His  urgent  requisitions  for  men  to  supply  the  places 
of  those  who  were  leaving  the  service,  were  not  complied  with,  and  the 
soldiers  who  remained,  could  scarcely  be  preserved  from  either  perishing 
with  cold  and  hunger,  or  dispersing  and  living  on  plunder. 

General  Greene  and  Colonel  Wadsworth,  who  had,  for  the  preceding 
year,  been  at  the  head  of  the  quartermaster  and  commissary  depart- 
ments, possessed  distinguished  merit,  and  had  employed  assistants  of 
unquestionable  ability  and  integrity.  Yet,  for  a  great  part  of  the  cam- 
paign, the  rations  were  frequently  reduced,  and  the  army  was  rarely 
supplied  with  provisions  for  more  than  a  few  days  in  advance.  Soon 
after  coming  into  winter  quarters,  the  magazines  were  exhausted,  and 
afforded  neither  meat  nor  flour  to  be  delivered  to  the  men. 

This  state  of  things  had  been  long  foreseen ;  and  all  the  means  in  the 
power  of  the  Commander-in-chief  had  been  used  to  prevent  it.  Repeat- 
ed representations  of  the  actual  famine  with  which  the  army  was  threat- 
ened, had  been  made  to  congress,  and  to  the  state  governments ;  but  no 
adequate  relief  was  afforded ;  and  such  was  the  condition  of  the  finances, 
so  embarrassing  the  state  of  affairs,  that  it  was  perhaps  attainable  only 
by  measures  which  the  governments  could  not  venture  to  adopt. 

The  rapid  depreciation  of  the  continental  currency,  had  long  been 
viewed  with  apprehensive  anxiety  by  the  enlightened  friends  of  the  revo- 
lution, and  various  unsuccessful  expedients  had  been  essayed  for  the 
purpose  of  checking  its  progress.  All  perceived  that  the  great  quantity 
in  circulation  was  the  principal  cause  of  the  diminution  of  its  value  ;  and 
congress  had  resolved  not  to  exceed  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars  in 
their  emissions.  In  the  mean  time,  the  utmost  endeavours  were  used  to 

VOL.  i.  23 


350  THE  LIFE  OF 

. 

defer  an  evil  so  justly  dreaded,  and  among  the  expedients  employed,  was 
that  of  withholding  from  the  public  agents,  the  money  which  was  neces- 
sary for  public  purposes.  This  unwise  experiment,  while  it  defeated  its 
own  object,  threatened  the  dissolution  of  the  American  army. 

The  difference  between  the  value  of  the  article  at  the  times  of  contract 
and  of  payment  was  soon  perceived,  and,  of  course,  influenced  its  price. 
But  this  was  the  least  mischievous  consequence  of  this  mistaken  policy. 
The  public  agents  contracted  enormous  debts  which  they  were  unable  to 
discharge.  Repeated  disappointments  destroyed  their  credit ;  and,  to- 
wards the  close  of  the  year  1779,  they  found  it  impracticable  to  obtain 
supplies  for  the  subsistence  of  the  army. 

From  these  causes,  the  contracts  entered  into  could  not  be  co-extensive 
with  the  public  wants ;  and  many  of  those  which  were  made  were  not 
complied  with. 

In  this  critical  state  of  things,  an  entire  revolution  was  made  in  the 
commissary  department.  Such  was  the  prejudices  against  the  system 
adopted  by  Great  Britain,  for  supplying  by  contract,  that  it  had  been 
usual  to  allow,  as  a  compensation  to  the  commissary,  a  stipulated  com- 
mission on  all  the  monies  expended  on  public  account.  After  some  time, 
this  allowance  was  supposed  to  be  an  inducement  to  purchase  at  high 
prices ;  and  an  arrangement  was  made  on  the  first  of  January,  by  which 
the  commissary  general  was  to  receive  a  fixed  nominal  salary  in  the 
paper  currency,  and  was  permitted  to  appoint  assistants  whose  compen- 
sations were  also  fixed,  and  who  were  to  defray,  out  of  those  compensa- 
tions, all  the  expenses  attending  the  transactions  of  the  business.  The 
practice  of  allowing  them  rations  and  forage  was  discontinued. 

This  new  system  was  unfortunately  so  modified  as  to  increase  the  em- 
barrassments of  the  department.  It  was  found  difficult  to  obtain  assistants 
and  agents  for  the  compensation  allowed  ;  and  those  who  were  willing 
to  be  employed,  were  unequal  to  the  duties  assigned  them. 

For  several  days,  the  soldiers  were  reduced  to  half  allowance,  and 
sometimes  to  less.  At  length,  affairs  came  to  the  crisis  which  had  long 
been  threatened ;  and,  early  in  January,  a  letter  was  received  from 
Colonel  Wadsworth,  informing  the  general  that  it  was  absolutely  out  of 
his  power  to  supply  the  army  longer  with  meat,  as  he  was  without  money, 
and  had  totally  exhausted  his  credit.  About  the  same  time,  the  assistant 
commissary,  residing  in  camp,  gave  notice  that  his  stock  of  provisions 
was  on  the  point  of  being  expended,  and  that  he  had  no  immediate  pros- 
pect of  a  farther  supply. 

This  state  of  things,  compelled  the  Commander-in-chief  to  adopt  effi- 
cacious measures,  to  relieve  the  immediate  and  pressing  wants  of  his 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  351 

soldiers.  He  required  from  each  county  in  the  state  of  Jersey,  a  quantity 
of  meat  and  flour  proportioned  to  its  resources,  to  be  raised  and  forward- 
ed to  the  army  within  a  limited  time,  not  exceeding  six  days.  In  a  cir- 
cular letter  addressed  to  the  magistrates,  he  stated  the  pressing  wants 
of  the  army,  and  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  coercion  should  his  requi- 
sition fail. 

To  the  honour  of  the  magistrates  and  people  of  New  Jersey,  although 
their  country  was  much  exhausted,  the  supplies  required  were  instantly 
furnished,  and  a  temporary  relief  obtained. 

The  patient  and  uncomplaining  fortitude  with  which  the  soldiers  bore 
their  sufferings,  was  strong  evidence  of  their  patriotism,  and  could  not 
fail  to  make  a  deep  impression  on  their  general.  But  while  their  virtues 
excited  his  sensibilities,  he  expressed  his  fears  very  freely  to  congress, 
that  they  might  be  too  severely  tried. 

The  unusual  severity  of  the  winter,  seemed  to  furnish  an  opportunity 
for  active  enterprise,  which  the  Commander-in-chief  observed,  without 
being  able  to  improve.  The  garrison  of  New  York  and  its  immediate 
dependencies,  was  supposed  to  be  reduced  to  ten  or  eleven  thousand 
effectives ;  and  the  security  heretofore  derived  from  its  insular  situation  no 
longer  existed.  The  ice  was  so  strong  that  the  whole  army,  with  its  train 
of  wagons  and  artillery,  might  pass  over  without  danger.  This  circum- 
stance afforded  a  glorious  occasion  for  striking  a  blow,  which,  if  success- 
ful, would  most  probably  terminate  the  war.  The  effort  would  seem 
not  to  have  exceeded  the  strength  of  America,  could  that  strength  have 
been  exerted  in  proper  season ;  but  the  government  possessed  neither 
sufficient  energy  nor  concentration  of  power  to  call  it  forth ;  and  this  op- 
portunity passed  away,  as  many  which  present  themselves  in  the  course 
of  human  affairs,  must  pass  away,  if  those  who  should  take  advantage  of 
them,  only  begin  to  deliberate  about  making  preparations  in  the  season 
for  action. 

The  force  under  the  immediate  command  of  General  Washington,  was 
decidedly  inferior  to  that  in  New  York;  and  so  far  was  he  from  having 
reason  to  expect  immediate  reinforcements,  that  congress  had  not  agreed 
on  making  a  requisition  for  them.  In  addition  to  this  feebleness  in  point 
of  numbers,  the  soldiers  were  not  half  clothed;  provisions  for  immediate 
use  could  be  obtained  only  by  contributions  from  the  people  ;  the  quar- 
termaster's department  was  unable  to  put  an  army  in  motion ;  and  the 
military  chest  did  not  contain  a  dollar. 

Under  the  pressure  of  this  combination  of  discouraging  circumstances, 
the  active  mind  of  Washington  still  looked  forward  to  the  possibility  of 
deriving  some  advantage  from  the  exposed  situation  of  his  adversary. 


352  THE  LIFE  OF  ,;. 

The  troops  on  Staten  Island  were  computed  at  one  thousand  or  twelve 
hundred  men ;  and  the  firm  bridge  of  ice  now  uniting  that  island  to  the 
Jersey  shore,  seemed  to  furnish  an  opportunity  for  bearing  offthis  corps. 
General  Washington  determined  to  make  the  attempt  with  two  thousand 
five  hundred  men,  to  be  commanded  by  Major  General  Lord  Stirling. 
The  more  distant  troops  moved  down  on  sleds ;  and,  to  favour  a  sur- 
prise, the  opinion  was  inculcated  that  they  only  constituted  a  relief  for 
the  detachment  already  on  the  lines. 

On  the  night  of  the  14th  of  January,  Lord  Stirling  moved  over  from 
De  Hart's  point;  and,  detaching  Lieutenant  Colonel  Willet  to  Decker's 
house,  where  Buskirk's  regiment  was  stationed,  proceeded  himself  to  the 
watering  place,  where  the  main  body  was  posted.  Notwithstanding  the 
precautions  which  had  been  taken,  the  alarm  had  been  given  at  each 
post,  and  the  troops  had  saved  themselves  in  their  works;  so  that  only 
a  few  prisoners  were  made.  Contrary  to  the  intelligence  previously  re- 
ceived, the  communication  with  New  York  was  still  open ;  and  the  works 
appeared  too  strong  to  justify  the  hazard  of  attempting  to  carry  them  by 
assault. 

The  object  of  the  expedition  being  unattainable,  Lord  Stirling  com- 
menced his  retreat,  which  was  effected  with  inconsiderable  loss.  A  body 
of  cavalry,  which  charged  his  rear,  was  repulsed;  but,  from  the  intense- 
ness  of  the  cold,  and  the  defectiveness  of  his  means  to  protect  his  men 
from  it,  some  of  them  were  frost  bitten,  and  a  few  stragglers  were  made 
prisoners. 

The  excessive  cold  continuing,  the  rivers  were  soon  afterwards  com- 
pletely blocked  up.  Even  arms  of  the  sea  were  passable  on  the  ice;  and 
the  islands  about  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson,  presented  the  appearance  of 
one  whole  and  unbroken  continent.  This  state  of  things  produced  a 
great  degree  of  suffering  among  all  classes  in  New  York.  The  supplies 
usually  received  by  water  failed  totally,  and  a  great  scarcity  of  provi- 
sions and  of  fuel  was  the  consequence.  To  increase  this  scarcity,  the 
American  troops  on  the  lines  were  so  disposed  as  to  interrupt  the  com- 
munication between  the  country  and  the  town;  and  these  arrangements 
produced  a  partisan  war,  in  which  the  advantage  was  rather  on  the  side 
of  the  British. 

In  one  of  the  most  important  of  these  skirmishes,  Captain  Roberts,  of 
Massachusetts,  with  fourteen  of  his  men,  were  killed  on  the  spot;  seven- 
teen were  wounded,  of  whom  three  died  in  a  few  days;  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Thompson,  of  Massachusetts,  who  commanded  the  party,  two  cap- 
tains, four  subalterns,  and  ninety  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates 
were  made  prisoners. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  353 

The  emission  of  the  full  sum  of  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars  in  con- 
tinental bills  of  credit,  which  congress  had  solemnly  resolved  not  to  ex- 
ceed, had  been  completed  in  November,  1779,  and  the  money  was  ex- 
pended. The  requisitions  on  the  states  to  replenish  the  treasury  by 
taxes  were  not  fully  complied  with ;  and,  had  they  even  been  strictly 
observed,  would  not  have  produced  a  sum  equal  to  the  public  expendi- 
ture. It  was  therefore  necessary  to  devise  other  measures  for  the  pro- 
secution of  the  war.  During  the  distresses  which  brought  the  army  to 
the  brink  of  dissolution,  these  measures  were  under  consideration.  So 
early  as  December,  1779,  congress  had  determined  to  change  the  mode 
of  supplying  the  army  from  purchases  to  requisitions  of  specific  articles 
on  the  several  states.  As  preliminary  to  this  system,  commissioners 
were  appointed  to  make  the  estimates,  and  to  introduce  every  practica- 
ble reform  in  the  expenditures.  This  subject  was  under  deliberation 
until  the  25th  of  February,  when  sundry  resolutions  were  passed,  ap- 
portioning on  the  states  their  respective  quotas  of  provisions,  spirits,  and 
forage,  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  The  value  of  the  several  articles 
was  estimated  in  specie ;  and  assurances  were  given  that  accounts  be- 
tween the  states  should  be  regularly  kept,  and  finally  settled  in  Spanish 
milled  dollars. 

For  the  purpose  of  inducing  and  facilitating  a  compliance  with  these 
requisitions,  congress  also  resolved,  "  that  any  state  which  shall  have 
taken  the  necessary  measures  for  furnishing  its«quota,  and  have  given 
notice  thereof  to  congress,  shall  be  authorized  to  prohibit  any  continen 
tal  quartermaster  or  commissary  from  purchasing  within  its  limits." 

These  resolutions,  constituting  the  basis  of  a  new  system  on  which  the 
future  subsistence  of  the  army  was  essentially  to  depend,  were  too  deep- 
ly interesting  not  to  receive  the  anxious  attention  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief.  .  With  regret,  he  communicated  to  congress  the  radical  defects  he 
perceived  in  their  arrangements,  with  his  apprehensions  that  this  untried 
scheme  would  fail  in  practice. 

His  judgment,  and  the  judgment  of  all  men  engaged  in  high  and  re- 
sponsible situations,  was  decidedly  in  favour  of  conducting  the  war  on  a 
national  rather  than  on  a  state  system.  But,  independent  of  this  radical 
objection,  economy  had  been  so  much  more  consulted  than  the  probable 
necessities  of  the  army,  that,  in  almost  every  article,  the  estimate  had 
fallen  far  short  of  the  demand  to  be  reasonably  expected. 

The  total  omission  to  provide  means  for  supplying  occasional  deficien- 
cies from  the  surplus  resources  of  any  particular  state,  was  an  error  of 
still  greater  magnitude.  It  was  obvious  that  the  demand  in  any  state 
which  should  become  the  theatre  of  war,  would  be  much  greater  than 


354  THE  LIFE  OF 

its  quota ;  and  experience  had  shown  that  the  carriage  of  specific  arti- 
cles from  distant  places  was  always  difficult  and  expensive,  and  some- 
limes  impracticable.  Yet  no  means  were  adopted  to  supply  such  extra- 
ordinary demand,  whatever  might  be  the  resources  of  the  country.  A 
still  more  radical  objection  to  the  system  was  the  principle,  enabling  any 
state  which  should  take  means  to  comply  with  the  requisition,  and 
should  notify  those  means  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  to 
prohibit  the  continental  agents  from  making  any  purchases  within  its 
territory.  Among  the  states  which  adopted  the  proposition  of  congress 
was  New  Jersey,  in  which  the  largest  division  of  the  army  was  station- 
ed. Its  legislature  passed  an  act  prohibiting  the  purchase  of  provisions 
within  its  jurisdiction  by  the  staff  of  the  continental  line,  under  severe 
penalties ;  and  refused  to  authorize  its  own  agents  to  provide  for  any 
emergency  however  pressing.  It  was  an  additional  objection  to  these 
requisitions,  that  they  specified  no  periods  of  the  year  within  which  cer 
tain  portions  of  the  articles  demanded  should  be  raised,  and  consequent- 
ly might  be  complied  with,  although  the  army  should  be  left  destitute  of 
every  necessary  for  a  considerable  part  of  the  campaign. 

These  suggestions,  however,  with  others  less  material  to  the  military 
operations,  did  not  receive  the  attention  which  was  due  to  their  import- 
ance. A  disposition  in  the  members  of  congress,  growing  inevitably 
out  of  the  organization  of  the  government,  to  consult  the  will  of  their  re- 
spective states,  and  to  ^prefer  that  will  to  any  other  object,  had  disco- 
vered itself  at  an  early  period,  and  had  gained  strength  with  time.  The 
state  of  the  national  treasury  was  calculated  to  promote  this  disposition. 
It  was  empty,  and  could  be  replenished  only  by  taxes,  which  congress 
had  not  the  power  to  impose;  or  by  new  emissions  of  bills  of  credit, 
which  the  government  had  pledged  the  public  faith  not  to  make,  and  which 
would  rest  for  their  redemption  only  on  that  faith,  which  would  be  vio- 
lated in  the  very  act  of  their  emission.  Under  these  circumstances,  it 
required  a  degree  of  energy  seldom  found,  to  struggle  with  surrounding 
difficulties  for  the  preservation  of  a  general  system,  and  to  resist  the 
temptation  to  throw  the  nation  at  the  feet  of  the  states,  in  whom  the  vital 
principle  of  power,  the  right  to  levy  taxes,  was  exclusively  vested. 
While  the  continental  currency  preserved  its  value,  this  essential  defect 
of  the  constitution  was,  in  some  measure,  concealed.  The  facility  with 
which  money  was  obtained  from  the  press,  was  a  temporary  substitute 
for  the  command  of  the  resources  of  the  country.  But  when  this  expe- 
dient failed,  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  advance  a  single  step,  but  under 
the  guidance  of  the  respective  states. 

Whatever  might  be  the  future  effect  of  this  system,  it  was  impractica- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  355 

ble  to  bring  it  into  immediate  operation.  The  legislatures  of  the  several 
states^  by  whom  it  was  to  be  adopted,  and  carried  into  execution,  were, 
many  of  them,  not  then  in  session;  and  were  to  meet  at  different  times 
through  the  ensuing  spring.  It  was  consequently  to  be  expected  that 
great  part  of  the  summer  would  pass  away  before  the  supplies  to  bo 
raised  by  the  measure,  could  be  brought  into  use.  In  the  mean  time, 
and  until  a  new  scheme  of  finance,  which  accompanied  the  requisition 
of  specific  articles,  should  be  tried,  there  was  no  regular  provision  for 
the  army.  Bills  to  the  amount  of  £100,000  sterling,  payable  at  six 
months'  sight,  were  drawn  on  Mr.  Jay,  and  others  to  the  same  amount, 
on  Mr.  Laurens,  who  were  empowered  to  negotiate  loans  in  Europe. 
These  bills  were  sold  in  small  sums  on  pressing  occasions ;  and  the  loan 
offices  remained  open  for  the  purpose  of  borrowing  from  individuals. 

This  new  scheme  of  finance  was  a  second  essay  to  substitute  credit 
unsupported  by  solid  funds,  and  resting  solely  on  the  public  faith,  for 
money. 

The  vast  quantity  of  bills  unavoidably  emitted  before  the  establish- 
ment of  regular  governments  possessing  sufficient  energy  to  enforce  the 
collection  of  taxes,  or  to  provide  for  their  redemption,  and  before  the  go- 
vernments of  Europe  were  sufficiently  confident  of  their  stability  to  afford 
them  aid  or  credit,  was  assigned  by  congress  as  the  principal  cause  of 
that  depreciation  which  had  taken  place  in  the  continental  currency. 
The  United  States  were  now,  they  said,  under  .different  circumstances. 
Their  independence  was  secure ;  their  civil  governments  were  establish- 
ed and  vigorous ;  and  the  spirit  of  their  citizens  ardent  for  exertion. 
The  government  being  thus  rendered  competent  to  the  object,  it  was 
necessary  to  reduce  the  quantity  of  paper  in  circulation,  and  to  appro- 
priate funds  that  should  ensure  the  punctual  redemption  of  the  bills. 

For  these  purposes,  the  several  states  were  required  to  continue  to 
bring  into  the  continental  treasury,  monthly,  from  February  to  April 
inclusive,  their  full  quotas  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars.  In  complying 
with  this  requisition,  one  Spanish  milled  dollar  was  to  be  received  in  lieu 
of  forty, dollars  of  the  paper  currency. 

The  bills  so  brought  in  were  not  to  be  reissued,  but  destroyed ;  and 
other  bills,  not  to  exceed  one  dollar  for  every  twenty  received  in  dis- 
charge of  taxes,  were  to  be  emitted. 

These  bills  were  to  be  redeemable  within  six  years,  and  were  to  bear 
an  interest  of  five  per  centum  per  annum,  to  be  paid  at  the  time  of  their 
redemption  in  specie,  or,  at  the  election  of  the  holder,  annually,  in  bills  of 
exchange  drawn  by  the  United  States  on  their  commissioners  in  Europe, 
at  four  shillings  and  six  pence  sterling  for  each  dollar.  They  were  to 


356  THE  LIFE  OF 

be  issued  in  ascertained  proportions  on  the  funds  of  the  several  states, 
with  a  collateral  security  on  the  part  of  the  government,  to  pay  the 
quota  of  any  particular  state,  which  the  events  of  the  war  might  render 
incapable  of  complying  with  its  own  engagements.  The  bills  were  to 
be  deposited  in  the  continental  loan-offices  of  the  several  states,  and  were 
to  be  signed  only  as  the  money  then  in  circulation  should  be  brought  in 
by  taxes  or  otherwise.  After  being  signed,  six-tenths  of  them  were  to 
be  delivered  to  the  states  on  whose  funds  they  were  to  be  issued,  and  the 
remaining  four-tenths  to  be  retained  for  the  use  of  the  continent. 

The  operation  of  this  scheme  of  finance  was  necessarily  suspended 
by  the  same  causes  which  suspended  that  for  requiring  specific  articles. 
It  depended  on  the  sanction  and  co-operation  of  the  several  state  legisla- 
tures, many  of  which  were  yet  to  convene. 

As  it  would  be  impracticable  to  maintain  the  value  of  the  money  about 
to  be  emitted,  should  the  states  continue  to  issue  bills  of  credit,  they  were 
earnestly  requested  to  suspend  future  emissions,  and  to  call  the  current 
paper  out  of  circulation.  But  the  time  for  this  measure  was  not  yet 
arrived,  and  many  of  the  states  continued  the  use  of  the  press  till  late 
in  the  following  year. 

The  establishment  of  the  army  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  was  fixed  at 
thirty -five  thousand  two  hundred  and  eleven  men,  and  the  measures  for 
recruiting  it  were  founded  on  the  state  system,  which  was  become  en- 
tirely predominant. 

The  few  intelligent  statesmen  who  could  combine  practical  good  sense 
with  patriotism,  perceived  the  dangerous  inefficacy  of  a  system  which 
openly  abandoned  the  national  character,  -and  proceeded  on  the  princi- 
ple that  the  American  confederacy  was  no  more  than  an  alliance  of  in- 
dependent nations. 

That  great  delays  would  be  experienced,  that  the  different  parts  of  the 
plan  would  be  acted  on  too  unequally  and  too  uncertainly  to  furnish  a 
solid  basis  for  military  calculations,  that  the  system  would  be  totally 
deranged  in  its  execution,  were  mischiefs  foreseen  and  lamented  by 
many,  as  resulting  inevitably  from  a  course  of  measures  to  which  the 
government  of  the  Union  was  under  the  painful  necessity  of  submitting. 

"  Certain  I  am,"  said  the  Commander-in-chief,  in  a  confidential  letter 
to  a  member  of  the  national  legislature,  "  that  unless  congress  speaks 
in  a  more  decisive  tone  ;  unless  they  are  vested  w'th  powers  by  the  seve- 
ral states,  competent  to  the  great  purposes  of  the  war,  or  assume  them 
as  matter  of  right,  and  they  and  the  states  respectively  act  with  more 
energy  than  they  hitherto  have  done,  our  cause  is  lost.  We  can  no 
longer  drudge  on  in  the  old  way.  By  ill-timing  the  adoption  of  mea* 


UEORGE  WASHINGTON.  357 

sures ;  by  delays  in  the  execution  of  them,  or  by  unwarrantable  jea- 
lousies ;  we  incur  enormous  expenses,  and  derive  no  benefit  from  them. 
One  state  will  comply  with  a  requisition  from  congress  ;  another  neglects 
to  do  it ;  a  third  executes  it  by  halves ;  and  all  differ  in  the  manner,  the 
matter,  or  so  much  in  point  of  time,  that  we  are  all  working  up  hill ; 
and,  while  such  a  system  as  the  present  one,  or  rather  want  of  one,  pre- 
vails, we  ever  shall  be  unable  to  apply  our  strength  or  resources  to  any 
advantage. 

"  This,  my  dear  sir,  is  plain  language  to  a  member  of  congress  ;  but 
it  is  the  language  of  truth  and  friendship.  It  is  the  result  of  long  think- 
ing, close  application,  and  strict  observation.  I  see  one  head  gradually 
changing  into  thirteen;  I  see  one  army  branching  into  thirteen;  and, 
instead  of  looking  up  to  congress  as  the  supreme  controlling  power  of 
the  United  States,  consider  themselves  as  dependent  on  their  respective 
states.  In  a  word,  I  see  the  power  of  congress  declining  too  fast  for  the 
respect  which  is  due  to  them  as  the  great  representative  body  of  Ame- 
rica, and  am  fearful  of  the  consequences." 

But  whatever  might  be  his  objections  to  the  proposed  system,  Gene- 
ral Washington  was  unremitting  in  his  endeavours  to  render  the  plan 
perfect  in  detail,  and  to  give  to  its  execution  all  the  aid  which  his  situa- 
tion and  influence  enabled  him  to  afford. 

The  distresses  of  the  army  for  food,  which  had  found  temporary  re- 
lief in  the  particular  exertions  of  the  magistrates  and  people  of  New 
Jersey,  soon  returned ;  and  it  became  once  more  necessary,  even  after 
the  magazines  had  been  in  some  degree  replenished,  to  recur  to  the 
same  persons  for  assistance.  The  supplies  of  forage  had  failed,  and  a 
great  proportion  of  the  horses  had  perished,  or  been  rendered  unfit  for 
use.  Neither  funds  nor  credit  were  possessed  for  the  purchase  of  others, 
and  the  quarter-master-general  found  himself  unable  to  transport  provi- 
sions from  remote  magazines  into  camp.  This  circumstance  reduced 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  the  painful  necessity  of  calling  on  the  pa- 
triotism of  private  citizens,  under  the  penalty  of  a  military  impressment, 
should  a  voluntary  contribution  be  refused,  for  those  jjieans  of  convey- 
ance which  the  government  could  not  supply. 

The  want  of  food  was  not  the  only  difficulty  to  be  surmounted. 
Others  of  a  serious  nature  presented  themselves.  The  pay  of  an  officer 
was  reduced  by  the  depreciation  of  the  currency,  to  such  a  miserable 
pittance  as  to  be  unequal  to  the  supply  of  the  most  moderate  demands. 
The  pay  of  a  major  general  would  no  longer  hire  an  express  rider,  and 
that  of  a  captain  would  not  purchase  the  shoes  in  which  lie  marched. 
The  American  officers  were  not  rich ;  and  many  of  them  had  expended 
2  F 


358  THE  LIFE  OF 

their  little  all  in  the  service.  If  they  had  exhausted  their  private  funds, 
or  if  they  possessed  none,  they  could  rely  only  on  the  state  to  which 
they  belonged  for  such  clothing  as  the  state  might  be  willing  or  able  to 
furnish.  .These  supplies  were  so  insufficient  and  unequal,  as  to  produce 
extreme  dissatisfaction.  In  the  lines  of  some  of  the  states,  the  officers 
gave  notice  in  a  body,  of  their  determination  to  resign  on  a  given  day, 
if  some  decent  and  certain  provision  should  not  be  made  for  them.  The 
remonstrances  of  the  Commander-in-chief  produced  an  offer  to  serve  as 
volunteers  until  their  successors  should  be  appointed  ;  and,  on  the  rejec- 
tion of  this  proposition,  they  were  with  difficulty  induced  to  remain  in 
service. 

Under  these  complicated  embarrassments,  it  required  all  that  enthu- 
siastic patriotism  which  pre-eminently  distinguishes  the  soldier  of  prin- 
ciple ;  all  that  ardent  attachment  to  the  cause  of  their  country  which 
originally  brought  them  into  the  field,  and  which  their  sufferings  could 
not  diminish ;  all  the  influence  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  whom  they 
almost  adored ;  to  retain  in  the  service  men  who  felt  themselves  neglect- 
ed, and  who  believed  themselves  to  be  the  objects  of  the  jealousy  of  their 
country,  rather  than  of  its  gratitude. 

Among  the  privates,  causes  of  disgust  grew  out  of  the  very  composition 
of  the  army,  which  increased  the  dissatisfaction  produced  by  their  mul- 
tiplied wants. 

The  first  effort  made  to  enlist  troops  for  the  war,  had,  in  some  degree, 
succeeded.  While  these  men  found  themselves  obliged  to  continue  in 
service  without  compensation,  and  often  without  the  common  necessa- 
ries of  life,  they  perceived  the  vacant  ranks  in  their  regiments  filled  up 
by  men  who  were  to  continue  only  for  a  few  months,  and  who  received 
bounties  for  that  short  service,  from  individuals  or  from  the  states,  which 
were  of  great  real  value,  and  which  appeared  to  soldiers  not  acquainted 
with  the  actual  state  of  depreciation,  to  be  immense.  They  could  not 
fail  to  compare  situations,  and  to  repine  at  engagements  which  deprived 
them  of  advantages  which  they  saw  in  possession  of  others.  Many 
were  induced  to  rontest  those  engagements  ;*  many  to  desert  a  service 
in  which  they  experienced  such  irritating  inequalities ;  and  all  felt  with 
the  more  poignant  indignation,  those  distressing  failures  in  the  commis- 
sary department,  which  so  frequently  recurred. 

In  consequence  of  the  strong  representations  made  to  congress  on 

*  In  some  instances,  the  civil  power  of  the  state  in  which  such  soldiers  happened 
to  be,  attempted  to  interfere  and  to  discharge  even  those  belonging  to  the  lines  of  other 
states,  who  asserted  their  right  to  be  discharged.  It  was  with  some  difficulty  the 
general  could  arrest  this  dangerous  interposition. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  359 

these  various  causes  of  disquiet,  a  committee  of  three  members  repaired  to 
camp  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  with  the  Commander-in-chief  on  such 
arrangements  as  the  means  in  possession  of  the  government  would  ena- 
ble it  to  make,  and  the  present  state  of  the  army  might  require.  In  re- 
presenting the  condition  of  the  troops,  they  said,  "  That  the  army  was 
unpaid  for  five  months ;  that  it  seldom  had  more  than  six  days  pro- 
visions in  advance,  and  was  on  several  occasions,  for  several  successive 
days,  without  meat ;  that  the  army  was  destitute  of  forage ;  that  the 
medical  department  had  neither  tea,  chocolate,  wine,  or  spirituous  li- 
quors of  any  kind;  that  every  department  of  the  army  was  without  mo- 
ney, and  had  not  even  the  shadow  of  credit  left ;  that  the  patience  of  the 
soldiers,  borne  down  by  the  pressure  of  complicated  sufferings,  was  on 
the  point  of  being  exhausted." 

To  relieve  this  gloomy  state  of  things  by  transfusing  into  it  a  ray  of 
hope  for  the  future,  a  resolution  was  passed,  declaring  that  congress 
would  make  good  to  the  line  of  the  army,  and  to  the  independent  corps 
thereof,  the  deficiency  of  their  original  pay,  which  had  been  occasioned 
by  the  depreciation  of  the  continental  currency ;  and  that  the  money  or 
other  articles  heretofore  received,  should  be  considered  as  advanced  on 
account,  to  be  comprehended  in  the  settlement  to  be  finally  made.  The 
benefits  of  this  resolution  were  confined  to  those  who  were  then  in  actual 
service,  or  should  thereafter  come  into  it,  and  who  were  engaged  for  the 
war  or  for  three  years. 

This  resolution  was  published  in  general  orders,  and  had  considerable 
influence  on  the  army,  but  not  sufficient  to  remove  the  various  causes  of 
dissatisfaction  which  existed,  and  were  continually  multiplying.  The 
engagement  to  make  good  the  depreciation  of  their  pay,  was  an  act  of 
justice  too  long  withheld ;  and  no  promise  for  the  future,  could  supply  the 
place  of  present  comfortable  subsistence.  No  hope  was  given  that  their 
condition,  in  this  respect,  would  be  improved.  For  a  considerable  time, 
the  troops  received  only  from  one-half  to  one-eighth  of  a  ration  of  meat 
and,  at  length,  were  several  days  without  a  single  pound  of  that  neces- 
sary article. 

This  long  course  of  suffering  had  unavoidably  produced  some  relaxa- 
tion of  discipline,  and  had  gradually  soured  the  minds  of  the  soldiers  to 
such  a  degree,  that  their  discontents  broke  out  into  actual  mutiny. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  two  regiments  belonging  to  Connecticut  paraded 
under  arms  with  a  declared  resolution  to  return  home,^or  to  obtain  sub- 
sistence at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The  soldiers  of  the  other  regi- 
ments, though  not  actually  joining  the  mutineers,  showed  no  disposition 
to  suppress  the  mutiny.  By  great  exertions  on  the  part  of  the  officers, 


360  THE  LIFE  OF 

aided  by  the  appearance  of  a  neighbouring  brigade  of  Pennsylvania, 
then  commanded  by  Colonel  Stewart,  the  leaders  were  secured,  and  the 
two  regiments  brought  back  to  their  duty.  Some  sentiments,  however, 
were  disclosed  by  the  soldiers,  in  answer  to  the  remonstrances  of  their 
officers,  of  a  serious  and  alarming  nature.  Their  pay  was  now  five 
months  in  arrear,  and  the  depreciation  of  the  money,  they  said,  was 
such,  that  it  would  be  worth  nothing  when  received.  When  reminded 
of  the  late  resolution  of  congress  for  making  good  the  loss  sustained  by 
depreciation,  of  the  reputation  acquired  by  their  past  good  conduct,  and 
of  the  value  of  the  object  for  which  they  were  contending ;  they  answered 
that  their  sufferings  were  too  great  to  be  longer  supported ;  that  they 
wanted  present  relief;  and  must  have  some  present  substantial  recom- 
pense for  their  services.  A  paper  was  found  in  the  brigade,  which  ap- 
peared to  have  been  brought  by  some  emissary  from  New  York,  stimu- 
lating the  troops  to  the  abandonment  of  the  cause  in  which  they  were 
engaged. 

The  discontents  of  the  army,  and  the  complaints  excited  in  the  coun- 
try by  the  frequent  requisitions  on  the  people  of  New  Jersey,  had  been 
communicated,  with  such  exaggeration,  to  the  officer  commanding  in 
New  York,  as  to  induce  the  opinion  that  the  American  soldiers  were 
ready  to  desert  their  standards ;  and  the  people  of  New  Jersey  to  change 
their  government.  To  countenance  these  dispositions,  General 
Knyphausen  embarked  at  Staten  Island,  and  landed  in  the 
night  with  about  five  thousand  men  at  Elizabethtown  Point,  in  New  Jer- 
sey. Early  next  morning  he  marched  towards  Springfield,  by  the  way 
of  Connecticut  Farms,  but  soon  perceived  that  the  real  temper,  both  of 
the  country  and  the  army,  had  been  misunderstood. 

On  the  appearance  of  the  enemy,  the  militia  assembled  with  alacrity, 
and  aided  the  small  patrolling  parties  of  continental  troops  in  harassing 
him  on  his  march  from  Elizabethtown  to  the  Connecticut  Farms,  a  dis- 
tance of  five  or  six  miles,  where  a  halt  was  made.  In  a  spirit  of  revenge, 
unworthy  the  general  of  an  army,  more  in  the  character  of  Tryon  who 
was  present,  tha$  of  Knyphausen  who  commanded,  this  settlement  was 
reduced  to  ashes.* 

*  This  circumstance  would  scarcely  have  deserved  notice  had  it  not  been  accom- 
panied by  one  of  those  melancholy  events,  which  even  war  does  not  authorize,  and 
which  made,  at  the  time,  a  very  deep  impression. 

Mrs.  Caldwell,  the  wife  of  the  clergyman  of  the  village,  had  been  induced  to  remain 
in  her  house,  under  the  persuasion  that  her  presence  might  protect  it  from  pillage,  and 
that  her  person  could  not  be  endangered,  as  Colonel  Dayton  who  commanded  the  mi- 
litia determined  not  to  stop  in  the  settlement.  While  sitting  in  the  midst  of  her  chil- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  361 

From  the  Farms,  Knyphausen  proceeded  to  Springfield.  The  Jersey 
brigade,  commanded  by  General  Maxwell,  and  the  militia  of  the  adjacent 
country,  took  an  advantageous  position  at  that  place,  and  seemed  deter- 
mined to  defend  it.  Knyphausen  halted  in  its  neighbourhood,  and  re- 
mained on  his  ground  until  night. 

Having  received  intelligence  of  this  movement,  General  Washington 
put  his  army  in  motion  early  in  the  same  morning  that  Knyphausen 
marched  from  Elizabethtown  Point,  and  advanced  to  the  Short  Hills,  in 
the  rear  of  Springfield,  while  the  British  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
that  place.     Dispositions  were  made  for  an  engagement  the 
next  morning,  but  Knyphausen  retired  in  the  night  to  the  place 
of  his  disembarkation. 

General  Washington  continued  on  the  hills  near  Springfield,  too  weak 
to  hazard  an  engagement,  but  on  ground  chosen  by  himself.  His  con- 
tinental troops  did  not  exceed  three  thousand  men.  A  return  of  the 
whole  army  under  his  immediate  command,  made  on  the  3d  of  June, 
exhibited  in  the  column,  of  present,  fit  for  duty,  only  three  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  sixty,  rank  and  file.  So  reduced  was  that  force  on 
which  America  relied  for  independence.  "  You  but  too  well  know," 
said  General  Washington  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  giving  an  account  of 
this  incursion,  "  and  will  regret  with  me  the  cause  which  justifies  this 
insulting  manoeuvre  on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  It  deeply  affects  the 
honour  of  the  states,  a  vindication  of  which  could  not  be  attempted  in 
our  present  circumstances,  without  most  intimately  hazarding  their  se- 
curity ;  at  least  so  far  as  it  may  depend  on  the  preservation  of  the  army. 
Their  character,  their  interest,  their  all  that  is  dear,  call  upon  them  in 
the  most  pressing  manner,  to  place  the  army  immediately  on  a  respecta- 
ble footing." 

The  long  continuance  of  Knyphausen  at  Elizabethtown,  strengthened 
a  suspicion  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  about  to  return  from  South  Caro- 
lina, and  intended,  without  disembarking  his  troops,  to  proceed  up  the 
Hudson  to  West  Point ;  and  that  the  movement  into  Jersey  was  a  feint 
designed  to  cover  the  real  object. 

The  letters  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  addressed  about  this  period,  to 
those  who  might  be  supposed  to  possess  influence  in  the  government  of 
the  union,  or  in  those  of  the  states,  exhibit  his  conjectures  respecting  the 
designs*of  his  adversary,  as  well  as  his  apprehensions  from  the  condition 
of  his  own  army.  To  the  committee  of  congress,  in  camp,  he  observed, 
"  General  Knyphausen  still  continues  in  the  Jerseys  with  all  the  force 

dren,  with  a  sucking  infant  in  her  arms,  a  soldier  came  up  to  the  window  and  dis- 
charged his  musket  at  her.     She  received  the  ball  in  her  bosom,  and  instantly  expired. 


362  THE  LIFE  OF 

which  can  be  spared  from  New  York,  a  force  greatly  superior  to  ours. 
Should  Sir  Henry  join  him,  their  superiority  will  be  decided,  and  equal 
to  almost  any  thing  they  may  think  proper  to  attempt.  The  enemy,  it 
is  true,  are  at  this  time  inactive ;  but  their  continuance  in  their  present 
position,  proves  that  they  have  some  project  of  importance  in  contem- 
plation. Perhaps  they  are  only  waiting  until  the  militia  grow  tired  and 
return  home,  (which  they  are  doing  every  hour,)  to  prosecute  their  de- 
signs with  the  less  opposition.  This  would  be  a  critical  moment  for  us. 
Perhaps  they  are  waiting  the  arrival  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  either  to  push 
up  the  North  River  against  the  Highland  posts,  or  to  bend  their  whole 
force  against  this  army.  In  either  case,  the  most  disastrous  consequen- 
ces are  to  be  apprehended.  You,  who  are  well  acquainted  with  our 
situation,  need  no  arguments  to  evince  the  danger. 

"  The  militia  of  this  state  have  run  to  arms,  and  behaved  with  an  ar- 
dour and  spirit  of  which  there  are  few  examples.  But  perseverance,  in 
enduring  the  rigours  of  military  service,  is  not  to  be  expected  from  those 
who  are  not  by  profession  obliged  to  it.  The  reverse  of  this  opinion  has 
been  a  great  misfortune  in  our  affairs,  and  it  is  high  time  we  should  re- 
cover from  an  error  of  so  pernicious  a  nature.  We  must  absolutely 
have  a  force  of  a  different  composition,  or  we  must  relinquish  the  con- 
test. In  a  few  days,  we  may  expect  to  rely  almost  entirely  on  our  con- 
tinental force,  and  this,  from  your  own  observation,  is  totally  inadequate 
to  our  safety.  The  exigency  calls  loudly  on  the  states  to  carry  all  the 
recommendations  of  the  committee  into  the  most  vigorous  and  immediate 
execution ;  but  more  particularly  that  for  completing  our  batteries  by  a 
draught  with  all  possible  expedition. 

In  this  precise  state  of  things,  he  received  intelligence  of  the  return 
June  18.  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  from  the  conquest  of  South  Carolina. 

The  regular  force  in  New  York  and  its  dependencies  was  now  esti 
mated  at  twelve  thousand  men,  great  part  of  whom  might  be  drawn  into 
the  field  for  any  particular  purpose,  liecause  Sir  Henry  Clinton  could 
command  about  four  thousand  militia  and  refugees  for  garrison  duty. 

In  communicating  to  congress  the  appearance  of  the  British  fleet  off 
the  Hook,  General  Washington  observed,  "  a  very  alarming  scene  may 
shortly  open,  and  it  will  be  happy  for  us  if  we  shall  be  able  to  steer  clear 
of  some  serious  misfortune  in  this  quarter.  I  hope  the  period  t  has  not 
yet  arrived,  which  will  convince  the  different  states  by  fatal  experience, 
that  some  of  them  have  mistaken  the  true  situation  of  this  country.  I 
flatter  myself,  however,  that  we  may  still  retrieve  our  affairs  if  we  have 
but  a  just  sense  of  them,  and  are  actuated  by  a  spirit  of  liberal  policy 
and  exertion  equal  to  the  emergency.  Could  we  once  see  this  spirit  gene- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  363 

rally  prevailing,  I  should  not  despair  of  a  prosperous  issue  of  the  cam- 
paign. But  there  is  no  time  to  be  lost.  The  danger  is  imminent  and 
pressing ;  the  obstacles  to  be  surmounted  are  great  and  numerous  ;  and 
our  efforts  must  be  instant,  unreserved,  and  universal." 

On  the  arrival  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  the  design  of  acting  offensively 
in  the  Jerseys  was  resumed ;  but,  to  divide  the  American  army,  demon- 
strations were  made  of  an  intention  to  seize  West  Point.  To  be  in  rea- 
diness for  either  object,  General  Greene  was  left  at  Springfield  with  two 
brigades  of  continental  troops,  and  with  the  Jersey  militia ;  while,  with 
the  greater  part  of  his  army,  General  Washington  proceeded  slowly  to- 
wards Pompton,  watching  attentively  the  movements  of  the  British,  and 
apparently  unwilling  to  separate  himself  too  far  from  Greene.  He  had 
not  marched  farther  than  Rockaway,  eleven  miles  beyond  Morristown, 
when  the  British  army  advanced  from  Elizabethtovvn  towards  Spring- 
field in  great  force.  General  Washington  detached  a  brigade  to  hang 
on  their  right  flank,  and  returned  with  the  residue  of  his  army  five  or 
six  miles,  in  order  to  be  in  a  situation  to  support  Greene. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  23d,  the  British  army  moved  in  two  co- 
lumns, with  great  rapidity,  towards  Springfield.  Major  Lee  was  ad- 
vanced on  the  Vauxhall  road,  which  was  taken  by  the  right  column  ; 
and  Colonel  Dayton  on  the  direct  road,  which  was  taken  by  the  left. 
Both  these  corps  made  every  possible  exertion  to  check  the  advancing 
enemy,  while  General  Greene  concentrated  his  little  army  at  Spring- 
field. Scarcely  had  he  made  his  dispositions,  when  the  British  front  ap- 
peared, and  a  cannonade  commenced  between  their  van  and  the  Ameri- 
can artillery  which  defended  a  bridge  over  Rahway,  a  small  river  run- 
ning east  of  the  town,  which  was  guarded  by  Colonel  Angel  with  less 
than  two  hundred  men.  Colonel  Shreve  was  posted  at  a  second  bridge, 
also  over  a  branch  of  the  Rahway,  in  order  to  cover  the  retreat  of  An- 
gel from  the  first.  Major  Lee  with  his  dragoons  and  the  piquets  under 
Captain  Walker,  supported  by  Colonel  Ogden,  was  directed  to  defend  a 
bridge  on  the  Vauxhall  road.  The  residue  of  the  continental  troops 
were  drawn  up  on  high  ground,  in  the  rear  of  the  town,  with  the  militia 
on  their  flanks. 

The  right  column  of  the  British  advanced  on  Lee,  who  disputed  the 
passage  of  the  bridge  until  a  considerable  body  of  the  enemy  forded  the 
river  above  him,  and  gained  the  point  of  a  hill  which  endangered  his  po- 
sition. At  this  instant,  their  left  attacked  Colonel  Angel,  who  defended 
himself  with  persevering  gallantry.  The  conflict  was  sharp,  and  was 
maintained  for  about  half  an  hour,  when,  compelled  by  superior  num- 
bers to  give  way,  he  retired  in  good  order,  and  brought  off  his  wounded. 


364  THE  LIFE  OF 

His  retreat  was  covered  by  Colonel  Shreve,  who,  after  Angel  had  pass- 
ed him,  was  ordered  by  General  Greene  to  join  his  brigade.  The  Eng- 
lish then  took  possession  of  the  town  and  reduced  it  to  ashes. 

The  obstinate  resistance  which  had  been  encountered ;  the  gallantry 
and  discipline  displayed  by  the  continental  troops  who  had  been  engaged , 
the  strength  of  Greene's  position ;  the  firm  countenance  maintained  by 
his  troops,  small  detachments  of  whom  kept  up  a  continual  skirmishing 
with  a  view  to  save  a  part  of  the  town ;  all  contributed  to  deter  Sir  Hen- 
ry Clinton  from  a  farther  prosecution  of  his  original  plan.  He  with- 
drew that  afternoon  to  Elizabethtown ;  and,  in  the  following  night, 
passed  over  to  Staten  Island.  It  is  probable  that  the  caution  manifested 
during  this  expedition  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  intelligence  that  a  formida- 
ble fleet  and  army  from  France  were  daily  expected  on  the  coast. 

When  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  obtained  permission  to  visit  his  native 
country,  he  retained,  with  his  rank  in  the  American  army,  that  zeal  foi 
the  interests  of  the  United  States,  which  the  affectionate  attentions  he 
had  received,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  a  soldier  in  the  cause  of  those 
for  whom  he  had  made  his  first  campaigns,  were  calculated  to  inspire  in 
a  young  and  generous  mind,  in  favour  of  an  infant  people,  struggling 
for  liberty  and  self-government  with  the  hereditary  rival  of  his  nation. 

He  was  received  at  the  court  of  Versailles  with  every  mark  of  favour 
and  distinction  ;*  and  all  his  influence  was  employed  in  impressing  on 
the  cabinet,  the  importance  and  policy  of  granting  succours  to  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

Having  succeeded  m  this  favourite  object,  and  finding  no  probability 
of  active  employment  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  he  obtained  permis- 
sion to  return  to  America.  He  arrived  late  in  April  at  Boston,  and  hast- 
ened to  head  quarters ;  whence  he  proceeded  to  the  seat  of  Government 
with  the  information  that  his  most  Christian  Majesty  had  consented  to 
employ  a  considerable  land  and  naval  armament  in  the  United  States, 
for  the  ensuing  campaign.  This  intelligence  gave  a  new  impulse  both 
to  congress  and  the  state  legislatures.  The  states  from  New  Hamp- 
shire to  Virginia  inclusive,  were  required  to  pay,  within  thirty  days,  ten 
millions  of  dollars,  part  of  their  quotas  which  became  due  on  the  first  of 
March ;  and  specie  bills  to  the  amount  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  were 

*  After  he  had  visited  the  ministers,  an  arrest  of  eight  days,  during  which  he  resided 
with  his  relation  the  Marshal  de  Noailles,  was  imposed  on  him  for  the  sake  of  form 
and  in  honour  of  the  royal  authority,  which  he  had  disregarded  by  proceeding  to  Ame- 
rica. After  the  expiration  of  this  term  he  presented  himself  to  the  King,  who  gra- 
ciously said  he  pardoned  his  disobedience,  in  consideration  of  his  good  conduct  and  ot 
his  services. — Letter  from  Gen.  Lafayette. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  365 

drawn  on  Messieurs  Franklin  and  Jay.  These  sums  were  sacredly  ap- 
propriated to  the  objects  of  bringing  the  army  into  the  field,  and  forward- 
ing their  supplies. 

The  defects  in  the  requisition  system,  which  had  been  suggested  l>y 
General  Washington,  were  corrected ;  and  the  committee  in  camp,  at 
the  head  of  which  was  the  late  General  Schuyler,  was  empowered,  at 
the  request  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  take  such  measures  as  were 
in  the  power  of  congress,  for  drawing  out  the  resources  of  the  nation. 

To  give  effect  to  these  resolutions,  the  several  state  legislatures  from 
New  Hampshire  to  Virginia  inclusive,  were  requested  to  invest  the  Exe- 
cutives, or  some  other  persons,  with  powers  sufficiently  ample  to  comply 
with  such  applications  as  might  be  made  to  them  by  the  committee  in 
camp,  and  a  circular  letter  was  addressed  to  the  state  governments,  urg- 
ing them  to  second  the  efforts  of  Congress. 

•  Letters  equally  stimulating  were  written  by  the  committee  from  camp ; 
and  the  well  earned  influence  of  the  Commander-in-chief  was  also  em- 
ployed to  induce  an  exertion  proportioned  to  the  crisis.  In  addition  to 
those  incentives  which  might  operate  on  ardent  minds,  he  endeavoured, 
by  a  temperate  review  of  the  situation  and  resources  of  the  belligerent 
powers,  to  convince  the  judgment  that  America  would  have  real  cause  to 
fear  the  issue  of  the  contest,  should  she  neglect  to  improve  the  advantage 
to  be  afforded  by  the  succours  expected  from  France.* 

Under  the  impressions  produced  by  these  representations,  the  state 
legislatures,  generally,  passed  the  laws  which  were  required ;  but  the 
energy  displayed  in  their  passage  was  not  maintained  in  their  execution. 
In  general,  the  assemblies  followed  the  example  of  congress,  and  appor- 
tioned on  the  several  counties  or  towns  within  the  state,  the  quota  to  be 
furnished  by  each.  This  division  of  the  state  was  again  to  be  subdivi- 
ded into  classes,  each  of  which  was  to  furnish  a  man  by  contributions  or 
taxes  imposed  upon  itself. 

These  operations  were  slow  and  unproductive. 

It  was  not  on  the  state  sovereignties  only  that  beneficial  effects  were 
produced  by  a  candid  statement  of  public  affairs,  several  patriotic  indi- 
viduals contributed  largely  from  their  private  funds  to  the  aid  of  the  pub- 
lic. The  merchants,  and  other  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  with  a  zeal 
guided  by  that  sound  discretion  which  turns  expenditure  to  the  best  ac- 
count, established  a  bank,  for  the  support  of  which  they  subscribed 
£315,000,  Pennsylvania  money,  to  be  paid,  if  required,  in  specie,  the 
principal  object  of  which  was  to  supply  the  army  with  provisions  and 
rum.  By  the  plan  of  this  bank,  its  members  were  to  derive  no  emolu 
*  See  note  No.  XVI.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

VOL.  i.  24 


366  THE  LIFE  OF 

merit  whatever  from  the  institution.  For  advancing  their  credit  and 
their  money,  they  required  only  that  congress  should  pledge  the  faith  of 
the  union  to  reimburse  the  costs  and  charges  of  the  transaction  in  a 
reasonable  time,  and  should  give  such  assistance  to  its  execution  as 
might  be  in  their  power. 

The  ladies  of  Philadelphia  too  gave  a  splendid  example  of  patriotism, 
by  large  donations  for  the  immediate  relief  of  the  suffering  army.  This 
example  was  extensively  followed  ;*  but  it  is  not  by  the  contributions 
of  the  generous  that  a  war  can  or  ought  to  be  maintained.  The  purse 
of  the  nation  alone  can  supply  the  expenditures  of  a  nation;  and,  when 
all  are  interested  in  a  contest,  all  ought  to  contribute  to  its  support. 
Taxes,  and  taxes  only,  can  furnish  for  the  prosecution  of  a  national  war, 
means  which  are  just  in  themselves,  or  competent  to  the  object.  Not- 
withstanding these  donations,  the  distresses  of  the  army,  for  clothing 
especially,  still  continued ;  and  were  the  more  severely  felt  when  a  co- 
operation with  French  troops  was  expected.  So  late  as  the  20th  of  June, 
General  Washington  informed  congress,  that  he  still  laboured  under  the 
painful  and  humiliating  embarrassment  of  having  no  shirts  for  the  sol- 
diers, many  of  whom  were  destitute  of  that  necessary  article.  "  For  the 
troops  to  be  without  clothing  at  any  time,"  he  added,  "  is  highly  injurious 
to  the  service,  and  distressing  to  our  feelings;  but  the  want  will  be  more 
peculiarly  mortifying  when  they  come  to  act  with  those  of  our  allies. 
If  it  be  possible,  I  have  no  doubt,  immediate  measures  will  be  taken  to 
relieve  their  distress. 

"  It  is  also  most  sincerely  wished,  that  there  could  be  some  supplies  of 
clothing  furnished  to  the  officers.  There  are  a  great  many  whose  con- 
dition is  still  miserable.  This  is,  in  some  instances,  the  case  with  the 
whole  lines  of  the  states.  It  would  be  well  for  their  own  sakes,  and  for 
the  public  good,  if  they  could  be  furnished.  They  will  not  be  able,  when 

*  This  instance  of  patriotism  on  the  part  of  our  fair  and  amiable  countrywomen,  is 
far  from  being  single.  Their  conduct  throughout  the  war  was  uniform.  They  shared 
with  cheerfulness  and  gaiety,  the  privations  and  sufferings  to  which  the  distress  of  thf 
times  exposed  their  country.  In  every  stage  of  this  severe  trial,  they  displayed  virtues 
which  have  not  been  always  attributed  to  their  sex,  but  which  it  is  believed  they  will, 
on  ewry  occasion  calculated  to  unfold  them,  be  found  to  possess.  With  a  ready  ac 
quiescence,  with  a  firmness  always  cheerful,  and  a  constancy  never  lamenting  thi 
sacrifices  which  were  made,  they  not  only  yielded  up  all  the  elegancies,  delicacies,  and 
even  conveniences  to  be  furnished  by  wealth  and  commerce,  relying  on  their  farms  and 
on  domestic  industry  for  every  article  of  food  and  raiment,  but,  consenting  to  share  the 
produce  of  their  own  labour,  they  gave  up  without  regret,  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
covering  designed  for  their  own  families,  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  distressed  soldiers ; 
and  heroically  suppressed  the  involuntary  sigh  which  the  departure  of  their  brothers, 
their  sons,  and  their  husbands,  for  the  camp,  rended  from  their  bosoms. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  367 

our  friends  come  to  co-operate  with  us,  to  go  on  a  common  routine  of 
duty ;  and  if  they  should,  they  must,  from  their  appearance,  be  held  in 
low  estimation." 

This  picture  presents  in  strong  colours,  the  real  patriotism  of  the 
American  army.  One  heroic  effort,  though  it  may  dazzle  the  mind  with 
its  splendour,  is  an  exertion  most  men  are  capable  of  making  ;  but  con- 
tinued patient  suffering  and  unremitting  perseverance,  in  a  service  pro 
mising  no  personal  emolument,  and  exposing  the  officer  unceasingly,  not 
only  to  wants  of  every  kind,  but  to  those  circumstances  of  humiliation 
which  seem  to  degrade  him  in  the  eyes  of  others,  demonstrate  a  fortitude 
of  mind,  a  strength  of  virtue,  and  a  firmness  of  principle,  which  ought 
never  to  be  forgotten. 

As  the  several  legislative  acts  for  bringing  the  army  into  the  field,  did 
not  pass  until  the  months  of  June  and  July,  General  Washington  re- 
mained uninformed  of  the  force  on  which  he  might  rely,  and  was  conse- 
quently unable  to  form  any  certain  plan  of  operations. 

This  suspense  was  the  more  cruelly  embarrassing,  as,  in  the  event 
of  an  attempt  upon  New  York,  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  that  the 
French  fleet  should,  on  its  arrival,  take  possession  of  the  harbour,  which 
was  then  weakly  defended.  But,  should  this  measure  be  followed  by  a 
failure  to  furnish  the  requisite  support,  it  would  not  only  be  ineffectual  ,- 
but,  in  a  very  possible  state  of  things,  might  sacrifice  the  fleet  itself. 

Should  it  be  ascertained  that  the  states  were  either  unable  or  unwilling 
to  make  the  exertions  necessary  for  the  siege  of  New  York,  other  objects 
presented  themselves  against  which  the  allied  arms  might  be  turned  to 
advantage.  To  avoid  the  disgrace  and  danger  of  attempting  what  could 
not  be  effected,  and  the  reproach  of  neglecting  any  attainable  object, 
were  equally  desirable,  and  equally  required  a  correct  knowledge  of  the 
measures  which  would  be  taken  by  the  states. 

In 'a  letter  to  congress  communicating  his  anxiety  on  this  interesting 
subject,  and  his  total  want  of  information  respecting  it,  General  Washing- 
ton observed,  "  The  season  is  come  when  we  have  every  reason  to  ex- 
pect the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  and  yet,  for  want  of  this  point  of  primary 
consequence,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  form  a  system  of  co-operation.  I 
have  no  basis  to  act  upon  ;  and,  of  course,  were  this  generous  succour 
of  our  ally  now  to  arrive,  I  should  find  myself  in  the  most  awkward, em- 
barrassing, and  painful  situation.  The  general  and  the  admiral,  from 
the  relation  in  which  I  stand,  as  soon  as  they  approach  our  coast,  will 
require  of  me  a  plan  of  the  measures  to  be  pursued,  and  there  ought  of 
light  to  be  one  prepared  ;  but  circumstanced  as  I  am,  I  can  not  even  give 
them  conjectures.  From  these  considerations,  I  have  suggested  to  the 


308  THE  LIFE  OF 

committee,  by  a  letter  I  had  the  honour  of  addressing  them  yesterday, 
the  indispensable  necessity  of  their  writing  again  to  the  states,  urging 
them  to  give  immediate  and  precise  information  of  the  measures  they 
have  taken  and  of  the  result.  The  interest  of  the  states,  the  honour  and 
reputation  of  our  councils,  the  justice  and  gratitude  due  to  our  allies,  all 
require  that  I  should,  without  delay,  be  enabled  to  ascertain  and  inform 
them,  what  we  can  or  can  not  undertake.  There  is  a  point  which  ought 
now  to  be  determined,  on  the  success  of  which  all  our  future  operations 
may  depend,  on  which,  for  want  of  knowing  our  prospects,  I  can  make 
no  decision.  For  fear  of  involving  the  fleet  and  army  of  our  allies  in 
circumstances  which  would  expose  them,  if  not  seconded  by  us,  to  ma- 
terial inconvenience  and  hazard,  I  shall  be  compelled  to  suspend  it,  and 
the  delay  may  be  fatal  to  our  hopes." 

The  tardy  proceedings  of  the  states  were  not  less  perplexing  to  congress 
than  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  To  the  minister  of  his  most  Christian 
majesty,  who  had  in  the  preceding  January  communicated  the  probabili- 
ty of  receiving  succour  from  France,  that  body,  without  calculating  ac- 
curately the  means  of  complying  with  its  engagements,  had  pledged  itself 
unequivocally  for  effectual  co-operation.  The  minister  was  assured,  that 
the  United  States  had  expectations  on  which  they  could  rely  with  confi- 
dence, of  bringing  into  the  field,  for  the  next  campaign,  an  army  of  twenty- 
five  thousand  men  ;  and  that  such  numbers  of  militia  might  be  added  to 
this  continental  force,  as  would  render  it  competent  to  any  enterprise 
against  the  posts  occupied  by  the  British  within  the  United  States. 

Assurances  were- also  given  that  ample  supplies  of  provisions  for  the 
combined  armies  should  be  laid  up  in  magazines  under  the  direction  of 
congress.  The  French  minister  addressed  congress  on  this  subject  about 
the  time  that  General  Washington  expressed  so  strongly,  the  necessity 
of  knowing  with  certainty,  on  what  reinforcements  he  was  to  calculate. 

Thus  pressed  by  their  general  and  their  ally,  congress  renewed  their 
urgent  requisitions  on  the  states,  and  desired  the  several  governments  to 
correspond  weekly  with  the  committee  at  head  quarters,  on  the  progress 
made  in  complying  with  them. 

In  the  mean  time,  General  Washington  meditated  unceasingly  on  the 
course  to  be  pursued  in  the  various  contingencies  which  might  happen ; 
and  endeavoured  to  prepare  for  any  plan  of  operations  which  circum- 
stances might  render  adviseable.  The  arrival  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  di- 
minished the  variety  of  aspects  in  which  the  relative  situation  of  the  two 
armies  was  to  be  contemplated,  and  rendered  the  success  of  an  attempt 
on  New  York  more  doubtful.  It  was  now  thought  adviseable  that  the 
armament  from  France,  instead  of  sailing  directly  to  the  Hook,  should 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  369 

proceed  in  the  first  instance  to  Rhode  Island ;  where,  after  disembarking 
the  troops,  and  providing  for  the  sick,  it  might  wait  until  a  definitive  plan 
of  operations  should  be  concerted. 

On  the  13th  of  July,  while  the  result  of  the  measures  adopted  by  the 
several  states  remained  uncertain,  the  French  fleet  entered  the  harbour 
of  Newport,  and  letters  were  soon  afterwards  received  from  the  Count 
de  Rochambeau  and  the  Chevalier  Ternay,  the  officers  commanding  the 
land  and  naval  forces,  transmitting  to  General  Washington  an  account 
of  their  arrival,  of  their  strength,  their  expectations,  and  their  orders. 

The  troops  designed  to  serve  in  the  United  States  had  assembled,  early 
in  the  year,  at  Brest ;  but  the  transports  at  that  place  having  been  chiefly 
employed  for  an  armament  destined  for  the  West  Indies ;  and  the  ports 
from  which  it  had  been  intended  to  draw  others,  being  blockaded,  only 
the  first  division,  consisting  of  five  thousand  men,- had  arrived  at  New- 
port ;  but  letters  from  France  contained  assurances  that  the  second  divi 
sion  of  the  army  might  soon  be  expected. 

To  obviate  those  difficulties  which  had  occurred  on  former  occasions 
respecting  rank,  the  orders  given  to  Lieutenant  General  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau, which  were  inclosed  in  his  first  letter,  placed  him  entirely 
under  the  command  of  General  Washington.  The  French  troops  were 
to  be  considered  as  auxiliaries,  and  were,  according  to  the  usages  of 
war,  to  cede  the  post  of  honour  to  the  Americans.* 

Convinced  that  cordial  harmony  between  the  allied  forces  was  es- 
sential to  their  success,  both  generals  cultivated  carefully  the  friendly 
dispositions  felt  by  the  troops  towards  each  other.  Warm  professions 
of  reciprocal  respect,  esteem,  and  confidence,  were  interchanged  between 
them;  and  each  endeavoured  to  impress  on  the  other,  and  on  all  the 
military  and  civil  departments,  the  conviction  that  the  two  nations,  and 
two  armies,  were  united  by  the  ties  of  interest  and  affection.  On  this 
occasion,  General  Washington  recommended  to  his  officers,  as  a  sym- 
bol of  friendship  and  affection  for  their  allies,  to  engraft  on  the  Ameri- 
can cockade,  which  was  black,  a  white  relief,  that  being  the  colour  of 
the  French  cockade. 

Late  as  was  the  arrival  of  the  French  troops,  they  found  the  Ameri- 
cans unprepared  for  active  and  offensive  operations.  Not  even  at  that 
time  were  the  numbers  ascertained  which  would  be  furnished  by  the 
states.  Yet  it  was  necessary  for  General  Washington  to  communicate 
a  plan  of  the  campaign  to  the  Count  de  Rochambeau. 

The  season  was  already  so  far  advanced  that  preparations  for  the 

*  These  orders  were  given  at  the  instance  of  General  La  Fayette. — Correspondence 
vith  General  La  Fayette. 

2  G 


370  THE  LIFE  OF 

operations  contemplated  eventually,  on  the  arrival  of  the  second  division 
of  the  French  fleet,  must  be  immediately  made,  or  there  would  not  be 
time,  though  every  circumstance  should  prove  favourable,  to  execute 
the  design  against  New  York.  Such  a  state  of  things  so  ill  comported 
with  the  engagements  of  congress,  and  with  the  interests  of  the  nation, 
that,  trusting  to  his  being  enabled,  by  the  measures  already  taken  by  the 
states,  to  comply  with  what  was  incumbent  on  him  to  perform,  he  de- 
termined to  hazard  much  rather  than  forego  the  advantages  to  be  derived 
from  the  aids  afforded  by  France.  In  communicating  this  resolution  to 
congress,  he  said — "  Pressed  on  all  sides  by  a  choice  of  difficulties  in  a 
moment  which  required  decision,  I  have  adopted  that  line  of  conduct 
which  comported  with  the  dignity  and  faith  of  congress,  the  reputation 
of  these  states,  and  the  honour  of  our  arms.  I  have  sent  on  definitive 
proposals  of  co-operation  to  the  French  general  and  admiral.  Neither 
the  period  of  the  season,  nor  a  regard  to  decency,  would  permit  delay. 
The  die  is  cast,  and  it  remains  with  the  states  either  to  fulfil  their  en- 
gagements, preserve  their  credit,  and  support  their  independence,  or  to 
involve  us  in  disgrace  and  defeat.  Notwithstanding  the  failures  pointed 
out  by  the  committee,  I  shall  proceed  on  the  supposition  that  they  will, 
ultimately,  consult  their  own  interest  and  honour;  and  not  suffer  us  to 
fail  for  the  want  of  means  which  it  is  evidently  in  their  power  to  afford. 
What  has  been  done,  and  is  doing,  by  some  of  the  states,  cbnfirms  the 
opinion  I  have  entertained  of  sufficient  resources  in  the  country.  Of 
the  disposition  of  the  people  to  submit  to  any  arrangement  for  bringing 
them  forth,  I  see  no  reasonable  ground  to  doubt.  If  we  fail  for  want  of 
proper  exertions  in  any  of  the  governments,  I  trust  the  responsibility  will 
fall  where  it  ought;  and  that  I  shall  stand  justified  to  congress,  my 
country,  and  the  world." 

A  decisive  naval  superiority  however  was  considered  as  the  basis  of 
any  enterprise  to  be  undertaken  by  the  allied  arms.  This  naval  supe- 
riority being  assumed,  the  outlines  of  the  plan  were  drawn,  and  the  5th 
of  August  was  named  as  the  day  on  which  the  French  troops  should  re- 
embark,  and  the  American  army  assemble  at  Morrissania. 

This  plan  was  committed  to  Major  General  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette, 
who  was  authorized  to  explain  the  situation  of  the  American  army,  and 
the  views  of  the  General,  to  the  Count  de  Rochambeau.  It  was  to  be 
considered  as  preliminary  to  any  operation — that  the  fleet  and  army  of 
France  should  continue  their  aid  until  the  enterprise  should  succeed,  or 
be  abandoned  by  mutual  consent. 

The  Chevalier deTernay  did  not  long  maintain  his  superiority  at  sea. 
Three  days  after  he  reached  Newport,  Admiral  Greaves  arrived  with  six 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  371 

ships  of  the  line,  and  transferred  it  to  the  British.  On  his  appearance 
off  the  Hook,  Arbuthnot  passed  the  bar  with  four  ships  of  the  line ;  and 
hearing  that  DeTernay  had  reached  Rhode  Island,  proceeded  thither, 
and  cruised  off  the  harbour.  The  Count  de  Rochambeau  had  been  put 
into  possession  of  all  the  forts  and  batteries  about  Newport,  and  the  fleet 
had  been  moved  in  a  line  so  as  to  co-operate  with  the  land  forces.  This 
position  appearing  too  formidable  to  be  attempted  by  the  fleet  alone,  Ar- 
buthnot continued  to  cruise  off  Block  Island. 

As  the  commanders  of  the  allied  forces  still  cherished  the  hope  of  ac- 
quiring a  superiority  at  sea,  the  design  on  New  York  was  only  suspend- 
ed. This  hope  was  strengthened  by  intelligence  that  the  Count  de  Gui- 
chen  had  been  joined  in  the  West  Indies  by  a  powerful  Spanish  arma- 
ment. The  Chevalier deTe may  had  despatched  a  packet  to  inform  him 
that  he  was  blocked  up  by  a  superior  force,  and  to  solicit  such  reinforce- 
ments as  the  situation  of  the  Count  might  enable  him  to  spare.  Relying 
on  the  success  of  this  application,  and  on  the  arrival  of  the  second  divi- 
sion of  the  squadron  from  Brest,  the  American  general  impatiently  ex- 
pected the  moment  when  de  Ternay  would  be  enabled  to  act  offensively. 

In  this  crisis  of  affairs,  a  derangement  took  place  in  a  most  important 
department,  which  threatened  to  disconcert  the  whole  plan  of  operations, 
though  every  other  circumstance  should  prove  favourable. 

The  immense  expenditure  of  the  quartermaster's  department — the  in- 
adequacy of  the  funds  with  which  it  was  supplied — the  reciprocal  dis- 
gusts and  complaints  produced  by  these  causes,  had  determined  congress 
to  make  still  another  radical  change  in  the  system.  This  subject  had 
been  taken  up  early  in  the  winter ;  but  such  were  the  delays  inseparable 
from  the  proceedings  of  the  government,  that  the  report  of  the  committee 
was  not  made  until  the  month  of  March,  nor  finally  decided  on  until  the 
middle  of  July. 

This  subject  was  too  interesting  to  the  army,  and  to  the  important 
operations  meditated  for  the  campaign,  not  to  engage  the  anxious  atten- 
tion of  the  Commander-in-chief.  At  his  request,  the  quartermaster  ge- 
neral, while  the  army  lay  in  winter  quarters,  repaired  to  Philadelphia  for 
the  purpose  of  giving  congress  all  the  information  he  possessed.  He 
proposed  to  withdraw  the  management  of  the  department  almost  entirely 
from  the  civil  government,  and  to  place  it  under  the  control  of  the  per- 
son who  should  be  at  its  head,  subject  only  to  the  direction  of  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief. 

The  views  of  congress  were  entirely  different.  While  thCf  subject  re- 
mained suspended  before  that  body,  it  was  taken  up  by  the  committee 
of  co-operation  at  head  quarters,  where  the  combined  experience  and 


372  THE  LIFE  OF 

talents  of  Generals  Washington,  Schuyler,  and  Greene,  were  employed 
in  digesting  a  system  adapted  to  the  actual  situation  of  the  United  States, 
which  was  recommended  to  congress.  To  give  the  more  weight  to  his 
opinion  by  showing  its  disinterestedness,  General  Greene  offered  to  con- 
tinue in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  assigned  to  him,  without  any  othei 
extra  emolument  than  his  family  expenses.  This  plan,  whatever  mighl 
have  been  its  details,  was,  in  its  general  outlines,  unacceptable  to  con 
gress.  A  system  was,  at  length,  completed  by  that  body,  which  Gene- 
ral Greene  believed  to  be  incapable  of  execution.  Resolving  not  to  take 
upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  measures  the  issue  of  which  must  be 
calamitous  and  disgraceful,  he  determined  to  withdraw  from  a  station  in 
which  he  despaired  of  being  useful. 

Apprehending  the  worst  consequences  from  his  resignation  in  so  criti- 
cal a  moment,  General  Washington  pressed  him  to  suspend  this  decisive 
step,  until  the  effect  of  an  application  from  himself  and  from  the  commit- 
tee of  co-operation  should  be  known.  Their  representations  produced  no 
effect.  The  resolution  to  make  this  bold  experiment  was  unalterable. 
General  Greene's  resignation  was  accepted ;  and  the  letter  conveying  it 
excited  so  much  irritation,  that  a  design  was  intimated  of  suspending  his 
command  in  the  line  of  the  army.  But  these  impressions  soon  wore  off, 
and  the  resentment  of  the  moment  subsided.  Colonel  Pickering,  who 
succeeded  General  Greene,  possessed,  in  an  eminent  degree,  those  quali- 
ties which  fitted  him  to  combat  and  subdue  the  difficulties  of  his  depart 
ment.  To  great  energy  of  mind  and  body,  he  added  a  long  experience 
in  the  affairs  of  the  continent,  with  an  ardent  zeal  for  its  interests ;  and 
General  Greene  himself,  with  several  of  the  former  officers,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  Commander-in-chief,  continued  for  some  time  after  theii 
resignation,  to  render  all  the  services  in  their  power ;  but  there  was  a 
defect  of  means,  for  which  neither  talents  nor  exertion  could  compen- 
sate. 

In  the  commissary  department  the  same  distress  was  experienced. 
General  Washington  was  driven  to  the  necessity  of  emptying  the  maga- 
zines at  West  Point,  and  of  foraging  on  a  people  whose  means  of  sub- 
sisting themselves  were  already  nearly  exhausted  by  the  armies  on  both 
sides.  The  inadequate  supplies  drawn  from  these  sources  afforded  but  a 
short  relief;  and,  once  more,  at  a  time  when  the  public  imagination  was 
contemplating  brilliant  plans,  the  execution  of  which  required  steady 
courage  with  persevering  labour,  and  consequently  ample  magazines, 
the  army  was  frequently  reduced  to  the  last  extremity  by  the  want  of 
food. 

So  great  were  the  embarrassments  produced  by  the  difficulty  of  pro- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  373 

curing  subsistence  that,  although  the  second  division  of  the  fleet  from 
Brest  was  daily  expected,  General  Washington  found  it  necessary  to 
countermand  the  orders  under  which  the  militia  were  marching  to  camp. 

Such  was  the  state  of  preparation  for  the  campaign,  when  intelligence 
was  brought  by  the  Alliance  frigate  that  the  port  of  Brest  was  blockaded. 
In  the  hope,  however,  that  the  combined  fleets  of  France  and  Spain  would 
be  able  to  raise  the  blockade,  General  Washington  adhered  steadily  to 
his  purpose  respecting  New  York,  and  continued  his  exertions  to  pro- 
vide the  means  for  its  execution.  The  details  of  the  plan  of  co-operation 
continued  to  be  the  subject  of  a  correspondence  with  the  Count  De  Ro- 
chambeau,  and  the  Chevalier  De  Tunay ;  and,  at  length,  a  personal  in- 
terview was  agreed  upon,  to  take  place  on  the  21st  of  September,  at 
Hartford,  in  Connecticut. 

In  this  interview,  ulterior  eventual  measures,  as  well  as  an  explicit  and 
detailed  arrangement  for  acting  against  New  York,  were  the  subjects  of 
consideration.  No  one  of  the  plans,  however,  then  concerted  for  the 
present  campaign,  was  carried  into  execution.  All,  except  an  invasion 
of  Canada,  depended  on  a  superiority  at  sea,  which  was  soon  rendered 
almost  hopeless  by  certain  information  that  the  Count  De  Guichen  had 
sailed  for  Europe. 

Not  long  after  receiving  this  information,  Adi.iiral  Rodney  arrived  at 
New  York  with  eleven  ships  of  the  line  and  fj>ur  frigates.  This  rein- 
forcement not  only  disconcerted  all  the  plans  cf  .he  allies,  but  put  it  in 
»he  power  of  the  British  to  prosecute  in  security  ^elr  designs  in  the 
south. 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  the  Commander-in-cL?!  d.'d  not  relin- 
quish, without  infinite  chagrin,  the  sanguine  expectations  he  had  formed 
of  rendering  this  summer  decisive  of  the  war.  Never  bolero  had  he  in- 
dulged so  strongly  the  hope  of  happily  terminating  the  contesa.  In  a 
letter  to  an  intimate  friend,  this  chagrin  was  thus  expressed.  "  Ho  are 
now  drawing  to  a  close  an  inactive  campaign,  the  beginning  of  which 
appeared  pregnant  with  events  of  a  very  favourable  complexion.  I  hoped, 
but  I  hoped  in  vain,  that  a  prospect  was  opening  which  would  enable 
me  to  fix  a  period  to  my  military  pursuits,  and  restore  me  to  domestic 
life.  The  favourable  disposition  of  Spain,  the  promised  succour  frorc 
France,  the  combined  force  in  the  West  Indies,  the  declaration  of  Russia 
(acceded  to  by  other  powers  of  Europe,  humiliating  the  naval  pride  and 
power  of  Great  Britain)  the  superiority  of  France  and  Spain  by  sea  in 
Europe,  the  Irish  claims  and  English  disturbances,  formed  in  the  aggre- 
gate an  opinion  in  my  breast,  (which  is  not  very  susceptible  of  peaceful1 
dreams)  that  the  hour  of  deliverance  was  not  far  distant ;  for  that,  how 


374  THE  LIFE  OF 

ever  unwilling  Great  Britain  might  be  to  yield  the  point,  it  would  not  be 
in  her  power  to  continue  the  contest.  But  alas !  these  prospects,  flatter- 
ing as  they  were,  have  proved  delusive ;  and  I  see  nothing  before  us  but 
accumulating  distress.  We  have  been  half  of  our  time  without  provisions, 
and  are  likely  to  continue  so.  We  have  no  magazines,  nor  money  to 
form  them.  We  have  lived  upon  expedients  until  we  can  live  no  longer. 
In  a  word,  the  history  of  the  war  is  a  history  of  false  hopes  and  tempo- 
rary devices,  instead  of  system  and  economy.  It  is  in  vain,  however, 
to  look  back,  nor  is  it  our  business  to  do  so.  Our  case  is  not  desperate, 
if  virtue  exists  in  the  people,  and  there  is  wisdom  among  our  rulers.  But 
to  suppose  that  this  great  revolution  can  be  accomplished  by  a  temporary 
army ;  that  this  army  will  be  subsisted  by  state  supplies ;  and  that  taxa- 
tion alone  is  adequate  to  our  wants,  is  in  my  opinion  absurd,  and  as  un- 
reasonable as  to  expect  an  inversion  of  the  order  of  nature  to  accommo- 
date itself  to  our  views.  If  it  were  necessary,  it  could  be  easily  proved 
to  any  person  of  a  moderate  understanding,  that  an  annual  army,  or  any 
army  raised  on  the  spur  of  the  occasion,  besides  being  unqualified  for  the 
end  designed,  is,  in  various  ways  that  could  be  enumerated,  ten  times 
more  expensive  than  a  permanent  body  of  men  under  good  organization 
and  military  discipline ;  which  never  was,  nor  will  be  the  case  with  raw 
troops.  A  thousand  arguments,  resulting  from  experience  and  the  nature 
of  things,  might  also  be  adduced  to  prove  that  the  army,  if  it  is  to  depend 
upon  state  supplies,  must  disband  or  starve,  and  that  taxation  alone  (es- 
pecially at  this  late  hour)  can  not  furnish  the  means  to  carry  on  the  war. 
Is  it  not  time  to  retract  from  error,  and  benefit  by  experience?  Or  do  we 
want  farther  proof  of  the  ruinous  system  we  have  pertinaciously  ad- 
hered to. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Treason  and  escape  of  Arnold. — Trial  and  execution  of  Major  Andre. — Precautions 
for  the  security  of  West  Point. — Letter  of  General  Washington  on  American 
affairs. — Proceedings  of  congress  respecting  the  army. — Major  Talmadge  destroys 
the  British  stores  at  Coram. — The  army  retires  into  winter  quarters. — Irruption  of 
Major  Carlton  into  New  York. — European  transactions. 

WHILE  the  public  mind  was  anticipating  great  events  from  the  com- 
bined arms  of  France  and  America,  treason  lay  concealed  in 
the  American  camp,  and  was  plotting  the  ruin  of  the  American 
cause. 

The  great  services  and  military  talents  of  General  Arnold,  his  courage 
in  battle,  and  patient  fortitude  under  excessive  hardships,  had  secured  to 
him  a  high  place  in  the  opinion  of  the  army  and  of  his  country. 

Not  having  sufficiently  recovered  from  the  wounds  received  before 
Quebec  and  at  Saratoga  to  be  fit  for  active  service,  and  having  large  ac- 
counts to  settle  with  the  government  which  required  leisure,  he  was,  on 
the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  in  1778,  appointed  to  the  command  in  that 
place. 

Unfortunately,  that  strength  of  principle  and  correctness  of  judgment, 
which  might  enable  him  to  resist  the  various  seductions  to  which  his  fame 
and  rank  exposed  him  in  the  metropolis  of  the  union,  were  not  associated 
with  the  firmness  which  he  had  displayed  in  the  field,  and  in  the  most 
adverse  circumstances.  Yielding  to  the  temptations  of  a  false  pride,  and 
forgetting  that  he  did  not  possess  the  resources  of  private  fortune,,  he  in- 
dulged in  the  pleasures  of  a  sumptuous  table  and  expensive  equipage,  and 
soon  swelled  his  debts  to  an  amount  which  it  was  impossible  to  discharge. 
Unmindful  of  his  military  character,  he  engaged  in  speculations  which 
were  unfortunate ;  and  with  the  hope  of  immense  profit,  took  shares  in 
privateers  which  were  unsuccessful.  His  claims  against  the  United 
States  were  great,  and  he  looked  to  them  for  the  means  of  extricating  him- 
self from  the  embarrassments  in  which  his  indiscretions  had  involved 
him ;  but  the  commissioners  to  whom  his  accounts  were  referred  for  set- 
tlement, had  reduced  them  considerably;  and,  on  his  appeal  from  their 
decision  to  congress,  a  committee  reported  that  the  sum  allowed  by  the 
commissioners  was  more  than  he  was  entitled  to  receive. 

He  was  charged  with  various  acts  of  extortion  on  the  citizens  of  Phi- 
ladelphia, and  with  peculating  on  the  funds  of  the  continent.  Not  the 
less  soured  by  these  multiplied  causes  of  irritation,  from  the  reflection 


376  THE  LIFE  OF 

that  they  were  attributable  to  his  own  follies  and  vices,  he  gave  full  scope 
to  his  resentments,  and  indulged  himself  in  expressions  of  angry  reproach 
against,  what  he  termed,  the  ingratitude  of  his  country,  which  provoked 
those  around  him,  and  gave  great  offence  to  congress.  Having  become  pe- 
culiarly odious  to  the  government  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Executive  of  that 
state  exhibited  formal  charges  against  him  to  congress,  who  directed  that 
he  should  be  arrested  and  brought  before  a  court  martial.  His  trial  was 
concluded  late  in  January,  1779,  and  he  was  sentenced  to  be  reprimand- 
ed by  the  Commander-in-chief.  This  sentence  was  approved  by  con- 
gress and  carried  into  execution. 

From  the  time  the  sentence  against  him  was  approved,  if  not  sooner, 
his  proud  unprincipled  spirit  revolted  from  the  cause  of  his  country,  and 
determined  him  to  seek  an  occasion  to  make  the  objects  of  his  resent- 
ment, the  victims  of  his  vengeance.  Turning  his  eyes  on  West  Point 
as  an  acquisition  which  would  give  value  to  treason,  and  inflict  a  mortal 
wound  on  his  former  friends,  he  sought  the  command  of  that  fortress  for 
the  purpose  of  gratifying  both  his  avarice  and  his  hate.* 

To  New  York,  the  safety  of  West  Point  was  peculiarly  interesting ; 
and,  in  that  state,  the  reputation  of  Arnold  was  particularly  high.  To 
its  delegation  he  addressed  himself;  and  one  of  its  members  had  written 
a  letter  to  General  Washington,  suggesting  doubts  respecting  the  milita- 
ry character  of  Howe,  to  whom  its  defence  was  then  entrusted,  and  recom- 
mending Arnold  for  that  service.  This  request  was  not  forgotten.  Some 
short  time  afterwards,  General  Schuyler  mentioned  to  the  Commander-in- 
chief  a  letter  he  had  received  from  Arnold  intimating  his  wish  to  join 
the  army,  but  stating  his  inability,  in  consequence  of  his  wounds,  to  per- 
form the  active  duties  of  the  field.  General  Washington  observed  that, 
as  there  was  a  prospect  of  a  vigorous  campaign,  he  should  be  gratified 
with  the  aid  of  General  Arnold.  That  so  soon  as  the  operations  against 
New  York  should  commence,  he  designed  to  draw  his  whole  force  into 
the  field,  leaving  even  West  Point  to  the.  care  of  invalids  and  a  small 
garrison  of  militia.  Recollecting  however  the  former  application  of  a 
member  of  congress  respecting  this  post,  he  added,  that  "  if.  with  this 
previous  information,  that  situation  would  be  more  agreeable  to  him  than 
a  command  in  the  field,  his  wishes  should  certainly  be  indulged." 

*  The  author  is  informed  by  General  Lafayette  that  Arnold,  while  commanding  at 
West  Point,  endeavoured  to  obtain  from  General  Washington  the  names  of  his  secret 
emissaries  in  New  York,  and  his  means  of  communicating  with  them.  He  pressed 
Lafayette,  who  had  also  his  private  intelligencers,  for  the  same  imformation.  His  ap- 
plications were  of  course  unsuccessful.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  his  object  was  to 
commit  the  additional  crime  of  betraying  them  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  377 

This  conversation  being  communicated  to  Arnold,  he  caught  eagerly 
at  the  proposition,  though  without  openly  discovering  any  solicitude  on 
the  subject ;  and,  in  the  beginning  of  August,  repaired  to  camp,  where 
he  renewed  the  solicitations  which  had  before  been  made  indirectly. 

At  this  juncture,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  embarked  on  an  expedition  he 
meditated  against  Rhode  Island,  and  General  Washington  was  advanc- 
ing on  New  York.  He  offered  Arnold  the  left  wing  of  the  army,  which 
that  officer  declined  under  the  pretexts  mentioned  in  his  letter  to  Gene 
ral  Schuyler. 

Incapable  of  suspecting  a  mar  who  had  given  such  distinguished 
proofs  of  courage  and  patriotism,  the  Commander-in-chief  was  neither 
alarmed  at  his  refusal  to  embrace  so  splendid  an  opportunity  of  recover- 
ing the  favour  of  his  countrymen,  nor  at  the  embarrassment  accompany- 
ing that  refusal.  Pressing  the  subject  no  farther,  he  assented  to  the  re- 
quest which  had  been  made,  and  invested  Arnold  with  the  command  of 
West  Point.  Previous  to  his  soliciting  this  station,  he  had,  in  a  letter  to 
Colonel  Robinson,  signified  his  change  of  principles,  and  his  wish  to  re- 
store himself  to  the  favour  of  his  Prince  by  some  signal  proof  of  his  re- 
pentance. This  letter  opened  the  way  to  a  correspondence  with  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  the  immediate  object  of  which,  after  obtaining  the  ap- 
pointment he  had  solicited,  was  to  concert  the  means  of  delivering  the 
important  post  he  commanded  to  the  British  general. 

Major  John  Andre,  an  aid-de-camp  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  adju- 
tant general  of  the  British  army,  was  selected  as  the  person  to  whom 
the  maturing  of  Arnold's  treason,  and  the  arrangements  for  its  execu- 
tion should  be  entrusted.  A  correspondence  was  carried  on  between 
them  under  a  mercantile  disguise,  in  the  feigned  names  of  Gustavus  and 
Anderson ;  and,  at  length,  to  facilitate  their  communications,  the  Vul- 
ture sloop  of  war  moved  up  the  North  River,  and  took  a  station  conveni- 
ent for  the  purpose,  but  not  so  near  as  to  excite  suspicion. 

The  time  when  General  Washington  met  the  Count  de  Rochambeau 
at  Hartford  was  selected  for  the  final  adjustment  of  the  plan ;  and,  as  a 
personal  interview  was  deemed  necessary,  Major  Andre  came  up  the 
river,  and  went  on  board  the  Vulture.  The  house  of  a  Mr. 
Smith,  without  the  American  posts,  was  appointed  for  the  in- 
terview; and  to  that  place  both  parties  repaired  in  the  night — Andre, 
being  brought  under  a  pass  for  John  Anderson,  in  a  boat  despatched 
from  the  shore.  While  the  conference  was  yet  unfinished,  day  light  ap- 
proached ;  and,  to  avoid  discovery,  Arnold  proposed  that  Andre  should 
remain  concealed  until  the  succeeding  night.  He  is  understood  to  have 
refused  peremptorily  to  be  carried  within  the  American  posts ;  but  the 


378  THE  LIFE  OF 

promise  to  respect  this  objection  was  not  observed.  They  continued 
together  the  succeeding  day;  and  when,  in  the  following  night,  his 
return  to  the  Vulture  was  proposed,  the  boatmen  refused  to  carry 
him  because  she  had  shifted  her  station  during  the  day,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  gun  which  was  moved  to  the  shore  without  the  knowledge 
of  Arnold,  and  brought  to  bear  upon  her.  This  embarrassing  circum- 
stance reduced  him  to  the  necessity  of  endeavouring  to  reach  New  York 
by  land.  To  accomplish  this  purpose,  he  reluctantly  yielded  to  the  ur 
gent  representations  of  Arnold ;  and,  laying  aside  his  regimentals,  which 
he  had  hitherto  worn  under  a  surtout,  put  on  a  plain  suit  of  clothes,  and 
received  a  pass  from  General  Arnold,  authorizing  him,  under  the  name 
of  John  Anderson,  to  proceed  on  the  public  service  to  the  White  Plains, 
or  lower  if  he  thought  proper. 

With  this  permit,  he  had  passed  all  the  guards  and  posts  on  the  roaa 
unsuspected,  and  was  proceeding  to  New  York  in  perfect  security,  when 
one  of  three  militia  men  who  were  employed  between  the  lines  of  the 
two  armies,  springing  suddenly  from  his  covert  into  the  road,  seized  the 
reins  of  his  bridle,  and  stopped  his  horse.  Losing  his  accustomed  self- 
possession,  Major  Andre,  instead  of  producing  the  pass*  from  General 
Arnold,  asked  the  man  hastily  where  he  belonged  ?  He  replied  "  to  be- 
low ;"  a  term  implying  that  he  was  from  New  York.  "  And  so,"  said 
Andr&,  not  suspecting  deception,  "  am  I."  He  then  declared  himself  to 
be  a  British  officer  on  urgent  business,  and  begged  that  he  might  not  be 
detained.  The  appearance  of  the  other  militia  men  disclosed  his  mis- 
take, too  late  to  correct  it.  He  offered  a  purse  of  gold,  and  a  valuable 
watch,  with  tempting  promises  of  ample  reward  from  his  government, 
if  they  would  permit  him  to  escape ;  but  his  offers  were  rejected,  and  his 
captors  proceeded  to  search  him.  They  found  concealed  in  his  boots, 
in  Arnold's  hand  writing,  papers  containing  all  the  information  which 
could  be  important  respecting  West  Point.  When  carried  before  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Jameson,  the  officer  commanding  the  scouting  parties  on 
the  lines,  he  still  maintained  his  assumed  character,  and  requested  Jame- 
son to  inform  his  commanding  officer  that  Anderson  was  taken.  Jame- 
son despatched  an  express  with  this  communication.  On  receiving  it, 
Arnold  comprehended  the  full  extent  of  his  danger,  and,  flying  from  well 
merited  punishment,  took  refuge  on  board  the  Vulture. 

When  sufficient  time  for  the  escape  of  Arnold  was  supposed  to  have 
elapsed,  Andre,  no  longer  affecting  concealment,  acknowledged  himself 

*  Mr.  Johnson  says  he  did  produce  it;  but  that,  on  being  surprised,  he  had  thrust 
a  paper  containing  a  plan  of  the  route  in  his  boot,  which,  having  been  perceived,  was 
demanded,  and  led  to  his  discovery. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  379 

to  be  the  adjutant  general  of  the  British  army.  Jameson,  seeking  to  cor- 
rect the  mischief  of  his  indiscreet  communication  to  Arnold,  immediately 
despatched  a  packet  to  the  Commander-in-chief  containing  the  papers 
which  had  been  discovered,  with  a  letter  from  Andre,  relating  the  man- 
ner of  his  capture,  and  accounting  for  the  disguise  he  had  assumed. 

The  express  was  directed  to  meet  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  was 
then  on  his  return  from  Hartford;  but,  taking  different  roads,*  they 
missed  each  other,  and  a  delay  attended  the  delivery  of  the  papers,  which 
insured  the  escape  of  Arnold. 

Every  precaution  was  immediately  taken  for  the  security  of  West 
Point ;  after  which,  the  attention  of  the  Commander-in-chief  was  turned 
to  Andr6.  A  board  of  general  ofTlccrs,  of  which  Major  General  Greene 
was  president,  and  the  two  foreign  generals,  Lafayette  and  Steuben, 
were  members,  was  called,  to  report  a  precise  state  of  his  case,  and  to 
determine  the  character  in  which  he  was  to  be  considered,  and  the  pun- 
ishment to  which  he  was  liable. 

The  frankness  and  magnanimity  with  which  Andr6  had  conducted 
himself  from  the  time  of  his  appearance  in  his  real  character,  had  made 
a  very  favourable  impression  on  all  those  with  whom  he  had  held  any 
intercourse.  From  this  cause  he  experienced  every  mark  of  indulgent 
attention  which  was  compatible  with  his  situation ;  and,  from  a  sense  of 
justice  as  well  as  of  delicacy,  was  informed,  on  the  opening  of  the  exami- 
nation, that  he  was  at  liberty  not  to  answer  any  interrogatory  which 
might  embarrass  his  own  feelings.  But,  as  if  only  desirous  to  rescue 
his  character  from  imputations  which  he  dreaded  more  than  death, 
he  confessed  every  thing  material  to  his  own  condemnation,  but  would 
divulge  nothing  which  might  involve  others. 

*  General  Lafayette  adds  some  circumstances  which  are  not  found  among  the 
manuscript  papers  of  General  Washington.  The  Commander-in-chief  with  Generals 
Lafayette  and  Knox  had  turned  from  the  direct  route  in  order  to  visit  a  redoubt.  Colo- 
nels Hamilton  and  M'Henry,  the  aids-de-camp  of  Generals  Washington  and  Lafay- 
ette, went  forward  to  request  Mrs.  Arnold  not  to  wait  breakfast.  Arnold  received 
Andr&'s  billet  in  their  presence.  He  turned  pale,  left  them  suddenly,  called  his  wife, 
communicated  the  intelligence  to  her  and  left  her  in  a  swoon,  without  the  knowledge 
of  Hamilton  and  M'Henry.  Mounting  the  horse  of  his  aid-de-camp,  which  was 
ready  saddled,  and  directing  him  to  inform  General  Washington  on  his  arrival  that 
Arnold  was  gone  to  receive  him  at  West  Point,  he  gained  the  river  shore,  and  was 
conveyed  in  a  canoe  to  the  Vulture. 

The  Commander-in-chief,  on  his  arrival,  was  informed  that  Arnold  awaited  him  at 
West  Point.  Taking  it  for  granted  that  this  step  had  been  taken  to  prepare  for  his 
reception,  he  proceeded  thither  without  entering  the  house,  and  was  surprised  to  find 
that  Arnold  was  not  arrived.  On  returning  to  the  quarters  of  that  officer  he  received 
Jameson's  despatch,  which  disclosed  the  whole  mystery. 


380  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  board  reported  the  essential  facts  which  had  appeared,  with  their 
opinion  that  Major  Andre  was  a  spy,  and  ought  to  suffer  death.  The 
execution  of  this  sentence  was  ordered  to  take  place  on  the  day  succeed 
ing  that  on  which  it  was  pronounced. 

Superior  to  the  terrors  of  death,  but  dreading  disgrace,  Andre  was 
deeply  affected  by  the  mode  of  execution  which  the  laws  df  war  decree 
to  persons  in  his  situation.  He  wished  to  die  like  a  soldier,  not  as  a  cri- 
minal. To  obtain  a  mitigation  of  his  sentence  in  this  respect,  he  address- 
ed a  letter*  to  General  Washington,  replete  with  the  feelings  of  a  man 
of  sentiment  and  honour.  But  the  occasion  required  that  the  example 
should  make  its  full  impression,  and  this  request  could  not  be  granted. 
He  encountered  his  fate  with  composure  and  dignity ;  and  his  whole 
conduct  interested  the  feelings  of  all  who  witnessed  it. 

The  general  officers  lamented  the  sentence  which  the  usages  of  war 
0     compelled  them  to  pronounce;  and  never  perhaps  did  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief obey  with  more  reluctance  the  stern  man 
dates  of  duty  and  policy.     The  sympathy  excited  among  the  American 
officers  by  his  fate,  was  as  universal  as  it  is  unusual  on  such  occasions ; 
and  proclaims  alike  the  merit  of  him  who  suffered,  and  the  humanity  of 
those  who  inflicted  the  punishment. 

Great  exertions  were  made  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  to  whom  Andre 
was  particularly  dear,  first,  to  have  him  considered  as  protected  by  a 
flag  of  truce,  and  afterwards,  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 

Even  Arnold  had  the  hardihood  to  interpose.  After  giving  a  certifi- 
cate of  facts  tending,  as  he  supposed,  to  exculpate  the  prisoner,  exhaust- 
ing his  powers  of  reasoning  on  the  case,  and  appealing  to  the  humanity 
of  the  American  general,  he  sought  to  intimidate  that  officer,  by  stating 
the  situation  of  many  of  the  most  distinguished  individuals  of  South  Ca- 
rolina, who  had  forfeited  their  lives,  but  had  hitherto  been  spared  through 
the  clemency  of  the  British  general.  This  clemency,  he  said,  could  no 
longer  be  extended  to  them  should  Major  Andre  suffer. 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  the  interposition  of  Arnold  could  have 
no  influence  on  Washington.  He  conveyed  Mrs.  Arnold  to  her  hus- 
band in  New  York,f  and  also  transmitted  his  clothes  and  baggage,  for 

*  See  note  XVII.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

t  General  Lafayette  mentions  a  circumstance  not  previously  known  to  the  author, 
which  serves  to  illustrate  the  character  of  Washington,  and  to  mark  the  delicacy  of  his 
feelings  towards  even  the  offending  part  of  that  sex  which  is  entitled  to  all  the  conso- 
lation and  protection  man  can  afford  it. 

The  night  after  Arnold's  escape,  when  his  letter  respecting  Andre  was  received, 
the  general  directed  one  of  his  aids  to  wait  on  Mrs.  Arnold,  who  was  convulsed  with 
grief,  and  inform  her  that  he  had  done  every  thing  which  depended  on  him  to  arrest 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  381 

which  he  had  written ;  but,  in  every  other  respect,  his  letters,  which 
were  unanswered,  were  also  unnoticed. 

The  mingled  sentiments  of  admiration  and  compassion  excited  in 
every  bosom  for  the  unfortunate  Andre,  seemed  to  increase  the  detesta- 
tion in  which  Arnold  was  held.  "  Andr6,"  said  General  Washington  in 
a  private  letter,  "  has  met  his  fate  with  that  fortitude  which  was  to  be 
expected  from  an  accomplished  man  and  a  gallant  officer ;  but  I  am  mis- 
taken if  at  this  time  Arnold  is  undergoing  the  torments  of  a  mental  hell. 
He  wants  feeling.  From  some  traits*  of  his  character  which  have  lately 
come  to  my  knowledge,  he  seems  to  have  >been  so  hardened  in  crime, 
so  lost  to  all  sense  of  honour  and  shame,  that,  while  his  faculties  still 
enable  him  to  continue  his  sordid  pursuits,  there  will  be  no  time  for  re- 
morse." 

From  motives  of  policy,  or  of  respect  for  his  engagements,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  conferred  on  Arnold  the  commission  of  a  brigadier  general  in 
the  British  service,  which  he  preserved  throughout  the  war.  Yet  it  is 
impossible  that  rank  could  have  rescued  him  from  the  contempt  and 
detestation  in  which  the  generous,  the  honourable,  and  the  brave,  could 
not  cease  to  hold  him.  It  was  impossible  for  men  of  this  description  to 
bury  the  recollection  of  his  being  a  traitor,  a  sordid  traitor,  first  the  slave 
of  his  rage,  then  purchased  with  gold,  and  finally  secured  at  the  expense 
of  the  blood  of  one  of  the  most  accomplished  officers  in  the  British  army. 

His  representations  of  the  discontent  of  the  country  and  of  the  army 
concurring  with  reports  from  other  quarters,  had  excited  the  hope  that 
the  loyalists  and  the  dissatisfied,  allured  by  British  gold,  and  the  pros- 
pect of  rank  in  the  British  service,  would  flock  to  his  standard,  and  form 
a  corps  at  whose  head  he  might  again  display  his  accustomed  intrepidi- 
ty. With  this  hope  he  published  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Ame- 
rica, in  which  he  laboured  to  palliate  his  own  guilt,  and  to  increase  their 
dissatisfaction  with  the  existing  state  of  things. 

This  appeal  to  the  public  was  followed  by  a  proclamation  addressed 

her  husband,  but  that,  not  having  succeeded,  it  .gave  him  pleasure  to  inform  her  that 
her  husband  was  safe.  It  is  also  honourable  to  the  American  character,  that  during 
the  effervescence  of  the  moment,  Mrs.  Arnold  was  permitted  to  go  to  Philadelphia,  to 
take  possession  of  her  effects,  and  to  proceed  to  New  York  under  the  protection  of  a 
flag,  without  receiving  the  slightest  insult. 

*  This  allusion  is  thus  explained  in  a  private  letter  from  Colonel  Hamilton — "  This 
man  (Arnold)  is  in  every  sense  despicable.  In  addition  to  the  scene  of  knavery  and 
prostitution  during  his  command  in  Philadelphia,  which  the  late  seizure  of  his  papers 
has  unfolded,  the  history  of  his  command  at  West  Point  is  a  history  of  little  as  well 
as  great  villanies.  He  practised  every  dirty  act  of  peculation,  and  even  stooped  to 
connexions  with  the  suttlersto  defraud  the  public." 
Voi.  i.  2  H  25 


382  THE  LIFE  OF 

"  To  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  continental  army,  who  have  the  real 
interests  of  their  country  at  heart,  and  who  are  determined  to  be  no 
longer  the  tools  and  dupes  of  congress  or  of  France." 

The  object  of  this  proclamation  was  to  induce  the  officers  and  soldiers 
to  desert  the  cause  they  had  embraced  from  principle,  by  holding  up  to 
them  the  very  flattering  offers  of  the  British  general,  and  contrasting  the 
substantial  emoluments  of  the  British  service  with  their  present  deplora- 
ble condition.  He  attempted  to  cover  this  dishonourable  proposition  with 
a  decent  garb,  by  representing  the  base  step  he  invited  them  to  take,  as 
the  only  measure  which  could  restore  peace,  real  liberty,  and  happiness, 
to  their  country. 

These  inducements  did  not  produce  their  intended  effect.  Although 
the  temper  of  the  army  might  be  irritated  by  real  suffering,  and  by  the 
supposed  neglect  of  government,  no  diminution  of  patriotism  had  been 
produced.  Through  all  the  hardships,  irritations,  and  vicissitudes  of  the 
war,  Arnold  remains  the  solitary  instance  of  an  American  officer  who 
abandoned  the  side  first  embraced  in  this  civil  contest,  and  turned  his 
sword  upon  his  former  companions  in  arms. 

When  the  probable  consequences  of  this  plot,  had  it  been  successful, 
were  "considered,  and  the  combination  of  apparent  accidents  by  which  it 
was  discovered  and  defeated,  was  recollected,  all  were  filled  with  awful 
astonishment ;  and  the  devout  perceived  in  the  transaction,  the  hand  of 
Providence  guiding  America  to  independence. 

The  thanks  of  congress  were  voted  to  the  three  militia  men*  who  had 
rendered  this  invaluable  service ;  and  a  silver  medal,  with  an  inscription 
expressive  of  their  fidelity  and  patriotism,  was  directed  to  be  presented 
to  each  of  them.  In  addition  to  this  flattering  testimonial  of  their  worth, 
and  as  a  farther  evidence  of  national  gratitude,  a  resolution  was  passed 
granting  to  each,  two  hundred  dollars  per  annum  during  life,  to  be  paid 
in  specie  or  an  equivalent  in  current  money. 

The  efforts  of  General  Washington  to  obtain  a  permanent  military 
force,  or  its  best  substitute,  a  regular  system  for  filling  the  vacant  ranks 
with  draughts  who  should  join  the  army  on  the  first  day  of  January  in 
each  year,  were  still  continued.  Notwithstanding  the  embarrassments 
with  which  congress  was  surrounded,  it  is  not  easy  to  find  adequate  rea- 
sons for  the  neglect  of  representations  so  interesting,  and  of  recommen- 
dations apparently  so  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  United  States. 

Private  letters  disclose  the  fact  that  two  parties  still  agitated  congress. 
One  entered  fully  into  the  views  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  The  other, 
jealous  of  the  army,  and  apprehensive  of  its  hostility  to  liberty  when 

*  Their  names  were  John  Pauldincr,  David  Williams,  and  Isaac  Vanwert. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  383 

peace  should  be  restored,  remained  unwilling  to  give  stability  to  its  con- 
stitution by  increasing  the  numbers  who  were  to  serve  during  the  war. 
They  seemed  to  dread  the  danger  from  the  enemy  to  which  its  fluctua- 
tions would  expose  them,  less  than  the  danger  which  might  be  apprehend- 
ed for  the  civil  authority  from  its  permanent  character.  They  caught 
with  avidity  at  every  intelligence  which  encouraged  the  flattering  hope 
of  a  speedy  peace,*  but  entered  reluctantly  into  measures  founded  on  the 
supposition  that  the  war  might  be  of  long  duration.  Perfectly  acquaint- 
ed with  the  extent  of  the  jealousies  entertained  on  this  subject,  although, 
to  use  his  own  expressions  to  a  friend,  "  Heaven  knows  how  unjustly," 
General  Washington  had  foreborne  to  press  the  necessity  of  regular  and 
timely  reinforcements  to  his  army  so  constantly  and  so  earnestly  as  his 
own  judgment  directed.  But  the  experience  of  every  campaign  furnish- 
ed such  strong  additional  evidences  of  the  impolicy  and  danger  of  con- 
tinuing to  rely  on  temporary  expedients,  and  the  uncertainty  of  collect- 
ing a  force  to  co-operate  with  the  auxiliaries  from  France  was  so  pecu- 
liarly embarrassing,  that  he  at  length  resolved  to  conquer  the  delicacy 
by  which  he  had  been  in  some  degree  restrained,  and  to  open  himself 
fully  on  the  subject  which  he  deemed  more  essential  than  any  other  to 
the  success  of  the  war. 

In  August,  while  looking  anxiously  for  such  a  reinforcement  to  the 
Chevalier deTernay  as  would  give  him  the  command  of  the  American 
seas,  and  while  uncertain  whether  the  campaign  might  not  pass  away 
without  giving  a  single  advantage  promised  at  its  opening,  he  transmit- 
ted a  letter  to  congress,  fully  and  freely  imparting  his  sentiments  on  the 
state  of  things. 

As  this  letter  contains  an  exact  statement  of  American  affairs,  accord- 
ing to  the  view  taken  of  them  by  General  Washington,  and  a  faithful 
picture  of  the  consequences  of  the  ruinous  policy  which  had  been  pur- 

*  The  following  extract  from  a  private  letter  of  General  Washington  to  a  member 
of  congress,  shows  how  sensible  he  was  of  the  mischief  produced  by  this  temper. 
"  The  satisfaction  I  have  in  any  successes  that  attend  us,  even  in  the  alleviation  of 
misfortunes,  is  always  allayed  by  the  fear  that  it  will  lull  us  into  security.  Supine- 
ness,  and  a  disposition  to  flatter  ourselves,  seem  to  make  parts  of  our  national  charac- 
ter. When  we  receive  a  check  and  are  not  quite  undone,  we  are  apt  to  fancy  we  have 
gained  a  victory ;  and  when  we  do  gain  any  little  advantage,  we  imagine  it  decisive, 
and  expect  the  war  immediately  to  end.  The  history  of  the  war  is  a  history  of  false 
hopes  and  temporary  expedients.  Would  to  God  they  were  to  end  here !  This  win- 
ter, if  I  am  not  mistaken,  will  open  a  still  more  embarrassing  scene  than  we  have  yet 
experienced,  to  the  southward.  I  have  little  doubt,  should  we  not  gain  a  naval  supe- 
riority, that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  will  detach  to  the  southward  to  extend  his  conquests 
I  am  far  from  being  satisfied  that  we  shall  be  prepared  to  repel  his  attempts." 


384  THE  LIFE  OF 

sued,  drawn  by  the  man  best  acquainted  with  them,  copious  extracts 
from  it  will,  at  least,  be  excused. 

After  examining  the  sources  of  supplies  for  the  campaign,  he  proceeds 
to  say — "  But  while  we  are  meditating  offensive  operations 
which  may  not  be  undertaken  at  all,  or,  being  undertaken, 
may  fail,  I  am  persuaded  congress  are  not  inattentive  to  the  present 
"state  'of  the  army,  and  will  view  in  the  same  light  with  me  the  necessity 
of  providing  in  time  against  a  period  (the  first  of  January)  when  one 
half  of  our  present  force  will  dissolve.  The  shadow  of  an  army  that 
will  remain,  will  have  every  motive,  except  mere  patriotism,  to  abandon 
the  service,  without  the  hope  which  has  hitherto  supported  them,  of  a 
change  for  the  better.  This  is  almost  extinguished  now,  and  certainly 
will  not  outlive  the  campaign,  unless  it  finds  something  more  substantial 
to  rest  upon.  This  is  a  truth  of  which  every  spectator  of  the  distresses 
of  the  army  can  not  help  being  convinced.  Those  at  a  distance  may 
speculate  differently ;  but  on  the  spot  an  opinion  to  the  contrary,  judging 
human  nature  on  the  usual  scale,  would  be  chimerical. 

'  The  honourable  the  committee  of  congress,  who  have  seen  and 
heard  for  themselves,  will  add  their  testimony  to  mine;  and  the  wisdom 
and  justice  of  congress  can  not  fail  to  give  it  the  most  serious  attention. 
To  me  it  will  appear  miraculous,  if  our  affairs  can  maintain  themselves 
much  longer  in  their  present  train.  If  either  the  temper  or  the  resources 
of  the  country  will  not  admit  of  an  alteration,  we  may  expect  soon  to 
be  reduced  to  the  humiliating  condition  of  seeing  the  cause  of  America, 
in  America,  upheld  by  foreign  arms.  The  generosity  of  our  allies  has 
i  claim  to  all  our  confidence,  and  all  our  gratitude ;  but  it  is  neither  for 
the  honour  of  America,  nor  for  the  interest  of  the  common  cause,  to 
leave  the  work  entirely  to  them." 

He  then  reviewed  the  resources  of  Great  Britain ;  and,  after  showing 
her  ability  still  to  prosecute  the  war,  added — "  The  inference  from  these 
reflections  is,  that  we  can  not  count  upon  a  speedy  end  of  the  war ;  and 
that  it  is  the  true  policy  of  America  not  to  content  herself  with  temporary 
expedients,  but  to  endeavour,  if  possible,  to  give  consistency  and  solidity 
to  her  measures.  An  essential  step  to  this  will  be  immediately  to  de- 
vise a  plan  and  put  it  in  execution,  for  providing  men  in  time  to  replace 
those  who  will  leave  us  at  the  end  of  the  year;  and  for  subsisting  and 
for  making  a  reasonable  allowance  to  the  officers  and  soldiers. 

"  The  plan  for  this  purpose  ought  to  be  of  general  operation,  and 
such  as  will  execute  itself.  Experience  has  shown  that  a  peremptory 
draught  will  be  the  only  effectual  one.  If  a  draught  for  the  war  or  for 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  385 

three  years  can  be  effected,  it  ought  to  be  made  on  every  account  ;  a 
shorter  period  than  a  year  is  inadmissible. 

"  To  one  who  has  been  witness  to  the  evils  brought  upon  us  by  short 
enlistments,  the  system  appears  to  have  been  pernicious  beyond  descrip- 
tion j  and  a  crowd  of  motives  present  themselves  to  dictate  a  change. 
It  may  easily  be  shown  that  all  the  misfortunes  we  have  met  with  in  the 
military  line,  are  to  be  attributed  to  this  cause. 

"  Had  we  formed  a  permanent  army  in  the  beginning,  which,  by  the 
continuance  of  the  same  men  in  service,  had  been  capable  of  discipline, 
we  never  should  have  to  retreat  with  a  handful  of  men  across  the  Dela- 
ware in  1776,  trembling  for  the  fate  of  America,  which  nothing  but  the  in- 
fatuation of  the  enemy  could  have  saved ;  we  should  not  have  remained  all 
the  succeeding  winter  at  their  mercy,  with  sometimes  scarcely  a  sufficient 
body  of  men  to  mount  the  ordinary  guards,  liable  at  every  moment  to  be 
dissipated,  if  they  had  only  thought  proper  to  march  against  us ;  we 
should  not  have  been  under  the  necessity  of  fighting  at  Brandy  wine  with 
an  unequal  number  of  raw  troops,  and  afterwards  of  seeing  Philadelphia 
fall  a  prey  to  a  victorious  army ;  we  should  not  have  been  at  Valley 
Forge  with  less  than  half  the  force  of  the  enemy,  destitute  of  every  thing 
in  a  situation  neither  to  resist  nor  to  retire;  we  should  not  have  seen 
New  York  left  with  a  handful  of  men,  yet  an  overmatch  for  the  main 
army  of  these  states,  while  the  principal  part  of  their  force  was  detach- 
ed for  the  reduction  of  two  of  them;  we  should  not  have  found  ourselves 
this  spring  so  weak  as  to  be  insulted  by  five  thousand  men,  unable  to 
protect  our  baggage  and  magazines,  their  security  depending  on  a  good 
countenance,  and  a  want  of  enterprise  in  the  enemy ;  we  should  not 
have  been,  the  greatest  part  of  the  war,  inferior  to  the  enemy,  indebted 
for  our  safety  to  their  inactivity,  enduring  frequently  the  mortification 
of  seeing  inviting  opportunities  to  ruin  them,  pass  unimproved  for  want 
of  a  force  which  the  country  was  completely  able  to  afford ;  to  see  the 
country  ravaged,  our  towns  burnt,  the  inhabitants  plundered,  abused, 
murdered,  with  impunity  from  the  same  cause." 

After  presenting  in  detail  the  embarrassments  under  which  the  civil 
departments  of  the  army  also  had  laboured,  in  consequence  of  the  ex- 
pensiveness  and  waste  inseparable  from  its  temporary  character,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  observe — "  There  is  every  reason  to  believe,  that  the  war  has 
been  protracted  on  this  account.  Our  opposition  being  less,  made  the 
successes  of  the  enemy  greater.  The  fluctuation  of  the  army  kept  alive 
their  hopes;  and  at  every  period  of  a  dissolution  of  a- considerable  part 
of  it,  they  have  flattered  themselves  with  some  decisive  advantages. 
Had  we  kept  a  permanent  army  on  foot,  the  enemy  could  have  had  nothing 


386  THE  LIFE  OF 

to  hope  for,  and  would  in  all  probability  have  listened  to  terms  long 
since.  If  the  army  is  left  in  its  present  situation,  it  must  continue  an 
encouragement  to  the  efforts  of  the  enemy ;  if  it  is  put  in  a  respectable 
one,  it  must  have  a  contrary  effect ;  and  nothing  I  believe  will  tend  more 
to  give  us  peace  the  ensuing  winter.  Many  circumstances  will  contri- 
bute to  a  negotiation.  An  army  on  foot,  not  only  for  another  campaign, 
but  for  several  campaigns,  would  determine  the  enemy  to  pacific  mea- 
sures, and  enable  us  to  insist  upon  favourable  terms  in  forcible  language. 
An  army  insignificant  in  numbers,  dissatisfied,  crumbling  to  pieces, 
would  be  the  strongest  temptation  they  could  have  to  try  the  experiment 
a  little  longer.  It  is  an  old  maxim  that  the  surest  way  to  make  a  good 
peace  is  to  be  well  prepared  for  war. 

"  I  can  not  forbear  returning  in  this  place  to  the  necessity  of  a  more 
ample  and  equal  provision  for  the  army.  The  discontents  on  this  head 
have  been  gradually  matured  to  a  dangerous  extremity.  There  are 
many  symptoms  that  alarm  and  distress  me.  Endeavours  are  using  to 
unite  both  officers  and  men  in  a  general  refusal  of  the  money,  and  some 
corps  now  actually  decline  receiving  it.  Every  method  has  been  taken 
to  counteract  it,  because  such  a  combination  in  the  army  would  be  a  se- 
vere blow  to  our  declining  currency.  The  most  moderate  insist  that 
the  accounts  of  depreciation  ought  to  be  liquidated  at  stated  periods,  and 
certificates  given  by  government  for  the  sums  due.  They  will  not  be 
satisfied  with  "a  general  declaration  that  it  shall  be  made  good. 

"  I  have  often  said,  and  I  beg  leave  to  repeat  it,  the  half  pay  provision 
is  in  my  opinion  the  most  politic  and  effectual  that  can  be  adopted.  On 
the  whole,  if  something  satisfactory  be  not  done,  the  army  (already  so 
much  reduced  in  officers  by  daily  resignations  as  not  to  have  a  sufficien- 
cy to  do  the  common  duties  of  it)  must  either  cease  to  exist  at  the  end 
of  the  campaign,  or  will  exhibit  an  example  of  more  virtue,  fortitude, 
self-denial,  and  perseverance,  than  has  perhaps  ever  yet  been  paralleled 
in  the  history  of  human  enthusiasm. 

"  The  dissolution  of  the  army  is  an  event  that  can  not  be  regarded 
with  indifference.  It  would  bring  accumulated  distress  upon  us;  it 
would  throw  the  people  of  America  into  a  general  consternation ;  it 
would  discredit  our  cause  throughout  the  world ;  it  would  shock  our  al- 
lies. To  think  of  replacing  the  officers  with  others  is  visionary.  The 
loss  of  the  veteran  soldiers  could  not  be  replaced.  To  attempt  to  carry 
on  the  war  with  militia  against  disciplined  troops,  will  be  to  attempt 
what  the  common  sense  and  common  experience  of  mankind  will  pro- 
nounce to  be  impracticable.  But  I  should  fail  in  respect  to  congress,  to 
dwell  on  observations  of  this  kind  in  a  letter  to  them." 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  387 

At  length  the  committee  presented  their  report,  reorganizing  the  regi- 
ments, reducing  their  number,  and  apportioning  on  the  several  states 
their  respective  numbers  to  complete  the  establishment.  This  report, 
being  approved  by  congress,  was  transmitted  to  the  Commander-in-chief 
for  his  consideration.  By  this  arrangement,  the  states  were  required  to 
recruit  their  quotas  for  the  war,  and  to  bring  them  into  the  field  by  the 
first  of  January ;  but,  if  in  any  state,  it  should  be  found  impracticable  to 
raise  the  men  for  the  war  by  the  first  day  of  December,  it  was  recom- 
mended to  such  state  to  supply  the  deficiency  with  men  engaged  to  serve 
for  not  less  than  one  year. 

In  compliance  with  the  request  of  congress,  General  Washington  sub- 
mitted his  objections  to  the  plan,  in  a  long  and  respectful  letter. 

He  recommended  that  legionary  corps  should  be  substituted  in  the 
place  of  regiments  entirely  of  cavalry.  He  thought  it  more  adviseable  that 
the  infantry  attached  to  the  cavalry  should  compose  a  part  of  the  corps 
permanently,  than  that  it  should  be  drawn  occasionally  from  the  regi- 
ments of  foot. 

The  reduction  in  the  number  of  regiments  appeared  to  him  a  subject 
of  great  delicacy.  The  last  reduction,  he  said,  had  occasioned  many  to 
quit  the  service,  independent  of  those  who  were  discontinued  ;  and  had 
left  durable  seeds  of  discontent  among  those  who  remained.  The  gene- 
ral l^pic  of  declamation  was,  that  it  was  as  hard  as  dishonourable,  for 
men  who  had  made  every  sacrifice  to  the  service,  to  be  turned  out  of  it, 
at  the  pleasure  of  those  in  power,  without  an  adequate  compensation.  In 
the  maturity  to  which  their  uneasiness  had  now  risen  from  a  continu- 
ance of  misery,  they  would  be  still  more  impatient  under  an  attempt  of 
a  similar  nature. 

It  was  not,  he  said,  the  intention  of  his  remarks  to  discourage  a  re- 
form, but  to  show  the  necessity  of  guarding  against  the  ill  effects  which 
might  otherwise  attend  it,  by  making  an  ample  provision  both  for  the 
officers  who  should  remain  in  the  service,  and  for  those  who  should  be 
reduced.  This  should  be  the  basis  of  the  plan  ;  and  without  it,  the  most 
mischievous  consequences  were  to  be  apprehended.  He  was  aware  of 
the  difficulty  of  making  a  present  provision  sufficiently  ample  to  give 
satisfaction ;  but  this  only  proved  the  expediency  of  making  one  for  the 
future,  and  brought  him  to  that  which  he  had  so  frequently  recommend- 
ed as  the  most  economical,  the  most  politic,  and  the  most  effectual,  that 
could  be  devised ;  this  was  half  pay  for  life.  Supported  by  the  prospect 
of  a  permanent  provision,  the  officers  would  be  tied  to  the  service,  and 
would  submit  to  many  momentary  privations,  and  to  those  inconveni- 
encies,  which  the  situation  of  public  affairs  rendered  unavoidable.  If 


388  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  objection  drawn  from  the  principle  that  the  measure  was  incompati- 
ble with  the  genius  of  the  government  should  be  thought  insurmounta- 
ble, he  would  propose  a  substitute,  less  eligible  in  his  opinion,  but  which 
would  answer  the  purpose.  It  was  to  make  the  present  half  pay  for 
seven  years,  whole  pay  for  the  same  period.  He  also  recommended 
that  depreciation  on  the  pay  received,  should  be  made  up  to  the  officers 
who  should  be  reduced. 

No  objection  occurred  to  the  measure  now  recommended,  but  the  ex- 
pense it  would  occasion.  In  his  judgment,  whatever  would  give  consis- 
tency to  the  military  establishment,  would  be  ultimately  favourable  to 
economy.  It  was  not  easy  to  be  conceived,  except  by  those  who  had 
witnessed  it,  what  an  additional  waste  and  increased  consumption  of 
every  thing,  and  consequently  what  an  increase  of  expense,  resulted 
from  laxness  of  discipline  in  an  army ;  and  where  officers  thought  they 
did  a  favour  by  holding  their  commissions,  and  the  men  were  continu- 
ally fluctuating,  to  maintain  discipline  was  impossible.  Nothing  could 
be  more  obvious  to  him  than  that  a  sound  military  establishment  and 
real  economy  were  the  same.  That  the  purposes  of  war  would  be 
greatly  promoted  by  it  was  too  clear  to  admit  of  argument.  He  object- 
ed also  to  the  mode  of  effecting  the  reduction.  This  was  by  leaving  it 
to  the  several  states  to  select  the  officers  who  should  remain  in  service. 
He  regretted  that  congress  had  not  thought  proper  to  retain  the  reduc- 
tion and  incorporation  of  the  regiments  under  their  own  discretion.  He 
regretted  that  it  should  be  left  to  the  states,  not  only  because  it  was  an 
adherence  to  the  state  system,  which  in  the  arrangements  of  the  army, 
he  disapproved ;  but  because  also  he  feared  it  would  introduce  much 
confusion  and  discontent  in  a  business  which  ought  to  be  conducted  with 
the  greatest  circumspection.  He  feared  also  that  professing  to  select 
the  officers  to  be  retained  in  service  would  give  disgust  both  to  those 
who  should  be  discontinued,  and  to  those  who  should  remain.  The  for- 
mer would  be  sent  away  under  the  public  stigma  of  inferior  merit,  and 
the  latter  would  feel  no  pleasure  in  a  present  preference,  when  they  re- 
flected that,  at  some  future  period,  they  might  experience  a  similar  fate. 

He  wished  with  much  sincerity  that  congress  had  been  pleased  to 
make  no  alteration  in  the  term  of  service,  but  had  confined  their  requisi- 
tion to  men  who  should  serve  for  the  war,  to  be  raised  by  enlistment, 
draught,  or  assessment,  as  might  be  found  necessary.  As  it  now  stood, 
there  would  be  very  few  men  for  the  war,  and  all  the  evils  of  temporary 
engagements  would  still  be  felt.  In  the  present  temper  of  the  states,  he 
entertained  the  most  flattering  hopes  that  they  would  enter  on  vigorous 
measures  to  raise  an  army  for  the  war,  if  congress  appeared  decided  re- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  389 

spooling  it ;  but  if  they  held  up  a  different  idea  as  admissible,  it  would 
be  again  concluded  that  they  did  not  think  an  army  for  the  war  essen- 
tial. This  would  encourage  the  opposition  of  men  of  narrow,  interested, 
and  feeble  tempers,  and  enable  them  to  defeat  the  primary  object  of  the 
revolution. 

This  letter  was  taken  into  consideration ;  and  the  measures  it  recom- 
mended were  pursued  in  almost  every  particular.  Even  the  two  great 
principles  which  were  viewed  with  most  jealousy, — an  army  for  the  war, 
and  half  pay  for  life, — were  adopted.  It  would  have  greatly  abridged 
the  calamities  of  America,  could  these  resolutions  have  been  carried  into 
execution.  Every  effort  for  the  "purpose  was  made  by  the  Commander- 
in-chief. 

To  place  the  officers  of  the  army  in  a  situation  which  would  render 
their  commissions  valuable,  and  hold  out  to  them  the  prospect  of  a  com- 
fortable old  age,  in  a  country  saved  by  their  blood,  their  sufferings,  and 
the  labours  of  their  best  years,  was  an  object  which  had  always  been 
dear  to  the  heart  of  General  Washington,  and  he  had  seized  every  op- 
portunity to  press  it  on  congress.  That  body  had  approached  it  slowly, 
taking  step  after  step  with  apparent  reluctance,  as  the  necessity  of  the 
measure  became  more  and  more  obvious. 

The  first  resolution  on  the  subject,  passed  in  May,  1778,  allowed  to 
all  military  officers  who  should  continue  in  service  during  the  war,  and 
not. hold  any  office  of  profit  under  the  United  States  or  any  of  them,  half 
pay  for  seven  years,  if  they  lived  so  long.  At  the  same  time  the  sum 
of  eighty  dollars,  in  addition  to  his  pay,  was  granted  to  every  non-com- 
missioned officer  and  soldier  who  should  serve  to  the  end  of  the  war. 
In  1779  this  subject  was  resumed.  After  much  debate,  its  farther  con- 
sideration was  postponed ;  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  were  recom- 
mended to  the  attention  of  their  several  states,  with  a  declaration  that 
their  patriotism,  valour,  and  perseverance,  in  defence  of  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  their  country,  had  entitled  them  to  the  gratitude,  as  well  as 
the  approbation  of  their  fellow  citizens. 

In  1780,  a  memorial  from  the  general  officers,  depicting  in  strong 
«rms  the  situation  of  the  army,  and  requiring  present  support,  and  some 
Tuture  provision,  was  answered  by  a  reference  to  what  had  been  already 
done,  and  by  a  declaration  "  That  patience,  self-denial,  fortitude  and 
perseverance,  and  the  cheerful  sacrifice  of  time  and  health,  are  necessa- 
ry virtues  which  both  the  citizen  and  soldier  are  called  to  exercise, 
while  struggling  for  the  liberties  of  their  country ;  and  that  moderation, 
frugality  and  temperance,  must  be  among  the  chief  supports,  as  well  as 


S90  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  brightest  ornaments  of  that  kind  of  civil  government  which  is  wisely 
instituted  by  the  several  states  in  this  Union." 

This  philosophic  lecture  on  the  virtues  of  temperance  to  men  who 
were  often  without  food,  and  always  scantily  supplied,  was  ill  calculated 
to  assuage  irritations  fomented  by  the  neglect  which  was  believed  to 
have  been  sustained.  In  a  few  days  afterwards,  the  subject  was  brought 
again  before  congress,  and  a  more  conciliating  temper  was  manifested. 
The  odious  restriction,  limiting  the  half  pay  for  seven  years  to  those 
who  should  hold  no  post  of  profit  under  the  United  States  or  any  ot 
them,  was  removed ;  and  the  bounty  allowed  the  men  was  extended  to 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  had  died  or  should  die  in  the  ser- 
vice ;  at  length,  the  vote  passed  which  has  been  stated,  allowing  half 
pay  for  life  to  all  officers  who  should  serve  in  the  armies  of  the  United 
States  to  the  end  of  the  war. 

Resolutions  were  also  passed,  recommending  it  to  the  several  states  to 
make  up  the  depreciation  on  the  pay  which  had  been  received  by  the 
army ;  and  it  was  determined  that  their  future  services  should  be  com- 
pensated in  the  money  of  the  new  emission,  the  value  of  which,  it  was 
supposed,  might  be  kept  up  by  taxes  and  by  loans. 

While  the  government  of  the  union  was  thus  employed  in  maturing 
measures  for  the  preservation  of  its  military  establishment,  the  time  for 
action  passed  away  without  furnishing  any  material  event.  The  hostile 
armies  continued  to  watch  each  other  until  the  season  of  the  year  forced 
them  out  of  the  field. 

Just  before  retiring  into  winter  quarters,  a  handsome  enterprise  was 
executed  by  Major  Talmadge,  of  Colonel  Sheldon's  regiment  of  light 
dragoons.  That  gentleman  had  been  generally  stationed  on  the  lines, 
on  the  east  side  of  the  North  River,  and  had  been  distinguished  for  the 
accuracy  of  his  intelligence. 

He  was  informed  that  a  large  magazipe  of  forage  had  been  collected 
at  Coram,  on  Long  Island,  which  was  protected  by  the  militia  of  the 
country,  the  cruisers  in  the  Sound,  and  a  small  garrison  in  its  neigh- 
bourhood. 

At  the  head  of  a  detachment  of  eighty  dismounted  dragoons,  under 

the  command  of  Captain  Edgar,  and  of  eight  or  ten  who  were 

mounted,  he  passed  the  Sound  where  it  was  twenty  miles  wide, 

marched  across  the  island  in  the  night,  and  so  completely  surprised  the 

fort,  that  his  troops  entered  the  works  on  three  different  sides  before  the 

garrison  was  prepared  to  resist  them.     The  British  took  refuge  in  two 

houses  connected  with  the  fortifications,  and  commenced  a  fire  from  the 

doors  and  windows.     These;  were  instantly  forced  open :  and  the  whole 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  391 

p&rty,  amounting  to  fifty-four,  among  whom  were  a  lieutenant  colonel, 
captain,  and  subaltern,  were  killed  or  taken.  Stores  to  a  considerable 
amount  were  destroyed,  the  fort  was  demolished,  and  the  magazines  were 
consumed  by  fire.  The  objects  of  the  expedition  being  accomplished, 
Major  Talmadge  recrossed  the  Sound  without  having  lost  a  man.  On 
the  recommendation  of  General  Washington,  congress  passed  a  reso- 
lution, expressing  a  high  sense  of  the  merit  of  those  engaged  in  the  ex- 
pedition. 

No  objects  for  enterprise  presenting  themselves,  the  troops  were  placed 
in  winter  quarters  early  in  December.  The  Pennsylvania  line  was  sta- 
tioned near  Morristown ;  the  Jersey  line  about  Pompton,  on  the  confines 
of  New  York  and  New  Jersey ;  and  the  troops  belonging  to  the  New 
England  states,  at  West  Point,  and  in  its  vicinity,  on  both  sides  the 
North  River.  The  line  of  the  state  of  New  York  remained  at  Albany, 
to  which  place  it  had  been  detached  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  an  in- 
vasion from  Canada. 

Major  Carlton,  at  the  head  of  one  thousand  men,  composed  of  Euro- 
peans, Indians,  and  Tories,  had  made  a  sudden  irruption  into  the  northern 
parts  of  New  York,  and  taken  forts  Ann  and  George,  with  their  garri- 
sons. At  the  same  time,  Sir  John  Johnson,  at  the  head  of  a  corps  com- 
posed of  the  same  materials,  appeared  on  the  Mohawk.  Several  sharp 
skirmishes  were  fought  in  that  quarter  with  the  continental  troops,  and  a 
regiment  of  new  levies,  aided  by  the  militia  of  the  country.  General 
Clinton's  brigade  was  ordered  to  their  assistance ;  but  before  he  could 
reach  the  scene  of  action,  the  invading  armies  had  retired,  after  laying 
waste  the  whole  country  through  which  they  passed. 

While  the  disorder  of  the  American  finances,  the  exhausted  state  of 
the  country,  and  the  debility  of  the  government,  determined  Great  Britain 
to  persevere  in  offensive  war  against  the  United  States,  by  keeping  alive 
her  hopes  of  conquest,  Europe  assumed  an  aspect  not  less  formidable 
to  the  permanent  grandeur  of  that  nation,  than  hostile  to  its  present 
views.  In  the  summer  of  1780,  Russia,  Sweden,  and  Denmark,  entered 
into  the  celebrated  compact,  which  has  been  generally  denominated 
"  THE  ARMED  NEUTRALITY."  Holland  had  also  declared  a  de- 
termination to  accede  to  the  same  confederacy ;  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that  this  measure  contributed  to  the  declaration  of  war  which  was  made 
by  Great  Britain  against  that  power  towards  the  close  of  the  present 
year. 

The  long  friendship  which  had  existed  between  the  two  nations  was 
visibly  weakened  from  the  commencement  of  the  American  war.  Hol- 
land was  peculiarly  desirous  of  participating  in  that  commerce  which 


392  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  independence  of  the  United  States  would  open  to  the  world :  and, 
from  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  her  merchants,  especially  those 
of  Amsterdam,  watched  the  progress  of  the  war  with  anxiety,  and  en- 
gaged in  speculations  which  were  profitable  to  themselves  and  beneficial 
to  the  United  States.  The  remonstrances  made  by  the  British  minister 
at  the  Hague  against  this  conduct,  were  answered  in  the  most  amicable 
manner  by  the  government,  but  the  practice  of  individuals  continued  the 
same. 

When  the  war  broke  out  between  France  and  England,  a  number 
of  Dutch  vessels  trading  with  France,  laden  with  materials  for  ship 
building,  were  seized,  and  carried  into  the  ports  of  Great  Britain,  although 
the  existing  treaties  between  the  two  nations  were  understood  to  exclude 
those  articles  from  the  list  of  contraband  of  war.  The  British  cabinet 
justified  these  acts  of  violence,  and  persisted  in  refusing  to  permit  naval 
stores  to  be  carried  to  her  enemy  in  neutral  bottoms.  This  refusal,  how- 
ever, was  accompanied  with  friendly  professions,  with  an  offer  to  pay 
for  the  vessels  and  cargoes  already  seized,  and  with  proposals  to  form 
new  stipulations  for  the  future  regulation  of  that  commerce. 

The  States  General  refused  to  enter  into  any  negotiations  for  the 
modification  of  subsisting  treaties ;  and  the  merchants  of  all  the  great 
trading  towns,  especially  those  of  Amsterdam,  expressed  the  utmost  in- 
dignation at  the  injuries  they  had  sustained.  In  consequence  of  this 
conduct,  the  British  government  required  those  succours  which  were 
stipulated  in  ancient  treaties,  and  insisted  that  the  casusfcederis  had  now 
occurred.  Advantage  was  taken  of  the  refusal  of  the  States  General  to 
comply  with  this  demand,  to  declare  the  treaties  between  the  two  nations 
at  an  end. 

The  temper  produced  by  this  state  of  things,  inclined  Holland  to  enter 
into  the  treaty  for  an  armed  neutrality ;  and,  in  November,  the  Dutch 
government  acceded  to  it.  Some  unknown  causes  prevented  the  actual 
signature  of  the  treaty  on  the  part  of  the  States  General,  until  a  circum- 
stance occured  which  was  used  for  the  purpose  of  placing  them  in  a 
situation  not  to  avail  themselves  of  the  aid  stipulated  by  that  confederacy 
to  its  members. 

While  Mr.  Lee,  one  of  the  ministers  of  the  United  States,  was  on  a 
mission  to  the  courts  of  Vienna  and  Berlin,  he  fell  in  company  with  a 
Mr.  John  de  Neufwille,  a  merchant  of  Amsterdam,  with  whom  he  held 
several  conversations  on  the  subject  of  a  commercial  intercourse  between 
the  two  nations,  the  result  ef  which  was,  that  the  plan  of  an  eventual 
commercial  treaty  was  sketched  out,  as  one  which  might  thereafter  be 
concluded  between  them.  This  paper  had  received  the  approbation  of 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  39b 

the  Pensionary  Van  Berkel,  and  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam,  but  not  of  the 
States  General. 

Mr.  Henry  Laurens,  late  president  of  congress,  was  deputed  to  the 
States  General  with  this  plan  of  a  treaty,  for  the  double  purpose  of  en- 
deavouring to  complete  it,  and  of  negotiating  a  loan  for  the  use  of  his 
government.  On  the  voyage  he  was  captured  by  a  British  frigate ;  and 
his  papers,  which  he  had  thrown  overboard,  were  rescued  from  the 
waves  by  a  British  sailor.  Among  them  was  found  the  plan  of  a  treaty 
which  has  been  mentioned,  and  which  was  immediately  transmitted  to 
Sir  Joseph  Yorke,  the  British  minister  at  the  Hague,  to  be  laid  before  the 
government. 

The  explanations  of  this  transaction  not  being  deemed  satisfactory  by 
the  court  of  London,  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  received  orders  to  withdraw  from 
the  Hague,  soon  after  which  war  was  proclaimed  against  Holland. 

This  bold  measure,  which  added  one  of  the  first  maritime  powers  in 
Europe  to  the  formidable  list  of  enemies  with  whom  Britain  was  already 
encompassed,  was  perhaps,  not  less  prudent  than  courageous. 

There  are  situations,  to  which  only  high  minded  nations  are  equal,  in 
which  a  daring  policy  will  conduct  those  who  adopt  it,  safely  through 
the  very  dangers  it  appears  to  invite ;  dangers  which  a  system  suggest- 
ed by  a  timid  caution  might  multiply  instead  of  avoiding.  The  present 
was,  probably,  one  of  those  situations.  Holland  was  about  to  become  a 
member  of  the  armed  neutrality,  after -which  her  immense  navigation 
would  be  employed,  unmolested,  in  transporting  the  property  of  the  ene- 
mies of  Britain,  and  in  suppi«mg  them  with  all  the  materials  for  ship- 
building, or  the  whole  confederacy  must  be  encountered. 

America,  however,  received  with  delight  the  intelligence  that  Holland 
also  was  engaged  in  the  war:  and  founded  additional  hopes  of  its  speedy 
termination  on  that  event. 


2  1 


394  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Transactions  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia. — Defeat  of  Ferguson. — Lord  Cornwalha 
enters  North  Carolina. — Retreats  out  of  that  state. — Major  Wemys  defeated  by 
Sumpter. — Tarlton  repulsed. — Greene  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Southern 
army. — Arrives  in  camp. — Detaches  Morgan  over  the  Catawba. — Battle  of  the 
Cowpens. — Lord  Cornwallis  drives  Greene  '.hrough  North  Carolina  into  Virginia. — 
He  retires  to  Hillsborough. — Greene  recroases  the  Dan. — Loyalists  under  Colonel 
Pyle  cut  to  pieces. — Battle  of  Guilford. — Lord  Cornwallis  retires  to  Ramsay's  mills. — 
To  Wilmington. — Greene  advances  to  Ramsay's  mills. — Determines  to  enter  South 
Carolina. — Lord  Cornwallis  resolves  to  march  to  Virginia. 

IN  the  South,  Lord  Cornwallis,  after  having  nearly  demolished  tho 
American  army  at  Camden,  found  himself  under  the  necessity 
of  suspending,  for  a  few  weeks,  the  new  career  of  conquest  on 
which  he  had  intended  to  enter.  His  army  was  enfeebled  by  sickness 
as  well  as  by  action;  the  weather  was  intensely  hot,  and  the  stores  ne- 
cessary for  an  expedition  into  North  Carolina  had  not  been  brought  from 
Charleston.  In  addition,  a  temper  so  hostile  to  the  British  interests  had 
lately  appeared  in  South  Carolina  as  to  make  it  unsafe  to  withdraw  any 
considerable  part  of  his  force  from  that  state,  until  he  should  subdue  the 
spirit  of  insurrection  against  his  authority.  Exertions  were  made  in 
other  parts  of  the  state,  not  inferior  to  those  of  Sumpter  in  the  north-west. 
Colonel  Marion,  who  had  been  compelled  by  the  wounds  he  received  in 
Charleston  to  retire  into  the  country,  had  been  promoted  by  Governor 
Rutledge  to  the  rank  of  a  brigadier  general.  As  the  army  of  Gates  ap- 
proached South  Carolina,  he  had  entered  the  north  eastern  parts  of  thai 
state  with  only  sixteen  men ;  had  penetrated  into  the  country  as  far  as 
the  Santee ;  and  was  successfully  rousing  the  well-affected  inhabitants  to 
arms,  when  the  defeat  of  the  16th  of  August  chilled  the  growing  spirit 
of  resistance  which  he  had  contributed  to  increase. 

With  the  force  he  had  collected,  he  rescued  about  one  hundred  ant! 
fifty  continental  troops  who  had  been  captured  at  Camden,  and  were  on 
their  way  to  Charleston.  Though  compelled,  for  a  short  time,  to  leave 
the  state,  he  soon  returned  to  it,  and  at  the  head  of  a  few  spirited  men, 
made  repeated  excursions  from  the  swamps  and  marshes  in  which  he 
concealed  himself,  and  skirmished  successfully  with  the  militia  who  had 
joined  the  British  standard,  and  the  small  parties  of  regulars  by  whom 
they  were  occasionally  supported. 

His  talents  as  a  partisan,  added  to  his  knowledge  of  the  country,  ena- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  395 

bled  him  to  elude  every  attempt  to  seize  him  ;  and  such  was  his  humanity 
as  well  as  respect  for  the  laws,  that  no  violence  or  outrage  was  ever  at- 
tributed to  the  party  under  his  command. 

The  interval  between  the  victory  of  the  16th  of  August,  and  the  ex- 
pedition into  North  Carolina,  was  employed  in  quelling  what  was  termed 
the  spirit  of  revolt  in  South  Carolina.  The  efforts  of  the  people  to  recover 
their  independence  were  considered  as  new  acts  of  rebellion,  and  were 
met  with  a  degree  of  severity  which  policy  was  supposed  to  dictate,  but 
which  gave  a  keener  edge  to  the  resentments  which  civil  discord  never 
fails  to  engender.  Several  of  the  most  active  militia  men  who  had  taken 
protections  as  British  subjects,  and  entered  into  the  British  militia,  having 
been  afterwards  found  in  arms,  a;;J  made  prisoners  at  Camden,  were 
executed  as  traitors.  Orders  were  given  to  officers  commanding  at  dif- 
ferent posts  to  proceed  in  the  same  manner  against  persons  of  a  similar 
description ;  and  these  orders  were,  in  many  instances,  carried  into  exe- 
cution. A  proclamation  was  issued  for  sequestering  the  estates  of  all 
those  inhabitants  of  the  province,  not  included  in  the  capitulation  of 
Charleston,  who  were  in,  the  service,  or  acting  under  the  authority 
of  Congress,  and  of  all  those  who,  by  an  open  avowal  of  what  were 
termed  rebellious  principles,  or  by  other  notorious  acts  should  manifest  a 
wicked  and  desperate  perseverance  in  opposing  the  re-establishment  of 
royal  authority.* 

While  taking  these  measures  to  break  the  spirit  of  independence,  Lord 
Cornwallis  was  indefatigable  in  urging  his  preparations  for  the  expedi- 
tion into  North  Carolina. 

The  day  after  the  battle  near  Camden,  emissaries  had  been  despatched 
into  that  state  for  the  purpose  of  inviting  the  friends  of  the  British  go- 
vernment to  take  up  arms.  Meanwhile  the  utmost  exertions  were  con- 
tinued to  embody  the  people  of  the  country  as  a  British  militia ;  and 
Major  Ferguson  was  employed  in  the  district  of  Ninety-six,  to  train  the 
most  loyal  inhabitants,  and  to  attach  them  to  his  own  corps.f  After 
being  employed  for  some  time  in  Ninety-six,  he  was  directed  to  enter 
the  western  parts  of  North  Carolina,  for  the  purpose  of  embodying  the 
royalists  in  that  quarter. 

The  route  marked  out  for  the  main  army  was  from  Camden,  through 
the  settlement  of  the  Waxhaws  to  Charlottestown,  in  North  Carolina.  On 
jthe  8th  of  September  Lord  Cornwallis  moved  from  Camden,  and  reached 
Charlotte  late  in  that  month,  where  he  expected  to  be  joined  by  Fergu- 
son. But  in  attempting  to  meet  him,  Ferguson  was  arrested  by  an  event 
as  important  as  it  was  unexpected. 

*  Rem.  t  Sted. 


G96  THE  LIFE  OF 

Colonel  Clarke,  a  refugee  from  Georgia,  had  formed  a  plan  for  tne 
reduction  of  Augusta,  which  was  defended  only  by  a  few  provincials, 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Brown.  About  the  time 
Lord  Cornwallis  commenced  his  march  from  Camden,  Clarke  advanced 
against  Augusta,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  irregulars  whom  he  had  col 
lected  in  the  frontiers  of  North  and  South  Carolina,  and  invested  that 
place.  Brown  made  a  vigorous  defence ;  and  the  approach  of  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Cruger  with  a  reinforcement  from  Ninety  Six,  compelled  Clarke 
to  relinquish  the  enterprise,  and  to  save  himself  by  a  rapid  retreat.  In- 
telligence of  the  transactions  at  Augusta  was  given  to  Ferguson,  who,  to 
favour  the  design  of  intercepting  Clarke,  moved  nearer  the  mountains, 
and  remained  longer  in  that  country  than  had  been  intended.  This  de- 
lay proved  fatal  to  him.  It  gave  an  opportunity  to  several  volunteer 
corps  to  unite,  and  to  constitute  a  formidable  force.  The 
hardy  mountaineers  inhabiting  the  extreme  western  parts  of 
Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  assembled  on  horseback  with  their  rifles, 
under  Colonels  Campbell,  M'Dowell,  Cleveland,  Shelby,  and  Sevier,  and 
moved  with  their  accustomed  velocity  towards  Ferguson.  On 
receiving  notice  of  their  approach,  that  officer  commenced  his 
march  for  Charlotte,  despatching,  at  the  same  time,  different  messengers 
to  Lord  Cornwallis  with  information  of  his  danger.  These  messengers 
being  intercepted,  no  movement  was  made  to  favour  his  retreat. 

When  within  about  sixteen  miles  of  Gilbert-town,  where  Ferguson  was 
then  supposed  to  lie,  Col.  M'Dowell  wasdeputed  to  Gates  with  a 
request  that  he  would  appoint  a  general  officer  to  command 
them ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  Colonel  Campbell  of  Virginia  was  chosen 
for  that  purpose.   On  reaching  Gilbert-town,  and  finding  that  the  British 
had  commenced  their  retreat,  it  was  determined  to  follow  them  with  the 
utmost  celerity.     At  the  Cowpens,  this  party  was  joined  by 
Colonels  Williams,  Tracy,  and  Branan,  of  South  Carolina,  with 
about  four  hundred  men,  who  also  gave  information  respecting  the  dis- 
tance and  situation  of  their  enemy.   About  nine  hundred  choice  men  were 
selected,  by  whom  the  pursuit  was  continued  through  the  night,  and 
through  a  heavy  rain ;  and,  the  next  day,  about  three  in  the  afternoon, 
they  came  within  view  of  Ferguson,  who,  finding  that  he  must 
be  overtaken,  had  determined  to  await  the  attack  on  King's 
mountain,  and  was  encamped  on  its  summit, — a  ridge  five  or  six  hun- 
dred yards  long,  and  sixty  or  seventy  wide.  . 

The  Americans,  who  had  arranged  themselves  into  three  columns,  the 
right  commanded  by  Colonel  Sevier  and  Major  Winston,  the  centre  by 
Colonels  Campbell  and  Shelby,  and  the  left  by  Colonels  Cleveland  and 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  397 

Williams,  immediately  rushed  to  the  assault.  The  attack  was  com- 
menced by  the  centre,  while  the  two  wings  gained  the  flanks  of  the  Bri- 
tish line ;  and,  in  about  five  minutes,  the  action  became  general.  Fer- 
guson made  several  impetuous  charges  with  the  bayonet,  which,  against 
riflemen,  were  necessarily  successful.  But,  before  any  one  of  them 
could  completely  disperse  the  corps  against  which  it  was  directed,  the 
heavy  and  destructive  fire  of  the  others,  who  pressed  him  on  all  sides, 
called  off  his  attention  to  other  quarters,  and  the  broken  corps  was  ral- 
lied, and  brought  back  to  the  attack. 

In  the  course  of  these  successive  repulses,  the  right  and  centre  had 
become  intermingled,  and  were  both,  by  one  furious  charge  of  the  bay- 
onet, driven  almost  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  With  some  difficulty 
they  were  rallied  and  again  brought  into  the  action ;  upon  which  the 
British,  in  turn,  gave  way,  and  were  driven  along  the  summit  of  the 
ridge,  on  Cleveland  and  Williams,  who  still  maintained  their  ground  on 
the  left.  In  this  critical  state  of  the  action,  Ferguson  received  a  mortal 
wound,  and  instantly  expired.  The  courage  of  his  party  fell  with  him, 
and  quarter  was  immediately  demanded.*  The  action  continued  rather 
more  than  an  hour. 

In  this  sharp  action  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  Ferguson's  party  were 
killed  on  the  spot,  and  about  the  same  number  were  wounded.  Eight 
hundred  and  ten,  of  whom  one  hundred  were  British  troops,  were  made, 
prisoners,  and  fifteen  hundred  stand  of  excellent  arms  were  taken. 

The  Americans  fought  under  cover  of  trees,  and  their  loss  was  incon- 
siderable ;  but  among  the  slain  was  Colonel  Williams,  who  was  greatly 
and  justly  lamented.  As  cruelty  generally  begets  cruelty,  the  example 
set  by  the  British  at  Camden  was  followed,  and  ten  of  the  most  active 
of  the  royalists  were  selected  from  the  prisoners,  and  hung  upon  the  spot. 
The  victorious  mountaineers,  having  accomplished  the  object  for  which 
they  assembled,  returned  to  their  homes. 

The  destruction  of  this  party  arrested  the  progress  of  Lord  Cornwallis 
in  North  Carolina,  and  inspired  serious  fears  for  the  posts  in  his  rear. 

He  retreated  to  Wvnnsborouo-h,  between  Camden  and  Ninety  - 

Oct.  14. 
six,  where  he  waited  for  reinforcements  from  New  York. 

The  victory  obtained  on  the  16th  of  August  having  suggested  views 
of  more  extensive  conquest  in  the  south,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  deter- 
mined to  send  a  large  reinforcement  to  the  southern  army.  In  the  opi- 
nion that  Lord  Cornwallis  could  meet  with  no  effectual  resistance  in  the 

*  The  details  of  this  battle  are  chiefly  taken  from  a  paper  signed  by  Colonels  Camp 
bell,  Shelby,  and  Cleveland,  and  published  in  the  Virginia  Gazette  of  the  18th  of  No- 
vember, 1780. 

VOL.  i.  26 


398  THE  LIFE  OF 

Carolinas,  he  had  ordered  the  officer  commanding  this  reinforcement  to 
enter  the  Chesapeake  in  the  first  instance,  and  to  take  possession  of  the 
lower  parts  of  Virginia,  after  which  he  was  to  obey  the  orders  he  should 
receive  from  Lord  Cornwallis,  to  whom  a  copy  of  his  instructions  had 
been  forwarded. 

The  detachment  amounted  to  near  three  thousand  men,  under  the 
command  of  General  Leslie.  It  sailed  on  the  6th  of  October,  and,  en- 
tering James  river  after  a  short  passage,  took  possession  of  the  country 
on  the  south  side  as  high  as  Suffolk.  After  a  short  time,  Leslie  drew  in 
his  out-posts,  and  began  to  fortify  Portsmouth.  At  this  place  he  received 
orders  from  Lord  Cornwallis  to  repair  to  Charleston  by  water. 

While  Cornwallis  waited  at  Wynnsborough  for  this  reinforcement,  the 
light  corps  of  his  army  were  employed  in  suppressing  the  parties  which 
were  rising  in  various  quarters  of  the  country,  in  opposition  to  his  autho- 
rity. Marion  had  become  so  formidable  as  to  endanger  the  communi- 
cation between  Camden  and  Charleston.  Tarlton  was  detached  against 
him,  and  Marion  was  under  the  necessity  of  concealing  himself  in  the 
swamps.  From  the  unavailing  pursuit  of  him  through  marshes  which 
were  scarcely  penetrable,  Tarlton  was  called  to  a  different  quarter, 
where  an  enemy  supposed  to  be  entirely  vanquished,  had  reappeared  in 
considerable  force. 

Sumpter  had  again  assembled  a  respectable  body  of  mounted  militia, 
at  the  head  of  which  he  advanced  towards  the  posts  occupied  by  the 
British.  On  receiving  intelligence  of  his  approach,  Earl  Cornwallis 
formed  a  plan  for  surprising  him  in  his  camp  on  Broad  river,  the  execu- 
tion of  which  was  committed  to  Major  Wemyss.  That  officer  marched 
from  Wynnsborough  at  the  head  of  a  regiment  of  infantry 
and  about  forty  dragoons,  reached  the  camp  of  Sumpter  seve- 
ral hours  before  day,  and  immediately  charged  the  out  piquet,  which 
made  but  a  slight  resistance.  Only  five  shot  are  said  to  have  been  fired, 
but  from  these  Wemyss  received  two  dangerous  wounds  which  disabled 
him  from  the  performance  of  his  duty.  The  assailants  fell  into  confu- 
sion, and  were  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  their  commanding  officer  and 
about  twenty  men.  After  this  action,  Sumpter  crossed  Broad  river,  and, 
having  formed  a  junction  with  Clarke  and  Branan,  threatened  Ninety  Six. 

Alarmed  for  the  safety  of  that  post,  Earl  Cornwallis  recalled  Tarlton, 
and  ordered  him  to  proceed  against  Sumpter.  So  rapid  was  his  move- 
ment that  he  had  nearly  gained  the  rear  of  his  enemy  before  notice  of 
his  return  was  received.  In  the  night  preceding  the  day  on  which  he 
expected  to  effect  his  purpose,  a  deserter  apprized  Sumpter  of  the  ap- 
proaching danger,  and  that  officer  began  his  retreat.  Tarlton,  pursuing 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  399 

with  his  usual  rapidity,  overtook  the  rear  guard  at  the  ford  of  the  En- 
noree,  and  cut  it  to  pieces ;  after  which,  fearing  that  Sumpter  would  save 
himself  by  passing  the  Tyger,  he  pressed  forward,  with,  as  he  states, 
about  two  hundred  and  eighty  cavalry  and  mounted  infantry,  and,  in  the 
afternoon,  came  within  view  of  the  Americans,  who  were  arranged  in 
order  for  battle. 

Sumpter  had  reached  the  banks  of  the  Tyger,  when  the  firing  of  his 

videttes  announced  the  approach  of  his  enemy.     He  immedi- 

Nov.  20 

ately  posted  his  troops  to  great  advantage  on  a  steep  emi- 
nence, having  their  rear  and  part  of  their  right  flank  secured  by  the 
river,  and  their  left  covered  by  a  barn  of  logs,  into  which  a  considerable 
number  of  his  men  were  thrown. 

Tarlton,  without  waiting  for  his  infantry,  or  for  a  field  piece  left  with 
them  in  his  rear,  rushed 'to  the  charge  with  his  usual  impetuosity.  Af- 
ter several  ineffectual  attempts  to  dislodge  the  Americans,  he  retired 
from  the  field  with  great  precipitation  and  disorder,  leaving  ninety-two 
dead,  and  one  hundred  wounded. 

After  remaining  in  possession  of  the  ground  for  a  few  hours,  Sumpter, 
who  was  severely  wounded  in  the  action,  crossed  the  Tyger,  after  which 
his  troops  dispersed.  His  loss  was  only  three  killed,  and  four  wounded. 

Availing  himself  of  the  subsequent  retreat  and  dispersion  of  the  Ame- 
rican militia,  Tarlton  denominated  this  severe  check  a  victory ;  while 
congress,  in  a  public  resolution,  voted  their  thanks  to  General  Sumpter 
and  the  militia  he  commanded,  for  this  and  other  services  which  had 
been  previously  rendered. 

The  shattered  remains  of  the  army  defeated  near  Camden,  had  been 
slowly  collected  at  Hillsborough,  and  great  exertions  were  made  to  reor- 
ganize and  reinforce  it.  The  whole  number  of  continental  troops  in  the 
southern  army  amounted  to  about  fourteen  hundred  men. 

On  receiving  intelligence  that  Lord  Cornwallis  had  occupied  Char- 
lotte, Gates  detached  Smallwood  to  the  Yadkin,  with  directions  to  post 
himself  at  the  ford  of  that  river,  and  to  take  command  of  all  the  troops 
in  that  quarter  of  the  country.  The  more  effectually  to  harass  the  ene- 
my, a  light  corps  was  selected  from  the  army  and  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  Morgan,  now  a  brigadier  general. 

As  Lord  Cornwallis  retreated,  Gates  advanced  to  Charlotte,  Small- 
wood  encamped  lower  down  the  Catawba  on  the  road  to  Camden  ;  and 
Morgan  was  pushed  forward  some  distance  in  his  front.  In  the  expec- 
tation that  farther  active  operations  would  be  postponed  until  the  spring, 
Gates  intended  to  pass  the  winter  in  this  position.  Such  was  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  troops  when  their  general  was  removed. 


400  -  THE  LIFE  OF 

On  the  5th  of  November,  without  any  previous  indications  of  dissatis- 
faction, congress  passed  a  resolution  requiring  the  Commander-in-chief 
to  order  a  court  of  inquiry  on  the  conduct  of  General  Gates  as  com- 
mander of  the  southern  army,  and  to  appoint  some  other  officer  to  that 
command,  until  the  inquiry  should  be  made. 

Washington,  without  hesitation,  selected  Greene  for  that  important 
and  difficult  service.  In  a  letter  to  congress  recommending  him  to  their 
support,  he  mentioned  General  Greene  as  "  an  officer  in  whose  abilities, 
fortitude,  and  integrity,  from  a  long  and  intimate  experience  of  them,  he 
had  the  most  entire  confidence."  To  Mr.  Matthews,  a  delegate  from 
South  Carolina,  he  said,  "  You  have  your  wish  in  the  officer  appointed 
to  the  southern  command.  I  think  I  am  giving  you  a  general ;  but 
what  can  a  general  do  without  men,  without  arms,  without  clothing, 
without  stores,  without  provisions  ?"  About  the  same  time  the  legion  of 
Lee  was  ordered  into  South  Carolina. 

Greene  hastened  to  the  army  he  was  to  command ;  and,  on  the 
second  of  December,  reached  Charlotte,  then  its  head  quarters.  Soon 
after  his  arrival  in  camp,  he  was  gratified  with  the  intelligence  of  a 
small  piece  of  good  fortune  obtained  by  the  address  of  Lieutenant  Colo- 
nel Washington. 

Smallwood,  having  received  information  that  a  body  of  royal  militia 
had  entered  the  country  in  which  he  foraged,  for  the  purpose  of  inter- 
cepting his  wagons,  detached  Morgan  and  Washington  against  them. 
Intelligence  of  Morgan's  approach  being  received,  the  party  retreated ; 
but  Colonel  Washington,  being  able  to  move  with  more  celerity  than  the 
infantry,  resolved  to  make  an  attempt  on  another  party,  which  was  sta- 
tioned at  Rugely's  farm,  within  thirteen  miles  of  Camden.  He  found 
them  posted  in  a  logged  barn,  strongly  secured  by  abbattis,  and  inacces- 
sible to  cavalry.  Force  being  of  no  avail,  he  resorted  to  the  following 
stratagem.  Having  painted  the  trunk  of  a  pine,  and  mounted  it  on  a 
carriage  so  as  to  resemble  a  field  piece,  he  paraded  it  in  front  of  the  ene- 
my, and  demanded  a  surrender.  The  whole  party,  consisting  of  one 
hundred  and  twelve  men,  with  Colonel  Rugely  at  their  head,  alarmed  at 
the  prospect  of  a  cannonade,  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war.* 

To  narrow  the  limits  of  the  British  army,  and  to  encourage  the  in- 
habitants, Greene  detached  Morgan  west  of  the  Catawba,  with  orders  to 
take  a  position  near  the  confluence  of  the  Pacolet  with  the  Broa  I  ?iver. 
His  party  consisted  of  rather  more  than  three  hundred  chosen  crrtincnt- 
al  troops,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Howard,  of  Maryland,  of 

*  The  author  received  this  account  both  from  General  Morgan  and  Colonel  Wash 
ington. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  401 

Washington's  regiment  of  light  dragoons,  amounting  to  about  eighty 
men,  and  of  two  companies  of  militia  from  the  northern  and  western 
parts  of  Virginia  commanded  by  Captains  Triplet  and  Taite,  which  were 
composed  almost  entirely  of  old  continental  soldiers.  He  was  also  to 
be  joined  on  Broad  River  by  seven  or  eight  hundred  volunteers  and  mi- 
litia commanded  by  General  Davidson,  and  by  Colonels  Clarke  and  Few. 

After  making  this  detachment,  Greene,  for  the  purpose  of  entering  a 
more  plentiful  country,  advanced  lower  down  the  Pedee,  and  encamped 
on  its  east  side,  opposite  the  Cheraw  hills.  Lord  Cornwallis  remained 
at  Wynnsborough,  preparing  to  commence  active  operations,  so  soon  as 
he  should  be  joined  by  Leslie. 

The  position  he  occupied  on  the  Pedee  was  about  seventy  miles  from 
Wynnsborough,  and  towards  the  north  of  east  from  that  place.  The  de- 
tachment commanded  by  Morgan  had  taken  post  at  Grindal's  ford  on 
the  Pacolet,  one  of  the  south  forks  of  Broad  River,  not  quite  fifty  miles 
north  west  of  Wynnsborough.  The  active  courage  of  his  troops,  and 
the  enterprising  temper  of  their  commander,  rendered  him  extremely 
formidable  to  the  parties  of  royal  militia  who  were  embodying  in  that 
quarter  of  the  country. 

Supposing  Morgan  to  have  designs  on  Ninety  Six,  Lord  Cornwallis 
detached  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarlton  with  his  legion,  part  of  two  regi- 
ments of  infantry,  and  a  corps  of  artillery  with  two  field  pieces,  consist- 
ing altogether  of  about  one  thousand  men,  across  the  Broad  River,  to 
cover  that  important  post.  As  he  lay  between  Greene  and  Morgan,  he 
"was  desirous  of  preventing  their  junction,  and  of  striking  at  one  of  them 
while  unsupported  by  the  other.  To  leave  it  uncertain  against  which 
division  his  first  effort  would  be  directed,  he  ordered  Leslie  to  halt  at 
Camden  until  the  preparations  for  entering  North  Carolina  should  be 
completed.  Having  determined  to  penetrate  into  that  state  by  the  up- 
per route,  he  put  his  army  in  motion  and  directed  his  course  1731. 
north  westward,  between  the  Catawba  and  Broad  Rivers.  Les-  January- 
lie  was  directed  to  move  up  the  banks  of  the  former,  and  to  join  him  on 
the  march  ;  and  Tarlton  was  ordered  to  strike  at  Morgan.  Should  that 
officer  escape  Tarlton,  the  hope  was  entertained  that  he  might  be  inter- 
cepted by  the  main  army.* 

High  waters  delayed  Cornwallis  and  Leslie  longer  than  had  been  ex- 
pected ;  but  Tarlton  overcame  the  same  obstacles,  and  reached  Morgan 
before  a  correspondent  progress  was  made  by  the  other  divisions.* 

The  combined  movements  of  the  Brkish  army  were  communicated  to 

*  Letter  of  Lord  Cornwallis. — Stedman. 


402  THE  LIFE  OF 

General  Morgan  on  the  14th  of  January.  Perceiving  the  insecurity  of 
his  own  position,  he  retired  across  the  Pacolet,  the  fords  over  which  he 
was  desirous  of  defending.  But  a  passage  of  that  river  being 
effected  at  a  ford  about  six  miles  below  him,  he  made  a  preci- 
pitate retreat ;  and,  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  his  pursuers  occu- 
pied the  camp  he  had  abandoned.  Morgan  retired  to  the  Cowpens, 
where  he  determined  to  risk  a  battle.  It  was  believed  that  he  might 
have  crossed  the  Broad  River,  or  have  reached  a  mountainous  country 
which  was  also  near  him,  before  he  could  have  been  overtaken ;  and  the 
superiority  of  his  adversary  was  so  decided  as  to  induce  his  best  officers 
to  think  that  every  effort  ought  to  be  made  to  avoid  an  engagement 
But  Morgan  had  great  and  just  confidence  in  himself  and  in  his  troops , 
he  was  unwilling  to  fly  from  an  enemy  not  so  decidedly  his  superior  as 
to  render  it  madness  to  fight  him  ;  and  he  also  thought  that,  if  he  should 
be  overtaken  while  his  men  were  fatigued  and  retreating,  the  probability 
of  success  would  be  much  less  than  if  he  should  exhibit  the  appearance 
of  fighting  from  choice. 

These  considerations  determined  him  to  halt  earlier  than  was  abso- 
lutely necessary.* 

Tarlton,  having  left  his  baggage  under  a  strong  guard,  with  orders 

not  to  move  until  break  of  day,  recommenced  the  pursuit  at 
Jan.  17.    .,        .    t,  .  " 

three  in  the  morning. 

Before  day,  Morgan  was  informed  of  his  approach,  and  prepared  to 
receive  him. 

Although  censured  by  many  for  having  determined  to  fight,  and  by 
some  for  the  ground  he  chose,  all  admit  the  judgment  with  which  his 
disposition  was  made. 

On  an  eminence,  in  an  open  wood,  he  drew  up  his  continental  troops, 
and  Triplet's  corps,  deemed  equal  to  continentals,  amounting  to  between 
four  and  five  hundred  men,  who  were  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colo- 
nel Howard.  In  their  rear,  on  the  descent  of  the  hill,  Lieutenant  Colo- 
nel Washington  was  posted  with  his  cavalry,  and  a  small  body  of 
mounted  Georgia  militia  commanded  by  Major  M'Call,  as  a  corps  de 
reserve.  On  these  two  corps  rested  his  hopes  of  victory,  and  with  them 
he  remained  in  person.  The  front  line  was  composed  entirely  of  mili- 
tia, under  the  command  of  Colonel  Pickens.  Major  M'Dowell,  with  a 
battalion  of  North  Carolina  volunteers,  and  Major  Cunningham,  with  a 
battalion  of  Georgia  volunteers,  were  advanced  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  yards  in  front  of  this  line,  with  orders  to  give  a  single  fire  as  the 

*  These  reasons  for  his  conduct  were  given  to  the  author  by  General  Morgan  soon 
after  his  return  from  the  southern  campaign. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  403 

enemy  approached,  and  then  to  fall  back  into  the  intervals,  which  were 
left  for  them  in  the  centre  of  the  first  line.  The  militia,  not  being  ex- 
pected to  maintain  their  ground  long,  were  ordered  to  keep  up  a  retreat- 
ing fire  by  regiments,  until  they  should  pass  the  continental  troops,  on 
whose  right  they  were  directed  again  to  form.  His  whole  force,  as  stated 
by  himself,  amounted  to  only  eight  hundred  men. 

Soon  after  this  disposition  was  made,  the  British  van  appeared  in 
sight.  Confident  of  a  cheap  victory,  Tarlton  formed  his  line  of  battle, 
and  his  troops  rushed  forward  with  great  impetuosity,  shouting  as  they 
advanced. 

After  a  single  well  directed  fire,  M'Dowell  and  Cunningham  fell  back 
on  Colonel  Pickens,  who,  after  a  short  but  warm  conflict,  retreated  into 
the  rear  of  the  second  line.*  The  British  pressed  forward  with  great 
eagerness ;  and,  though  received  by  the  continental  troops  with  a  firm- 
ness unimpaired  by  the  route  of  the  front  line,  continued  to  advance. 
Soon  after  the  action  with  the  continental  troops  had  commenced,  Tarl- 
ton ordered  up  his  reserve.  Perceiving  that  the  enemy  extended  beyon* 
him  both  on  the  right  and  left,  and  that,  on  the  right  especially,  his  flank 
was  on  the  point  of  being  turned,  Howard  ordered  the  company  on  his 
right  to  change  its  front,  so  as  to  face  the  British  on  that  flank.  From 
some  mistake  in  the  officer  commanding  this  company,  it  fell  back,  in- 
stead of  fronting  the  enemy,  upon  which  the  rest  of  the  line,  supposing  a 
change  of  ground  for  the  whole  to  have  been  directed,  began  to  retire  in 
perfect  order.  At  this  moment  General  Morgan  rode  up,  and  directed 
the  infantry  to  retreat  over  the  summit  of  the  hill,  about  one  hundred 
yards  to  the  cavalry.  This  judicious  but  hazardous  movement  was  made 
in  good  order,  and  extricated  the  flanks  from  immediate  danger.  Be- 
lieving the  fate  of  the  day  to  be  decided,  the  British  pressed  on  with 
increased  ardour,  and  in  some  disorder ;  and  when  the  Americans  halted, 
were  within  thirty  yards  of  them.  The  orders  then  given  by  Howard 
to  face  the  enemy  were  executed  as  soon  as  they  were  received ;  and  the 
whole  line  poured  in  a  fire  as  deadly  as  it  was  unexpected.  Some  con- 
fusion appearing  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  Howard  seized  the  critical 
moment,  and  ordered  a  charge  with  the  bayonet.  These  orders  were 
instantly  obeyed,  and  the  British  line  was  broken. 

At  the  same  moment  the  detachment  of  cavalry  on  the  British  right 
was  routed  by  Washington.  The  militia  of  Pickens,  who  rode  to  the 
ground,  had  tied  their  horses  in  the  rear  of  Howard's  left.  When  the 
front  line  was  broken,  many  of  them  fled  to  their  horses,  and  were 
closely  pursued  by  the  cavalry,  who,  while  the  continental  infantry  were 

*  Some  of  them  formed  afterwards,  and  renewed  the  action  on  Howard's  right. 


404  THE  LIFE  OF 

/ 

retiring,  passed  their  flank,  and  were  cutting  down  the  scattered  militia 
in  their  rear.  Washington,  who  had  previously  ordered  his  men  not  to 
fire  a  pistol,  now  directed  them  to  charge  the  British  cavalry  with  drawn 
swords.  A  sharp  conflict  ensued,  but  it  was  not  of  long  duration.  The 
British  were  driven  from  the  ground  with  considerable  slaughter,  and 
were  closely  pursued.  Both  Howard  and  Washington  pressed  the  ad- 
vantage they  had  respectively  gained,  until  the  artillery,  and  great  part 
of  the  infantry  had  surrendered.  So  sudden  was  the  defeat,  that  a  con- 
siderable part  of  the  British  cavalry  had  not  been  brought  into  action ; 
and,  though  retreating,  remained  unbroken.  Washington,  followed  by 
Howard  with  the  infantry,  pursued  them  rapidly,  and  attacked*  them 
with  great  spirit;  but,  as  they  were  superior  to  him  in  numbers,  his 
cavalry  received  a  temporary  check ;  and  in  this  part  of  the  action  he 
sustained  a  greater  loss  than  in  any  other.  But  the  infantry  coming  up 
to  support  him,  Tarlton  resumed  the  retreat.f 

In  this  engagement  upwards  of  one  hundred  British,  including  ten 
commissioned  officers,  were  killed ;  twenty-nine  commissioned  officers, 
and  five  hundred  privates  were  made  prisoners.  Eight  hundred  mus- 
kets, two  field  pieces,  two  standards,  thirty-five  baggage  wagons,  and 
one  hundred  dragoon  horses,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors. 

Tarlton  retreated  towards  the  hoad-quarters  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  then 
about  twenty-five  miles  from  the  Cowpens. 

This  complete  victory  cost  the  Americans  less  than  eighty  men  in 
killed  and  wounded. 

Seldom  has  a  .battle  in  which  greater  numbers  were  not  engaged,  beea 
so  important  in  its  consequences  as  that  of  the  Cowpens.  Lord  Corn- 
wallis was  not  only  deprived  of  a  fifth  of  his  numbers,  but  lost  a  mos* 
powerful  and  active  part  of  his  army.  Unfortunately,  Greene  was  not 
in  a  condition  to .  press  the  advantage.  The  whole  southern  army  did 
not  much  exceed  two  thousand  men,  a  great  part  of  whom  were  militia. 

The  camp  of  Lord  Cornwallis  at  Turkey  creek  on  the  east  side  of 

*  In  the  eagerness  of  pursuit,  Washington  advanced  near  thirty  yards  in  front  of 
his  regiment.  Three  British  officers,  observing  this,  wheeled  about,  and  made  a  chargf 
upon  him.  The  officer  on  his  right  aimed  a  blow  to  cut  him  down  as  an  American  ser 
jeant  came  up,  who  intercepted  the  blow  by  disabling  his  sword  arm.  The  officer  on 
his  left  was  about  to  make  a  stroke  at  him  at  the  same  instant,  when  a  waiter,  too 
small  to  wield  a  sword,  saved  him  by  wounding  the  officer  with  a  ball  from  a  pistol. 
At  this  moment,  the  officer  in  the  centre,  who  was  believed  to  be  Tarlton,  made  a 
thrust  at  him  which  he  parried;  upon  which  the  officer  retreated  a  few  paces,  and 
then  discharged  a  pistol  at  him,  which  wounded  his  horse. 

t  The  author  has  received  statements  of  this  action  from  General  Morgan  and  from 
Colonels  Howard  and  Washington. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  405 

Broad  river,  was  as  near  as  the  Cowpens  to  the  fords  at  which  Morgan 
was  to  cross  the  Catawba.  Of  consequence,  that  officer  had  much  cause 
to  fear  that,  encumbered  as  he  was  with  prisoners  and  military  stores, 
he  might  be  intercepted  before  he  could  pass  that  river.  Comprehend- 
ing the  full  extent  of  his  danger,  he  abandoned  the  baggage  he  had 
taken,  and  leaving  his  wounded  under  the  protection  of  a  flag,  detached 
the  militia  as  an  escort  to  his  prisoners,  and  brought  up  the  rear  in  per. 
son  with  his  regulars.  Passing  Broad  river  on  the  evening  of  the  day 
on  which  the  battle  was  fought,  he  hastened  to  the  Catawba,  which  he 
crossed  on  the  23d,  at  Sherald's  ford,  and  encamped  on  its  eastern 
bank. 

Lord  Cornwallis  employed  the  18th  in  forming  a  junction  with  Leslie. 
Early  next  morning  he  put  his  army  in  motion,  and,  on  the  25th,  reach- 
ed Ramsay's  mills,  where  the  roads  taken  by  the  two  armies  unite.  At 
this  place,  to  accelerate  his  future  movements,  he  destroyed  his  bag- 
gage ;  and,  after  collecting  a  small  supply  of  provisions,  resumed  the 
pursuit.  He  reached  Sherald's  ford  in  the  afternoon  of  the  29th;  and, 
in  the  night,  an  immense  flood  of  rain  rendered  the  river  impassable. 

While  Morgan  remained  on  the  Catawba,  watching  the  motions  of  the 
British  army,  and  endeavouring  to  collect  the  militia,  General  Greene 
arrived,  and  took  command  of  the  detachment. 

In  his  camp  on  the  Pedee,  opposite  the  Cheraw  hills,  Greene  had  been 
joined  by  Lee's  legion,  amounting  to  about  one  hundred  cavalry,  and  one 
hundred  and  twenty  infantry.  The  day  after  his  arrival,  he  was  ordered 
to  join  Marion  for  the  purpose  of  attempting  to  carry  a  British  post  at 
Georgetown,  distant  about  seventy-five  miles  from  the  American  army. 
The  fort  was  surprised,  but  the  success  was  only  partial. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  victory  at  the  Cowpens,  Greene  de- 
tached Stevens'  brigade  of  Virginia  militia,  whose  terms  of  service  were 
on  the  point  of  expiring,  to  conduct  the  prisoners  to  Charlottesville  in 
Virginia,  and  turned  his  whole  attention  to  the  effecting  of  a  junction  be- 
tween the  two  divisions  of  his  army.  It  was  principally  with  a  view  to 
this  object  that  he  hastened  to  the  detachment  under  Morgan,  leaving 
the  other  division  to  be  commanded  by  General  Huger. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  first  of  February,  Lord  Cornwallis  forced 
a  passage  over  the  Catawba,  at  a  private  ford  which  was  defended  by 
General  Davidson,  with  about  three  hundred  North  Carolina  militia. 
Davidson  was  killed,  and  his  troops  dispersed.  They  were  followed  by 
Tarlton,  who,  hearing  in  the  pursuit,  that  several  bodies  of  militia  were 
assembling  at  a  tavern  about  ten  miles  from  the  ford,  hastened  to  the 
2  K 


406  THE  LIFE  OF 

place  of  rendezvous,  and  charging  them  with  his  usual  impetuosity,  broke 
their  centre,  killed  some,  and  dispersed  the  whole  party. 

It  was  found  impracticable  to  bring  the  militia  into  the  field,  and  Huger, 
who  had  been  directed  to  march  to  Salisbury,  was  ordered  to  effect  a 
junction  between  the  two  divisions  of  the  army  at  some  place  farther 
north. 

Greene  retreated  along  the  Salisbury  road,  and,  in  the  evening  of  the 
third,  crossed  the  Yadkin  at  the  trading  ford.  His  passage  of  the  river, 
then  already  much  swollen  by  the  rain  of  the  preceding  day,  was  facili- 
tated by  boats  which  had  been  previously  collected.  The  rear  guard, 
which,  being  impeded  by  the  baggage  of  the  whigs  who  fled  from  Salis- 
bury did  not  cross  till  midnight,  was  overtaken  by  the  van  of  the  British 
army,  and  a  skirmish  ensued  in  which  some  loss  was  sustained,  but  the 
Americans  effected  the  passage  of  the  river. 

The  rains  having  rendered  the  Yadkin  unfordable,  and  the  boats  be 
ing  collected  on  the  opposite  side,  the  pursuit  was  necessarily 
suspended ;  but  Greene  continued  his  march  to  Guilford  court 
house  where  he  was  joined  by  Huger. 

After  some  delay,  and  apparent  hesitation  respecting  his  movements, 
Lord  Cornwallis  marched  up  the  Yadkin,  which  he  crossed  near  its 
source  on  the  morning  of  the  eighth. 

After  the  junction  between  the  divisions  of  Huger  and  Morgan,  the  in- 
fantry of  the  American  army,  including  six  hundred  militia,  amounted 
to  about  two  thousand  effectives ;  and  the  cavalry  to  between  two  and 
three  hundred.  Lord  Cornwallis  lay  twenty-five  miles  above  them  at 
Salem,  with  an  army  estimated  from  twenty-five  hundred  to  three  thou- 
sand men,  including  three  hundred  cavalry.  Having  failed  in  his  at- 
*empt  to  prevent  the  junction  of  the  two  divisions  of  the  American  army, 
nis  object  was  to  place  himself  between  Greene  and  Virginia,  and  force 
that  officer  to  a  general  action  before  he  could  be  joined  by  the  reinforce- 
ments which  were  known  to  be  preparing  for  him  in  that  state.  His 
situation  favoured  the  accomplishment  of  this  object. 

Greene,  on  the  other  hand,  was  indefatigable  in  his  exertions  to  cross 
the  Dan  without  exposing  -himself  to  the  hazard  of  a  battle.  To  effect 
this  object,  the  whole  of  his  cavalry,  with  the  flower  of  his  infantry, 
amounting  together  to  rather  more  than  seven  hundred  men,  were  formed 
into  a  light  corps,  for  the  purpose  of  harassing  and  impeding  the  advance 
of  the  enemy,  until  the  less  active  part  of  his  force,  with  the  baggage 
and  military  stores  should  be  secured.  Morgan  being  rendered  incapa- 
ble of  duty  by  severe  indisposition,  the  command  of  this  corps  was  con- 
ferred on  Colonel  Otho  H.  Williams. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  407 

Lord  Cornwallis  had  been  informed  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  ob- 
tain boats  at  the  ferries  on  the  Dan  in  sufficient  numbers  for  the  trans- 
portation of  the  American  troops  before  he  could  overtake  them.  And, 
as  the  river  could  not  be  forded  below,  he  calculated  with  confidence  on 
succeeding  in  his  object  by  keeping  above  Greene,  and  prevent  his  reach- 
ing those  shallow  fords  by  which  alone  it  was  thought  possible  to  escape 
into  Virginia. 

Dix's  ferry  is  about  fifty  miles  from  Guilford  court  house,  and  was  al- 
most equidistant  from  the  two  armies.  Considerably  below,  and  more 
than  seventy  miles  from  Guilford  court  house,  were  two  other  ferries, 
Boyd's  and  Irwin's,  which  were  only  four  miles  apart.  By  directing 
their  march  towards  the  lower  and  more  remote  ferries,  the  distance 
from  Lord  Cornwallis  was  so  much  ground  gained ;  and  by  despatching 
an  officer  with  a  few  men  to  Dix's,  the  boats  at  that,  and  at  an  interme- 
diate ferry,  might  be  brought  down  the  river  in  time  to  meet  the  army  at 
the  intended  crossing  place.  These  facts  being  suggested  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Carrington,  quartermaster  general  for  the  southern  department, 
the  proposition  was  instantly  adopted,  and  an  officer  despatched  to  bring 
the  boats  from  above  down  to  Boyd's  ferry.* 

The  next  day  both  armies  resumed  their  line  of  march.  While  Ge- 
neral Greene  pressed  forward  to  Boyd's,  Williams  gained  an  interme- 
diate road  leading  to  Dix's  ferry,  and  thus  placed  himself  between  the 
two  armies,  a  small  distance  in  front  of  the  one,  and  considerably  in 
rear  of  the  other.  Such  was  the  boldness  and  activity  of  this  corps  that 
Lord  Cornwallis  found  it  necessary  to  temper  the  eagerness  of  his  pur- 
suit with  caution.  Yet  he  moved  with  great  rapidity ; — marching  nearly 
thirty  miles  each  day.  On  the  morning  of  the  third  day,  he  attempted 
to  surprise  the  Americans  by  marching  from  the  rear  of  his  column  into 
the  road  which  had  been  taken  by  them,  while  his  van  proceeded  slowly 
on  its  original  route.  Information  of  this  movement  was  received,  and 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Lee  charged  his  advanced  cavalry  with  such  im- 
petuosity, as  to  cut  a  company  nearly  to  pieces.  A  captain  and  several 
privates  were  made  prisoners.  The  whole  British  army  turned  into  this 
road  and  followed  in  the  rear  of  Williams,  who  used  every  effort  to  delay 
their  march. 

The  measures  adopted  by  Greene  for  collecting  the  boats  were  suc- 
cessful; and,  on  the  fourteenth,  he  effected  the  passage  of  his  troops  and 
stores. 

When  Williams  supposed  that  the  American  army  had  reached  the 
Dan,  he  left  the  road  leading  to  Dix's  ferry,  and  entering  that  which 

*  The  author  received  this  fact  from  Colonel  Carrington. 


408  THE  LIFE  OF 

Greene  had  taken ;  urged  his  march  to  the  lower  ferries  with  the  utmost 
celerity.  Lord  Cornwallis,  being  at  length  informed  that  Greene  had 
taken  the  lower  road,  turned  into  it  about  the  same  time  by  a  nearer 
way,  and  his  front  was  in  sight  of  the  rear  of  Williams.  So  rapid  were 
the  movements  of  both  armies  that,  in  the  last  twenty-four  hours,  the 
Americans  marched  forty  miles ;  and  the  rear  had  scarcely  touched  the 
northern  bank,  when  the  van  of  the  enemy  appeared  on  the  opposite 
shore. 

That  General  Greene  was  able  to  effect  this  retreat  without  loss,  evi- 
dences the  judgment  with  which  he  improved  every  favourable  circum- , 
stance. 

The  exertions,  the  fatigues,  the  sufferings,  and  the  patience  of  both 
armies,  during  this  long,  toilsome,  and  rapid  pursuit,  were  extreme. 
Without  tents,  without  spirits,  often  without  provisions,  and  always  scan- 
tily supplied  with  them ;  through  deep  and  frozen  roads,  high  waters,  and 
frequent  rains;  each  performed,  without  a  murmur,  the  severe  duties 
assigned  to  it.  The  difference  between  them  consists  only  in  this, — the 
British  troops  were  well  clothed ;  the  Americans  were  almost  naked,  and 
many  of  them  barefooted. 

Great  praise  was  bestowed  by  the  general  on  his  whole  army ;  but 
the  exertions  of  Colonel  Williams,  and  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Carring- 
ton  were  particularly  noticed. 

Although  that  part  of  North  Carolina  through  which  the  armies  had 
passed,  was  well  affected  to  the  American  cause,  such  was  the  rapidity 
with  which  they  moved,  and  such  the  terror  inspired  by  the  presence  of 
the  enemy,  that  no  aid  was  drawn  from  the  militia*  Indeed,  those  who 
had  joined  the  army  from  the  more  remote  parts  of  the  country  could 
not  be  retained ;  and,  when  it  reached  the  Dan,  the  militia  attached  to  it 
did  not  exceed  eighty  men. 

Having  driven  Green  out  of  North  Carolina,  Lord  Cornwallis  turn- 
ed his  attention  to  the  re-establishment  of  regal  authority  in  that  state. 
For  this  purpose,  he  proceeded  by  easy  marches  to  Hillsborough,  at  that 

time  its  capital,  where  he  erected  the  royal  standard,  and  is- 
Feb.  18.  .......,/ 

sued  a  proclamation  inviting  the  inhabitants  to  repair  to  it, 

and  to  assist  him  in  restoring  the  ancient  government. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  General  Greene  had  entered  Virginia, 
he  was  reinforced  by  six  hundred  militia  drawn  from  the  neighbouring 
counties,  the  command  of  which  was  given  to  General  Stevens. 

Apprehensive  that  Lord  Cornwallis,  if  left  in  the  undisturbed  posses- 
sion of  North  Carolina,  would  succeed,  to  the  extent  of  his  hopes,  in  re- 
cruiting his  army  and  procuring  the  submission  of  the  people,  General 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  409 

/ 
Greene  determined,  on  receiving  this  small  reinforcement,  to  re-enter 

that  state ;  and,  avoiding  a  general  engagement,  to  keep  the  field  against 
a  superior  enemy,  who  had  demonstrated  his  capacity  for  rapid  move- 
ment and  hardy  enterprise. 

On  the  18th,  while  Lord  Cormvallis  remained  on  the  opposite  shore, 
the  legion  of  Lee  had  passed  the  Dan.  On  the  21st,  the  light  infantry 
also  recrossed  it ;  and,  on  the  23d,  they  were  followed  by  the  main  body 
of  the  army. 

The  light  infantry  hung  round  the  quarters  of  the  enemy,  while  the 
main  body  advanced  slowly,  keeping  in  view  the  roads  to  the  western 
parts  of  the  country,  from  which  a  considerable  reinforcement  of  militia 
was  expected.* 

General  Greene  was  not  mistaken  in  the  consequences  of  leaving 
Lord  Cornwallis  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  North  Carolina.  He 
was  informed  that  seven  independent  companies  were  raised  in  one  day. 
A  large  body  of  royalists  had  begun  to  embody  themselves  on  the 
branches  of  the  Haw  river ;  and  Colonel  Tarlton,  with  the  cavalry  of 
his  legion  and  some  infantry,  was  detached  from  Hillsborough  to  fa- 
vour their  rising,  and  to  conduct  them  to  the  British  army. 

Intelligence  of  the  movements  of  the  loyalists  and  of  Tarlton  being 
received,  Greene  ordered  Lieutenant  Colonel  Lee  with  the  cavalry  of 
his  legion,  and  General  Pickens  with  between  three  and  four  hundred 
militia,  who  had  just  formed  a  junction  near  Hillsborough,  to  move 
against  both  parties. 

In  a  long  lane,  Lee,  whose  cavalry  was  in  front  of  the  whole  detach- 
ment, came  up  with  the  royalists.  He  was  mistaken  by  them 
for  Tarlton,  whom  they  had  not  yet  seen,  to  whose  encamp- 
ment they  were  proceeding,  and  whose  corps  was  then  taking  refresh- 
ment, not  much  more  than  a  mile  distant  from  them.  Perceiving  their 
mistake,  Lee  received  their  expressions  of  joy  and  attachment,  and  had 
just  reached  their  colonel,  to  whom  he  was  about  to  make  communica- 
tions which  might  have  enabled  him  to  proceed  on  his  design  of  sur- 
prising Ta*rlton,  when  the  infantry  who  followed  close  in  his  rear,  were 
recognised  by  the  insurgents ;  and  a  firing  took  place  between  them.  It 
being  apparent  that  this  circumstance  must  give  the  alarm  to  the  Bri- 

*  The  western  militia  had  been  engaged  in  a  war  with  the  Cherokee  Indians,  who, 
neglected  by  the  United  States,  and  incited  by  the  British,  had  determined  once  more 
to  take  up  the  hatchet.  The  militia  from  the  western  parts  of  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina  entered  their  country,  burnt  their  towns,  containing  near  one  thousand 
houses,  destroyed  fifty  thousand  bushels  of  grain,  killed  twenty-nine  men,  took  seve- 
ral prisoners,  and  compelled  the  nation  to  sue  for  peace. 


410  THE  LIFE  OF 

tish,  Lee  changed  his  plan,  and  turning  on  the  royalists,  who  still  sup- 
posed him  to  be  a  British  officer,  cut  them  to  pieces  while  they  were 
making  protestations  of  loyalty,  and  asserting  that  they  were  "  the  very 
best  friends  of  the  king."  More  than  one  hundred,  among  whom  was 
Colonel  Pyle,  their  leader,  fell  under  the  swords  of  his  cavalry.  This 
terrible  but  unavoidable  carnage  broke,  in  a  great  measure,  the  spirits 
of  the  tories  in  that  part  of  the  country.  Some  who  were  on  their 
march  to  join  the  British  standard,  returned,  determined  to  await  the 
issue  of  events  before  they  went  too  far  to  recede. 

The  hope  of  surprising  Tarlton  being  thus  disappointed,  Pickens  and 
Lee  determined  to  postpone  the  attack  till  the  morning;  and  took  a  position 
for  the  night  between  him  and  a  corps  of  militia  which  was  advancing 
from  the  western  counties  of  Virginia  under  Colonel  Preston.  Tarlton 
had  meditated  an  attempt  on  this  corps ;  but  at  midnight,  when  his 
troops  were  paraded  to  march  on  this  design,  he  received  an  express 
from  Lord  Cornwallis,  directing  his  immediate  return  to  the  army.  In 
obedience  to  this  order,  he  began  his  retreat  long  before  day,  and  cross- 
ed the  Haw,  just  as  the  Americans,  who  followed  him,  appeared  on  the 
opposite  bank.  Two  pieces  of  artillery  commanded  the  ford  and  stop- 
ped the  pursuit. 

To  approach  more  nearly  the  great  body  of  the  loyalists,  who  were 
settled  between  Haw  and  Deep  rivers,  and  to  take  a  position 
in  a  country  less  exhausted  than  that  around  Hillsborough, 
Lord  Cornwallis  crossed  the  Haw,  and  encamped  on  Allimance  creek. 

As  the  British  army  retired,  General  Greene  advanced.  Not  being 
yet  in  a  condition  to  hazard  an  engagement,  he  changed  his  ground 
every  night.  In  the  course  of  the  critical  movements,  which  were  made  in 
order  to  avoid  an  action,  and  at  the  same  time  to  overawe  the  loyalists, 
and  maintain  a  position  favourable  to  a  junction  with  the  several  de- 
tachments who  were  marching  from  different  quarters  to  his  assistance, 
he  derived  immense  service  from  a  bold  and  active  light  infantry,  and 
from  a  cavalry  which,  though  inferior  in  numbers,  was  rendered  supe- 
rior in  effect  to  that  of  his  enemy,  by  being  much  better  mounted.  They 
often  attacked  boldly  and  successfully,  and  made  sudden  incursions  into 
the  country,  which  so  intimidated  the  royalists,  that  Lord  Cornwallis 
found  it  difficult  to  obtain  intelligence.  By  these  means,  all  his  attempts 
to  bring  the  American  general  to  action  were  frustrated ;  and  his  lord 
ship  was  under  the  necessity  of  keeping  his  men  close  in  their  quarters. 
During  this  hazardous  trial  of  skill,  Lord  Cornwallis  moved  out  in  full 
force  towardsReedyfork,  where  the  light  infantry  lay,  in  the 
hope  of  surprising  that  corps  under  cover  of  a  thick  fog; 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  411 

and  probably  with  ulterior  views  against  General  Greene.  His  approach 
was  perceived,  and  a  sharp  skirmish  ensued  between  a  part  of  the  light 
infantry,  and  a  much  superior  body  of  British  troops  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Webster,  in  which  the  loss  was  supposed  to  be  nearly 
equal.  The  advance  of  the  British  army  obliged  Williams  to  retire ;  and 
General  Greene,  by  recrossing  the  Haw  and  uniting  with  the  light  in- 
fantry on  its  north  eastern  bank  at  the  Rocky  ford,  disappointed  any 
farther  designs  which  might  have  been  formed  against  the  army  then 
under  his  command,  or  against  the  reinforcements  which  were  approach- 
ing. Being  thus  foiled,  Lord  Cornwallis  withdrew  to  Deep  river,  and 
General  Greene  fell  back  to  the  Iron-works  on  Troublesome  creek. 

At  length  his  reinforcements,  though  much  inferior  to  the  number  he 
had  been  taught  to  expect,  were  received,  and  Greene,  in  his  turn,  sought 
a  battle.     With  this  view,  he  dissolved  the  corps  of  light  in- 
fantry,  advanced  towards  his  enemy,  and  encamped  within 
eight  miles  of  him,  at  Guilford  court  house. 

His  army,  including  officers,  amounted  to  about  four  thousand  five 
hundred  men,  of  whom  not  quite  two  thousand  were  continental  troops 
and  the  residue  consisted  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  militia 
Those  of  Virginia  were  commanded  by  Generals  Stevens  and  Lawson, 
and  by  Colonels  Preston,  Campbell,  and  Lynch ;  and  those  of  North 
Carolina,  by  Generals  Butler  and  Eaton. 

Of  the  four  regiments  which  composed  the  continental  infantry,  only 
one,  the  first  of  Maryland,  was  veteran.  The  other  three  consisted  of 
new  levies,  with  a  few  old  continental  soldiers  interspersed  among  them. 
The  legion  of  Lee,  and  the  cavalry  of  Washington,  like  the  first  regi- 
ment of  Maryland,  added  every  advantage  of  experience  to  approved 
courage;  and  nearly  all  the  officers  commanding  the  new  levies  were 
veteran. 

Having  determined  to  risk  an  action,  Greene  chose  his  ground  with 
judgment.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  15th,  the  fire  of  his  reconnoi- 
tring parties  announced  the  approach  of  the  enemy  on  the  great  Salis- 
bury road,  and  his  army  was  immediately  arranged  in  order  of  battle 
It  was  drawn  up  in  three  lines,  on  a  large  hill,  surrounded  by  other  hills, 
chiefly  covered  with  trees  and  underwood. 

The  front  line  was  composed  of  the  two  brigades  of  North  Carolina 
militia,  who  were  posted  to  great  advantage  on  the  edge  of  the  wood, 
behind  a  strong  rail  fence,  with  an  extensive  open  field  in  front. 

The  two  brigades  of  Virginia  militia  formed  the  second  line.  They 
were  drawn  up  entirely  in  the  wood,  about  three  hundred  yards  in  rear 
of  the  first,  and  on  either  side  of  the  great  Salisbury  road. 


412  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  third  line  was  placed  about  three  hundred  yards  in  rear  of  the 
second,  and  was  composed  of  continental  troops.  The  Virginia  brigade, 
commanded  by  General  Huger,  was  on  the  right;  that  of  Maryland, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Williams,  was  on  the  left.  They  were  drawn 
up  obliquely,  with  their  left  diverging  from  the  second  line,  and  partly 
in  open  ground. 

The  first  and  third  regiments  of  dragoons,  amounting  to  one  hundred 
nd  two  troopers,  Kirkwood's  company  of  light  infantry,  and  a  regiment 
of  militia  riflemen  under  Colonel  Lynch,  formed  a  corps  of  observation 
for  the  security  of  the  right  flank,  which  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Washington.  The  legion,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight  horse  and  foot,  and  a  body  of  riflemen  commanded  by  Colonels" 
Campbell  and  Preston,  formed  a  corps  of  observation  for  the  security  of 
the  left  flank,  which  was  placed  under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Lee.  The 
artillery  was  in  the  front  line,  in  the  great  road  leading  through  the  cen 
tre,  with  directions  to  fall  back  as  the  occasion  should  require. 

Though  Lord  Cornwallis  was  sensible  that  the  numbers  of  the  Ameri- 
can army  were  greatly  augmented  by  troops  whose  continuance  in  ser- 
vice would  be  of  short  duration,  he  deemed  it  so  important  to  the  inte- 
rests of  his  sovereign  to  maintain  the  appearance  of  superiority  in  the 
field,  that  he  was  unwilling  to  decline  the  engagement  now  offered  him. 
On  the  advance  of  Greene,  therefore,  he  prepared  for  action ; 
and  early  in  the  morning  moved  from  his  ground,  determined 
to  attack  the  adverse  army  wherever  it  should  be  found.  About  four 
miles  from  Guilford  court  house,  the  advance,  led  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Tarlton,  fell  in  with  Lee,  and  a  sharp  skirmish  ensued,  which  was  ter- 
minated by  the  appearance  of  such  large  bodies  of  British  troops,  as  ren- 
dered it  prudent  for  Lee  to  retire.  His  Lordship  continued  to  advance 
until  he  came  within  view  of  the  American  army.  His  disposition  for 
the  attack  was  then  made  in  the  following  order. 

The  seventy -first  British  regiment,  with  the  German  regiment  of  Bose, 
led  by  General  Leslie,  and  supported  by  the  first  battalion  of  the  guards 
under  Colonel  Norton,  formed  the  right,  and  the  twenty-third  and  thirty- 
third  regiments,  led  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Webster,  and  supported  by 
Brigadier  General  O'Hara  with  the  grenadiers  and  second  battalion  of 
the  guards,  formed  the  left.  The  light  infantry  of  the  guards  and  the 
Yagers,  posted  in  the  wood  on  the  left  of  the  artillery,  and  the  cavalry 
in  column  behind  it  in  the  road,  formed  a  corps  of  observation.* 

This  disposition  being  made,  the  British  troops  advanced  to  the  charge, 
with  the  cool  intrepidity  which  discipline  inspires. 

*  Letter  of  Lord  Cornwallis. — Stcdman. 


I 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  413 


The  North  Carolina  militia  were  not  encouraged  by  the  great  advan- 
tages of  their  position  to  await  the  shock.  They  broke  instantly  ;  and, 
throwing  away  their  arms  and  flying  through  the  woods,  sought  Jheir 
respective  homes. 

The  British  then  advanced  on  the  second  line,  which  received  them 
with  more  firmness ;  and  maintained  their  ground  for  some  time  with 
great  resolution.  Lord  Cornwallis  perceiving  the  corps  on  his  flanks, 
brought  the  whole  of  his  reserved  infantry  into  the  line.  On  the  right, 
General  Leslie  brought  up  the  guards  to  oppose  Lee ;  and,  on  the  left, 
Webster  changed  his  front  to  the  left,  and  attacked  Washington,  while 
the  grenadiers  and  second  battalion  of  guards  moved  forward  to  occu- 
py the  place  which  he  had  just  quitted.* 

The  ground  being  unfavourable  to  the  action  of  horse,  Washington 
had  posted  Lynch's  riflemen,  with  whom  he  remained  in  person,  on  a 
height  covered  with  thick  woods ;  and  had  drawn  up  his  cavalry  and 
continental  infantry  about  one  hundred  yards  in  their  rear.  On  being 
attacked  by  Webster,  the  riflemen  broke ;  and  Washington,  finding  it 
impossible  to  rally  them,  rejoined  his  cavalry. 

The  British  continuing  to  advance,  and  it  being  well  understood  that 
the  militia  could  not  stand  the  bayonet,  General  Stevens,  who  had  re- 
ceived a  ball  in  his  right  thigh,  ordered  his  brigade  to  retreat.  Lawson's 
brigade  having  given  way  a  short  time  before,  the  second  line  was  en- 
tirely routed ;  and  the  enemy  advanced  boldly  on  the  third. 

The  several  divisions  of  the  British  army  had  been  separated  from 
each  other  by  extending  themselves  to  the  right  and  left  in  order  to  en- 
counter the  distinct  corps  which  threatened  their  flanks ;  and  by  advanc- 
ing in  regiments  at  different  times,  as  the  different  parts  of  the  second 
line  had  given  way.  The  thickness  of  the  wood  increased  the  difficulty 
of  restoring  order.  They  pressed  forward  with  great  eagerness,  but 
with  a  considerable  degree  of  irregularity. 

Greene,  in  this  state  of  the  action,  entertained  the  most  sanguine  hopes 
of  a  complete  victory.  His  continental  troops  were  fresh,  in  perfect  or- 
der, and  upon  the  point  of  engaging  an  enemy,  broken  into  distinct  parts, 
and  probably  supposing  the  severity  of  the  action  to  be  over.  This  fair 
prospect  was  blasted  by  the  misconduct  of  a  single  corps.  The  second 
regiment  of  Maryland  was  posted  at  some  distance  from  the  first,  in  open 
ground ;  its  left  forming  almost  a  right  angle  with  the  line,  so  as  to  pre- 
sent a  front  to  any  corps  which  might  attack  on  that  flank.  The  Brit- 
ish in  advancing,  inclined  to  the  right;  and  the  second  battalion  of 
guards  entered  the  open  ground  immediately  after  the  retreat  of  Stevens, 

*  Letter  of  Lord  Cornwallis. — Stedman. 
VOL.  i.  27 


414  THE  LIFE  OF 

and  rushed  on  the  second  regiment  of  Maryland  while  the  first  was  en- 
gaged with  Webster.  Without  waiting  to  receive  the  charge,  that  regi- 
mejjit  broke  in  confusion.  By  pursuing  them,  the  guards  were  thrown 
into  the  rear  of  the  first  regiment,  from  which  they  were  concealed  by 
the  unevenness  of  the  ground,  and  by  a  skirt  of  wood. 

Greene  was  himself  on  the  left,  and  witnessed  the  misfortune  without 
being  able  to  remedy  it.  His  militia  being  entirely  routed,  the  flight  of 
one-fourth  of  his  continental  troops  would  most  probably  decide  the  fate 
of  the  day.  Unwilling  to  risk  his  remaining  three  regiments,  only  one 
of  which  could  be  safely  relied  on,  without  a  man  to  cover  their  retreat 
should  the  event  prove  unfortunate,  he  ordered  Colonel  Greene  of  Vir- 
ginia to  withdraw  his  regiment  from  the  line,  and  to  take  a  position  in 
the  rear,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  a  rallying  point,  and  of  covering 
the  retreat  of  the  two  regiments  which  still  continued  in  the  field. 

The  guards  were  soon  called  from  the  pursuit  of  the  second  Maryland 
regiment,  and  led  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Stuart  against  the  first.  About 
this  time  Webster,  finding  himself  overpowered  by  the  first  Maryland 
regiment,  then  commanded  by  Colonel  Gunby,  and  by  Kirkwood's  com- 
pany and  the  remaining  regiment  of  Virginia,  with  whom  he  was  en- 
gaged at  the  same  time,  had  in  a  great  measure  withdrawn  from  the  ac- 
tion, and  retired  across  a  ravine  into  an  adjoining  wood.  This  critical 
respite  enabled  Gunby  to  provide  for  the  danger  in  his  rear.  Facing 
about,  he  met  the  guards,  and  a  very  animated  fire  took  place  on  both 
sides,  during  which  the  Americans  continued  to  advance. 

In  this  critical  moment,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Washington,  who  was 
drawn  to  this  part  of  the  field  by  the  vivacity  of  the  fire,  made  a  furious 
charge  upon  the  guards  and  broke  their  ranks.  At  this  juncture,  Gun- 
by's  horse  was  killed  under  him,  and  the  command  devolved  on  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Howard.  The  regiment  advanced  with  such  rapidity 
that  Gunby  could  not  overtake  it,  and  was  within  thirty  yards  of  the 
guards  when  they  were  charged  by  the  cavalry.  Almost  at  the  same 
instant  the  Maryland  infantry  rushed  upon  them  with  the  bayonet,  and 
following  the  horse  through  them,  were  masters  of  the  whole  battalion. 
In  passing  through  it,  Captain  Smith  of  the  infantry  killed  its  command- 
ing officer. 

After  passing  through  the  guards  into  the  open  ground  where  the 
second  regiment  had  been  originally  posted,  Howard  perceived  several 
British  columns,  with  some  pieces  of  artillery.  Believing  his  regiment 
to  be  the  sole  infantry  remaining  in  the  field,  he  retreated  in  good  order, 
and  brought  off  some  prisoners.  The  cavalry  also  retreated.* 

*  After  passing  through  the  guards  into  the  cleared  ground,  Washington,  who  al- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  415 

About  the  same  time  the  remaining  Virginia  regiment  commanded  by 
Colonel  Hawes,  and  Kirkwood's  infantry,  who  were  still  engaged  with 
Webster,  were  directed  by  General  Greene  to  retreat.  The  artillery 
was  unavoidably  abandoned ;  the  horses  which  drew  the  pieces  being 
killed,  and  the  woods  too  thick  to  admit  of  their  being  dragged  elsewhere 
than  along  the  great  road.  The  retreat  was  made  in  good  order,  and 
Greene,  in  person,  brought  up  the  rear. 

Though  the  action  was  over  on  the  right  and  centre,  Campbell's  rifle- 
men still  maintained  their  ground  on  the  extreme  of  the  American  left, 
against  General  Leslie  with  the  regiment  of  Bose  and  the  first  battalion 
of  guards. 

After  the  guards  had  routed  the  brigade  commanded  by  Lawson,  they 
were  attacked  on  their  right  flank  by  the  infantry  of  Lee's  legion  and  by 
Campbell's  riflemen,  and  were  driven  behind  the  regiment  of  Bose,  which 
having  moved  with  less  impetuosity,  was  advancing  in  compact  order. 

This  regiment  sustained  the  American  fire  until  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Norton  was  able  to  rally  the  guards  and  to  bring  them  back  to  the 
charge ;  after  which  the  action  was  maintained  with  great  obstinacy  on 
both  sides  until  the  battle  was  decided  on  the  right.  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Tarlton  was  then  ordered  to  the  support  of  Leslie.  The  legion  infantry 
had  retreated,  and  only  a  few  resolute  marksmen  remained  in  the  rear 
of  Campbell  who  continued  firing  from  tree  to  tree.  Being  unable  to 
resist  a  charge  of  cavalry,  they  were  quickly  driven  from  the  field. 

Two  regiments  of  infantry  and  a  detachment  of  cavalry  pursued  the 
right  wing  and  centre  of  the  Americans  for  a  short  distance,  but  were 
soon  ordered  to  return.  On  examining  his  situation,  Lord  Cornwallis 
found  himself  too  much  weakened,  and  his  troops  too  much  fatigued  by 
the  action,  to  hazard  its  renewal,  or  to  continue  the  pursuit.  General 
Greene  halted  about  three  miles  from  the  field  of  battle,  behind  Rudy 
fork  creek,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  his  stragglers ;  after  which  he 
retired  about  twelve  miles,  to  the  iron  works  on  Troublesome  creek,  the 
place  appointed  for  the  rendezvous  of  his  army  in  the  event  of  its  being 
defeated. 

The  returns  made  immediately  after  the  action,  exhibited  a  loss  in 
killed,  wounded  and  missing  in  the  continental  troops,  of  fourteen  corn- 
ways  led  the  van,  perceived  an  officer  surrounded  by  several  persons  who  appeared  to 
be  aids-de-camp.  Believing  this  to  be  Lord  Cornwallis,  he  rushed  forward  in  the  hope 
of  making  him  a  prisoner,  but  was  arrested  by  an  accident.  His  cap  fell  from  his 
head,  and,  as  he  leaped  to  the  ground  to  recover  it,  the  officer  leading  the  column  was 
shot  through  the  body,  and  rendered  incapable  of  managing  his  horse.  The  animal 
wheeled  round  with  his  rider,  and  galloped  off  the  field.  He  was  followed  by  all  the 
cavalry,  who  supposed  that  this  movement  had  been  directed. 


416  THE  LIFE  OF 

missioned  officers,  and  three  hundred  and  twelve  non-commissioned  offi- 
cers and  privates.  Major  Anderson,  a  valuable  officer  of  Maryland,  was 
killed ;  and  General  Huger,  who  commanded  the  continental  troops  of 
Virginia,  was  wounded. 

The  same  return  states  the  loss  of  the  militia  at  four  captains  and 
seventeen  privates  killed ;  and,  in  addition  to  General  Stevens,  one  major 
three  captains,  eight  subalterns,  and  sixty  privates,  were  wounded.  A 
great  proportion  of  this  part  of  the  army  was  missing ;  but  it  seems  to 
have  been  expected  that  they  would  either  rejoin  their  corps,  or  be  found 
at  their  homes.  .1 

The  victory  at  Guilford  was  dearly  purchased.  Official  accounts  state 
the  loss  of  the  British  army  at  five  hundred  and  thirty  two  men,  among 
whom  were  several  officers  of  high  rank  and  distinguished  merit.  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Stuart  of  the  guards  was  killed,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Webster,  who  was  ranked  by  his  enemies  among  the  best  officers  in  the 
British  service,  was  mortally  wounded.  This  loss,  when  compared  with 
the  numbers  brought  by  Lord  Cornwallis  into  the  field,  was  very  con- 
siderable. The  Americans  did  not  compute  his  troops  at  more  than  two 
thousand  rank  and  file,  but  his  own  accounts  state  them  at  only  fourteen 
hundred  and  forty-five. 

No  battle  in  the  course  of  the  war  reflects  more  honour  on  the  courage 
of  the  British  troops,  than  that  of  Guilford.  On  no  other  occasion  have 
they  fought  with  such  inferiority  of  numbers,  or  disadvantage  of  ground. 
Estimating  his  first  line  at  nothing,  General  Greene's  army  consisted  of 
three  thousand  two  hundred  men,  posted  on  ground  chosen  by  himself; 
and  his  disposition  was  skilfully  made. 

The  American  general,  expecting  to  be  again  attacked,  prepared  for 
another  engagement.  But  the  situation  of  Lord  Cornwallis  had  be- 
come too  desperate  to  hazard  a  second  battle,  oy  to  maintain  his  position. 
He  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of  retreating  to  a  place  of  greater 
security,  where  provisions  might  be  obtained. 

When  the  expedition  into  North  Carolina  was  originally  meditated, 
Major  Craig,  at  the  head  of  a  small  military  and  naval  force,  took  pos- 
session of  Wilmington,  a  town  near  the  mouth  of  Cape  Fear,  and  extend- 
ed his  authority  several  miles  up  the  river.  Lord  Cornwallis  now  looked 
to  a  communication  with  this  post  for  aids  which  had  become  indispensa- 
ble to  the  farther  operations  of  the  campaign. 

On   the   third  day  after  the  battle,  he  broke  up  his   encampment, 

,    and  proceeded  by  slow  and   easy  marches  towards  Cross 
March  18.  ,  ', 

creek.     ; 

General  Greene,  on  hearing  that  the  British  army  was  retreating,  re- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  417 

solved  to  follow  it.  The  difficulty  of  subsisting  the  troops  in  an  exhaust, 
ed  and  hostile  country ;  and  the  necessity  of  waiting  for  a  supply  of  am- 
munition, impeded  the  march  of  his  army  so  much  that  he  did  not  reach 
Ramsay's  mills  until  the  28th  of  March. 

At  this  place  Lord  Cornwallis  had  halted,  and  here  General  Greene 
expected  to  overtake  and  attack  him.  But,  on  the  approach  of  the 
American  army,  his  lordship  resumed  his  march  to  Cross  creek,  and 
afterwards  to  Wilmington,  where  he  arrived  on  the  7th  of  April. 

General  Greene  gave  over  the  pursuit  at  Ramsay's  mills.  So  exces- 
sive had  been  the  sufferings  of  his  army  from  the  want  of  provisions,  that 
many  of  the  men  fainted  on  the  march,  and  it  had  become  absolutely 
necessary  to  allow  them  some  repose  and  refreshment.  The  expiration 
of  the  time  for  which  the  Virginia  militia  had  been  called  into  service, 
furnished  an  additional  motive  for  suspending  the  pursuit. 

At  this  place,  the  bold  and  happy  resolution  was  taken  to  carry  the 
war  into  South  Carolina. 

The  motives  which  induced  the  adoption  of  this  measure  were  stated 
by  himself  in  a  letter  communicating  his  determination  to  the  Command- 
er-in-chief. It  would  compel  Lord  Cornwallis  to  follow  him,  and  thus 
liberate  North  Carolina,  or  to  sacrifice  all  his  posts  in  the  upper  parts  of 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia. 

The  Southern  army  amounted  to  about  seventeen  hundred  effectives. 
That  of  Lord  Cornwallis  is  understood  to  have  been  still  less  numerous. 
So  impotent  were  the  means  employed  for  the  conquest  and  defence  of 
states  which  were  of  immense  extent  and  value. 

This  unexpected  movement  gave  a  new  aspect  to  affairs,  and  produced 
some  irresolution  in  the  British  general  respecting  his  future  operations. 
After  weighing  the  probable  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  following 
Greene  into  South  Carolina,  he  decided  against  this  retrograde  movement 
and  determined  to  advance  into  Virginia. 


2  L 


418  THE  LIFE  OF 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Virginia  invaded  by  Arnold. — He  destroys  the  stores  at  Westham  and  at  Richmond. 
— Retires  to  Portsmouth. — Mutiny  in  the  Pennsylvania  line. — Sir  H.  Clinton  at- 
tempts to  negotiate  with  the  mutineers. — They  compromise  with  the  civil  govern- 
ment.— Mutiny  in  the  Jersey  line. — Mission  of  Colonel  Laurens  to  France. — Pro- 
positions to  Spain. — Recommendations  relative  to  a  duty  on  imported  and  prize 
goods. — Reform  in  the  Executive  departments. — Confederation  adopted. — Military 
transactions. — Lafayette  detached  to  Virginia. — Cornwallis  arrives. — Presses  La- 
fayette.— Expedition  to  Charlottesville,  to  the  Point  of  Fork. — Lafayette  forms  a 
junction  with  Wayne. — Cornwallis  retires  to  the  lower  country. — General  Wash- 
ington's letters  are  intercepted. — Action  near  Jamestown. 

THE  evacuation  of  Portsmouth  by  Leslie  afforded  Virginia  but  a  short 
interval  of  repose.  So  early  as  the  9th  of  December,  1780,  a 
letter  from  General  Washington  announced  to  the  governor 
that  a- large  embarkation,  supposed  to  be  destined  for  the  south,  was  about 
taking  place  at  New  York.  On  the  30th,  a  fleet  of  transports  under 
convoy,  having  on  board  between  one  and  two  thousand  men,  com- 
manded by  General  Arnold,  anchored  in  Hampton  road.  The  troops 
were  embarked  the  next  day  on  board  vessels  adapted  to  the  navigation, 
and  proceeded  up  James'  river  under  convoy  of  two  small  ships  of  war. 
On  the  fourth  of  January  they  reached  Westover,  which  is  distant  about 
twenty -five  miles  from  Richmond,  the  capital  of  Virginia. 

On  receiving  intelligence  that  a  fleet  had  entered  the  capes,  General 
Nelson  was  employed  in  raising  the  militia  of  the  lower  country ;  and 
on  the  2d  of  January  orders  were  issued  to  call  out  those  above  the  me- 
tropolis and  in  its  neighbourhood. 

On  reaching  Westover,  Arnold  landed  with  the  greater  part  of  his 
army,  and  commenced  his  march  towards  Richmond.  The  few  conti- 
nental troops  at  Petersburg  were  ordered  to  the  capital ;  and  between  one 
and  two  hundred  militia,  who  had  been  collected  from  the  town  and  its 
immediate  vicinity,  were  directed  to  harass  the  advancing  enemy. 
This  party  was  too  feeble  for  its  object ;  and,  the  day  after 
landing  at  Westover,  Arnold  entered  Richmond,  where  he 
halted  with  about  five  hundred  men.  The  residue,  amounting  to  about 
four  hundred, .including  thirty  horse,  proceeded  under  Lieutenant  Colo- 
nel Simcoe  to  Westham,  where  they  burnt  a  valuable  foundry,  boring 
mill,  powder  magazine,  and  other  smaller  buildings,  with  military  stores 
to  a  considerable  amount,  and  many  valuable  papers  belonging  to  the 
government,  which  had  been  carried  thither  as  to  a  place  of  safety. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  419 

This  service  being  effected,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Simcoe  rejoined  Ar- 
nold at  Richmond ;  where  the  public  stores,  and  a  large  quantity  of  rum 
and  salt,  the  property  of  private  individuals,  were  entirely  destroyed. 

Leaving  Richmond  the  next  day,  the  army  returned  to  Westover*  on 
the  seventh ;  and,  re-embarking  on  the  morning  of  the  tenth,  proceeded 
down  the  river.  It  was  followed  by  the  Baron  Steuben,  who  commanded 
in  Virginia ;  and,  near  Hoods,  Colonel  Clarke  drew  a  party  of  them  into 
an  ambuscade,  and  gave  them  one  fire  with  some  effect ;  but,  on  its  being 
partially  returned,  the  Americans  broke  and  fled  in  the  utmost  confu- 
sion.f 

Arnold  proceeded  slowly  down  the  river;  and  on  the  twentieth  reach- 
ed Portsmouth,  where  he  manifested  the  intention  of  establishing  a  per- 
manent post. 

The  loss  of  the  British  in  this  expedition,  was  stated  in  the  gazette  of 
New  York,  at  seven  killed,  including  one  subaltern,  and  twenty-three 
wounded,  among  whom  was  one  captain.  This  small  loss  was  sustained 
almost  entirely  in  the  ambuscade  near  Hoods. 

In  the  north,  the  year  commenced  with  an  event,  which,  for  3  time, 
threatened  the  American  cause  with  total  ruin. 

The  accumulated  sufferings  and  privations  of  the  army  constitute  a 
large  and  interesting  part  of  the  history  of  that  war  which  gave  inde- 
pendence to  the  United  States.  Winter,  without  much  lessening  their 
toils,  added  to  those  sufferings.  The  soldiers  were  perpetually  on  the 
point  of  starving,  were  often,  entirely  without  food ;  were  exposed  without 
proper  clothing  to  the  rigours  of  the  season,  and  had  now  served  almost 
twelve  months  without  pay. 

This  state  of  things  had  been  of  such  long  continuance  that  scarcely 
the  hope  of  a  change  could  be  indulged.  It  produced,  unavoidably,  some 
relaxation  of  discipline;  and  the  murmurs,  occasionally  escaping  the 
officers,  sometimes  heard  by  the  soldiers,  were  not  without  their  influ- 
ence. 

In  addition  to  the  general  causes  of  dissatisfaction,  the  Pennsylvania 
line  complained  of  a  grievance  almost  peculiar  to  itself. 

When  congress  directed  enlistments  to  be  made  for  three  years,  or 
during  the  war,  the  recruiting  officers  of  Pennsylvania,  in  some  instances, 
instead  of  engaging  their  men,  definitively,  for  the  one  period  or  the 
other,  engaged  them  generally  for  three  years,  or  the  war.  This  ambi- 

*  While  the  army  lay  at  Westover,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Simcoe,  at  the  head  of  less 
than  fifty  horse,  attacked  and  dispersed  a  body  of  militia  at  Charles  City  court  house, 
with  the  loss  of  only  one  man  killed,  and  three  wounded, 

t  The  author  witnessed  this  skirmish. 


420  .  THE  LIFE  OF 

guity  in  the  terms  of  enlistment  produced  its  natural  effect.  The  soldier 
claimed  his  discharge  at  the  expiration  of  three  years,  and  the  officer 
insisted  on  retaining  him  in  service  during  the  war.  The  soldier  sub- 
mitted with  the  more  reluctance  to  the  supposed  imposition,  as  he  con- 
stantly witnessed  the  immense  bounties  given  to  those  who  were  not 
bound  by  a  former  enlistment. 

The  discontents  which  these  various  causes  had  been  long  fomenting, 
broke  out  on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  January,  in  an  open  and  almost  uni- 
versal revolt  of  the  line. 

On  a  signal  given,  the  great  body  of  the  non-commissioned  officers 
and  privates  paraded  under  arms,  avowing  the  determination  to  march 
to  the  seat  of  congress,  and  either  obtain  redress  of  their  complicated 
grievances,  or  serve  no  longer.  In  the  attempt  to  suppress  the  mutiny, 
six  or  seven  of  the  mutineers  were  wounded  on  the  one  side ;  and  on  the 
other,  Captain  Billing  was  killed,  and  several  other  officers  were  dan- 
gerously wounded.  The  authority  of  General  Wayne  availed  nothing. 
On  cocking  his  pistol,'and  threatening  some  of  the  most  turbulent,  the 
bayonet  was  presented  to  his  bosom ;  and  he  perceived  that  strong 
measures  would  produce  his  own  destruction,  and  perhaps  the  massacre 
of  every  officer  in  camp.  A  few  regiments  who  did  not  at  first  join  the 
mutineers,  were  paraded  by  their  officers ;  but,  had  they  even  been  wil- 
ling to  proceed  to  extremities,  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  restore 
order.  Infected  quickly  with  the  general  contagion,  or  intimidated  by 
the  threats  of  the  mutineers,  they  joined  their  comrades ;  and  the  whole 
body,  consisting  of  about  thirteen  hundred  men,  with  six  field  pieces, 
marched,  under  the  command  of  their  Serjeants,  towards  Princeton. 

The  next  day,  General  Wayne,  accompanied  by  Colonels  Butler  and 
Stewart,  officers  possessing,  in  a  high  degree,  the  affections  of  the  sol- 
diery, followed  them,  in  the  hope  of  bringing  them  back  to  their  duty,  or 
at  least  of  dividing  them.  They  were  overtaken  near  Middlebrook,  and 
invited  by  a  written  message  from  General  Wayne,  to  appoint  one  man 
from  each  regiment  to  state  the  grievances  of  which  they  complained. 

In  consequence  of  this  invitation,  a  Serjeant  from  each  regiment  met 
the  officers  at  their  quarters,  and  some  verbal  communications  were 
made,  from  the  complexion  of  which  sanguine  hopes  were  entertained 
that  the  affair  might  be  terminated  without  farther  hazard,  or  much  in- 
jury  to  the  service. 

On  the  following  day,  the  line  of  march  was  resumed,  and  the  soldiers 
proceeded  to  Princeton.  The  propositions  of  the  general  and 
field  officers  were  reported  to  them,  and  a  committee  of  ser- 
jeants,  to  whom  they  were  referred,  stated  their  claims.  These  were, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  421 

1st.  A  discharge  for  all  those  who  had  served  three  years  under  their 
original  engagements,  whatever  those  engagements  might  have  been, 
and  who  had  not  taken  the  increased  bounty,  and  re-enlisted  for  the 
war. 

2nd.  An  immediate  payment  of  all  their  arrears  of  pay  and  clothing, 
as  well  to  those  who  should  be  discharged,  as  to  those  who  should  con- 
tinue in  service. 

3rd.  The  residue  of  their  bounty,  and  future  real  pay  to  those  who 
should  continue  in  the  army. 

General  Wayne  being  unwilling  to  discharge  all  those  who  had  not 
re-enlisted  for  the  war,  the  subject  was  referred  to  the  civil  power. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  mutiny,  congress  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  confer  with  the  executive  of  Pennsylvania  respecting  it.  The 
result  of  this  conference  was  that  both  the  committee,  and  the  governor 
with  some  members  of  the  executive  council,  left  Philadelphia  for  the 
purpose  of  endeavouring  to  accommodate  this  dangerous  commotion. 

At  his  head  quarters,  at  New  Windsor,  on  the  North  River,  General 
Washington  received  intelligence  of  this  alarming  mutiny.  Accustom- 
ed as  he  had  been  to  contemplate  hazardous  and  difficult  situations,  it 
was  not  easy,  under  existing  circumstances,  to  resolve  instantly  on  the 
course  it  was  most  prudent  to  pursue.  His  first  impression — to  repair 
to  the  camp  of  the  mutineers — soon  gave  place  to  opinions  which  were 
formed  on  more  mature  reflection. 

It  was  almost  certain  that  the  business  was  already  in  the  hands  of 
the  civil  government,  with  whose  arrangements  it  might  be  improper  for 
him  to  interfere.  Independent  of  this  consideration,  other  motives  of 
irresistible  influence  detained  him  on  the  North  River. 

The  most  important  among  those  subjects  of  complaint  which  were 
alleged  as  the  causes  of  the  mutiny,  were  true  in  fact,  were  common  to 
the  whole  army,  and  were  of  a  nature  to  disseminate  too  generally  those 
seeds  of  disquiet,  which  had  attained  their  full  growth  and  maturity  in 
the  Pennsylvania  line.  Strong  symptoms  of  discontent  had  already 
been  manifested ;  and  it  was,  therefore,  impossible  to  say  with  confi- 
dence, how  far  the  same  temper  existed  amcng  the  other  troops ;  or  how 
far  the  contagion  of  example  had  or  would  spread. 

The  danger  arising  from  this  state  of  things  was  much  increased  by 
the  circumstance  that  the  river  was  perfectly  open,  and  afforded  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  an  easy  and  rapid  transportation  for  his  army  to  West 
Point,  should  the  situation  of  its  garrison  invite  an  enterprise  against  that 
post. 

It  was  an  additional  consideration  of  great  weight,  that  it  might  have 


422  THE  LIFE  OF 

a  most  pernicious  influence  on  the  discipline  of  the  whole  army,  should 
the  authority  of  the  Commander-in-chief  be  disregarded.  He  ought  not 
to  place  himself  in  a  situation  where  his  orders  might  be  disobeyed  with 
impunity ;  an  event  much  to  be  apprehended,  should  he  repair  to  the 
camp  of  the  mutineers,  unattended  by  a  military  force  adequate  to  the 
occasion. 

Such  a  force  could  not  be  immediately  commanded.  His  effectives 
in  the  Highlands  amounted  only  to  thirteen  hundred  and  seventy -six 
men;  and  that  whole  division  of  the  army,  dispersed  at  various  and  dis- 
tant stations,  excluding  the  sick  and  those  on  furlough,  did  not  exceed 
four  thousand.  Assuming  therefore  the  fidelity  of  the  troops,  it  was  im- 
practicable to  march  immediately  with  a  force  sufficient  to  reduce  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  without  leaving  the  Highlands  undefended.  Nor  was 
it  unworthy  of  consideration  that,  in  the  actual  situation  of  the  muti- 
neers, the  probability  of  their  being  attacked  by  such  a  force  might  drive 
them  to  the  enemy,  or  disperse  them,  events,  either  of  which  would  de- 
prive the  army  of  a  valuable  part  of  its  strength. 

It  was  therefore  thought  adviseable  to  leave  the  negotiation  with  the 
civil  power,  and  to  prepare  for  those  measures  which  ought  to  be  adopt- 
ed in  the  event  of  its  failure.  The  disposition  of  the  troops  on  the  North 
River  was  sounded,  and  found  to  be  favourable ;  after  which,  a  detach- 
ment of  eleven  hundred  men  was  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  to  move  on 
a  moment's  warning.  On  the  first  notice  of  the  mutiny,  the  militia  of 
Jersey  took  the  field  under  General  Dickenson,  and  measures  were  taken 
to  call  out  those  of  New  York  should  the  occasion  require  it. 

To  avail  himself  of  an  event  appearing  so  auspicious  to  the  royal 
cause,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  ordered  a  large  body  of  troops  to  be 
in  readiness  to  move  on  the  shortest  notice ;  and  despatched 
three  emissaries  with  tempting  offers  to  the  revolters ;  and  instructions 
to  invite  them,  while  the  negotiation  should  be  depending,  to  take  a  posi- 
tion behind  the  South  River,  where  they  should  be  effectually  covered 
by  detachments  from  New  York.  While  these  measures  were  taking, 
Sir  Henry  kept  his  eye  on  West  Point,  and  held  himself  in  readiness  to 
strike  at  that  place,  should  any  movement  on  the  part  of  General  Wash- 
ington open  to  him  a  prospect  of  success.* 

His  emissaries  were  immediately  seized  by  the  revolters,  and  their 
proposals  communicated  to  General  Wayne,  with  assurances  of  the 
utter  detestation  in  which  every  idea  of  going  over  to  the  common  ene- 
my was  held. 

This  favourable  symptom,  however,  was  accompanied  by  suspicious 

*  Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  423 

circumstances.  They  retained  the  British  emissaries  in  their  own  pos- 
session ;  and  couid  not  be  induced  to  cross  the  Delaware,  or  to  march 
from  Princeton.  They  would  not  permit  any  of  their  former  officers, 
other  than  those  already  mentioned,  to  enter  their  camp ;  and  General 
St.  Clair,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  Laurens, 
were  ordered  to  leave  Princeton. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  committee  of  congress,  and 
President  Read  with  a  part  of  his  executive  council,  arrived  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  revolters.  The  former  having  delegated  their  power  to 
the  latter,  a  conference  was  held  with  the  Serjeants  who  now  command- 
ed, after  which  proposals  were  made  and  distributed  among  the  troops 
for  consideration. 

In  these  proposals  the  government  offered, 

1st.  To  discharge  all  those  who  had  enlisted  indefinitely  for  three 
years  or  during  the  war,  the  fact  to  be  examined  into  by  three  commis- 
sioners, to  be  appointed  by  the  executive ;  and  to  be  ascertained,  when 
the  original  enlistment  could  not  be  produced,  by  the  oath  of  the  soldier. 

2dly.  To  give  immediate  certificates  for  the  depreciation  on  their  pay, 
and  to  settle  the  arrearages  as  soon  as  circumstances  would  admit. 

3dly.  To  furnish  them  immediately  with  certain  specified  articles  of 
clothing  which  were  most  wanted. 

On  receiving  these  propositions,  the  troops  agreed  to  march  to  Tren- 
ton. At  that  place  the  terms  were  accepted,  with  the  addition  that  three 
commissioners  should  also  be  deputed  by  the  line,  who,  conjointly  with 
those  of  the  executive  should  constitute  the  board  authorized  to  deter- 
mine on  the  claims  of  the  soldiers  to  be  discharged ;  and  thereupon  the 
British  emissaries  were  surrendered,  who  were  tried,  condemned,  and 
executed  as  spies. 

Until  the  investigation  should  be  made,  and  discharges  given  to  those 
who  should  be  found  entitled  to  them,  the  Serjeants  retained  their  com- 
mand. In  consequence  of  the  irksomeness  of  this  state  of  things,  the 
business  was  pressed  with  so  much  precipitation,  that  before  the  enlist- 
ments themselves  could  be  brought  from  the  huts,  almost  the  whole  of 
the  artillery,  and  of  the  five  first  regiments  of  infantry,  were  liberated 
on  the  testimony  of  their  own  oaths.  The  enlistments  being  then  pro- 
duced, it  was  found  that  not  many  of  the  remaining  regiments  had  en- 
gaged on  the  terms  which,  under  the  compact,  would  entitle  them  to 
leave  the  service ;  and  that,  of  those  actually  dismissed,  far  the  greater 
number  had  been  enlisted  absolutely  for  the  war.  The  discharges  given, 
however,  were  not  cancelled ;  and  the  few  who  were  to  remain  in  ser- 
vice received  furloughs  for  forty  days. 


424  THE  LIFE  OF 

Thus  ended,  in  a  temporary  dissolution  of  the  whole  line  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, a  mutiny,  which  a  voluntary  performance  of  much  less  than  was 
extorted,  would  have  prevented;  and  which,  in  the  actual  condition  of 
the  army,  was  of  a  nature  and  extent  to  inspire  the  most  serious  alarm. 

The  dangerous  policy  of  yielding  even  to  the  just  demands  of  soldiers 
made  with  arms  in  their  hands,  was  soon  illustrated.  The  success  of 
the  Pennsylvania  line  inspired  that  of  Jersey,  many  of  whom  were  also 
foreigners,  with  the  hope  of  obtaining  similar  advantages.  On  the  night 
of  the  20th,  a  part  of  the  Jersey  brigade,  which  had  been  stationed  at 
Pompton,  rose  in  arms;  and,  making  precisely  the  same  claims  which 
had  been  yielded  to  the  Pennsylvanians,  marched  to  Chatham,  where  a 
part  of  the  same  brigade  was  cantoned,  in  the  hope  of  exciting  them  also 
to  join  in  the  revolt. 

General  Washington,  who  had  been  extremely  chagrined  at  the  issue 
of  the  mutiny  in  the  Pennsylvania  line,  and  who  was  now  assured  of  the 
confidence  to  be  placed  in  the  fidelity  of  the  eastern  troops,  who  were 
composed  of  natives,  determined,  by  strong  measures,  to  stop  the  farther 
progress  of  a  spirit  which  threatened  the  destruction  of  the  army,  and 
ordered  a  detachment  to  march  against  the  mutineers,  and  to  bring  them 
to  unconditional  submission.  General  Howe,  who  commanded  this  de- 
tachment, was  instructed  to  make  no  terms  with  the  insurgents  while  in 
a  state  of  resistance;  and,  as  soon  as  they  should  surrender,  to  seize  a 
few  of  the  most  active  leaders,  and  to  execute  them  on  the  spot.  These 
orders  were  promptly  obeyed,  and  the  Jersey  mutineers  returned  to  their 
duty. 

In  the  hope  of  being  more  successful  with  the  revolters  of  Jersey  than 
he  had  been  with  those  of  Pennsylvania,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  offered  them 
the  same  terms  which  had  been  proposed  to  the  mutineers  at  Princeton ; 
and  General  Robertson,  at  the  head  of  three  thousand  men,  was  detach- 
ed to  Staten  Island  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  crossing  over  into  Jersey, 
and  covering  any  movement  which  they  might  make  towards  New 
York.  The  emissary,  being  in  the  American  interest,  delivered  his  pa- 
pers to  the  officer  commanding  at  the  first  station  to  which  he  came. 
Other  papers  were  dispersed  among  the  mutineers ;  but  the  mutiny  was 
crushed  too  suddenly  to  allow  time  for  the  operation  of  these  propo- 
sitions. 

The  vigorous  measures  taken  in  this  instance  were  happily  followed 
by  such  an  attention  on  the  part  of  the  states,  to  the  actual  situation  of 
the  army,  as  checked  the  progress  of  discontent.  Influenced  by  the  re- 
presentations of  the  Commander-in-chief,  they  raised  three  months  pay 
in  specie,  which  they  forwarded  to  the  soldiers,  who  received  it  with  joy, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  425 

considering  it  as  evidence  that  their  fellow  citizens  were  not  entirely 
unmindful  of  their  sufferings. 

Although  the  army  was  thus  reduced  to  such  extreme  distress,  the 
discontents  of  the  people  were  daily  multiplied  by  the  contributions  which 
they  were  required  to  make,  and  by  the  irritating  manner  in  which 
those  contributions  were  drawn  from  them.  Every  article  for  public 
use  was  obtained  by  impressment ;  and  the  taxes  were  either  unpaid,  or 
collected  by  coe reive ,means.  Strong  remonstrances  were  made  against 
this  system ;  and  the,  dissatisfaction  which  pervaded  the  mass  of  the 
community,  was  scarcely  less  dangerous  than  that  which  had  been 
manifested  by  the  army. 

To  the  judicious  patriots  throughout  America,  the  necessity  of  giving 
greater  powers  to -the  federal  government  became  every  day  more  ap- 
parent ;  but  the  efforts  of  enlightened  individuals  were  too  feeble  to  cor 
rect  that  fatal  disposition  of  power  which  had  been  made  by  enthusiasm 
uninstructcd  by  experience. 

To  relieve  the  United  States  from  their  complicated  embarrassments, 
a  foreign  loan  seemed  an  expedient  of  indispensable  necessity,  and  from 
France  they  hoped  to  obtain  it.  Congress  selected  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Laurens,  a  gentleman  whose  situation  in  the  family  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief  had  enabled  him  to  take  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  military 
capacities  and  weaknesses  of  his  country,  for  this  interesting  service ; 
and  instructed  him  also  to  urge  the  advantage  of  maintaining  a  naval 
superiority  in  the  A  merican  seas.  Before  his  departure,  he  passed  some 
days  at  head  quarters,  and  received  from  General  Washington  in  the 
form  of  a  letter,  the  result  of  his  reflections  on  the  existing  state  of 
things. 

In  this  paper  he  detailed  the  pecuniary  embarrassments  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  represented,  with  great  earnestness,  the  inability  of  the  nation 
to  furnish  a  revenue  adequate  to  the  support  of  the  war.  He  dwelt  on 
the  discontents  which  the  system  of  impressment  had  excited  among  the 
people,  and  expressed  his  fears  that  the  evils  felt  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  war,  might  weaken  the  sentiments  which  began  it. 

From  this  state  of  things,  he  deduced  the  vital  importance  of  an  imme- 
diate and  ample  supply  of  money,  which  might  be  the  foundation  for  sub- 
stantial arrangements  of  finance,  for  reviving  public  credit,  and  giving 
vigour  to  future  operations  ;  as  well  as  of  a  decided  effort  of  the  allied 
arms  on  the  continent  to  effect  the  great  objects  of  the  alliance,  in  the 
ensuing  campaign. 

Next  to  a  supply  of  money,  he  considered  a  naval  superiority  in  the 
American  seas,  as  an  object  of  the  deepest  interest. 


426  THE  LIFE  OF 

To  the  United  States,  it  would  be  of  decisive  importance,  and  France 
also  might  derive  great  advantages  from  transferring  the  maritime  war  to 
the  coast  of  her  ally. 

The  future  ability  of  the  United  States  to  repay  any  loan  which  might 
now  be  obtained  was  displayed ;  and  he  concluded  with  assurances  that 
there  was  still  a  fund  of  inclination  and  resource  in  the  country,  equal 
to  great  and  continued  exertions,  provided  the  means  were  afforded  of 
stopping  the  progress  of  disgust,  by  changing  the  present  system,  and 
adopting  another  more  consonant  with  the  spirit  of  the  nation,  and  more 
capable  of  infusing  activity  and  energy  into  public  measures ;  of  which 
a  powerful  succour  in  money  must  be  the  basis.  "  The  people  were 
discontented,  but  it  was  with  the  feeble  and  oppressive  mode  of  conduct- 
ing the  war,  not  with  the  war  itself." 

With  reason  did  the  Commander-in-chief  thus  urge  on  the  cabinet  of 
Versailles,  the  policy  of  advancing  a  sum  of  money  to  the  United  States 
which  might  be  adequate  to  the  exigency.  Deep  was  the  gloom  with 
which  their  political  horizon  was  overcast.  The  British,  in  possession 
of  South  Carolina  and  of  Georgia,  had  overrun  the  greater  part  of  North 
Carolina  also ;  and  it  was  with  equal  hazard  and  address  that  Greene 
maintained  himself  in  the  northern  frontier  of  that  state. 

A  second  detachment  from  New  York  was  making  a  deep  impression 
on  Virginia,  where  the  resistance  had  been  neither  so  prompt  nor  so  vi- 
gorous* as  the  strength  of  that  state  and  the  unanimity  of  its  citizens  had 
given  reason  to  expect. 

The  perplexities  and  difficulties  in  which  the  affairs  of  America  were 
involved,  were  estimated  by  the  British  government  even  above  their  real 
value.  Intercepted  letters  of  this  date  from  the  minister,  expressed  the 
most  sanguine  hopes  that  the  great  superiority  of  force  at  the  disposal  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  would  compel  Washington  with  his  feeble  army  to 
take  refuge  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Hudson. 

Even  congress  relaxed  for  an  instant  from  its  habitual  firmness  ;  and, 
receding  from  the  decisive  manner  in  which  that  body  had  insisted  on 
the  territorial  and  maritime  rights  of  the  nation,  directed  the  American 
minister  at  Madrid  to  relinquish,  if  it  should  be  absolutely  necessary, 
the  claims  of  the  United  States  to  navigate  the  Mississippi  below  the 
thirty-first  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  to  a  free  port  on  the  banks  of 
that  river  within  the  Spanish  territory.  It  is  remarkable  that  only  Mas- 
sachusetts, Connecticut,  and  North  Carolina,  dissented  from  this  reso- 
lution; New  York  was  divided.f  On  a  subsequent  day,  the  subject 

*  A  slave  population  must  be  unfavourable  to  great  and  sudden  exertions  by  militia. 
t  Secret  journals  of  Congress,  v.  2,  pp.  393,  396,  407.     This  measure  was  mo» 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  427 

was  again  brought  forward,  and  a  proposition  was  made  for  still  farther 
concessions  to  Spain ;  but  this  proposition  was  negatived  by  all  the 
states.* 

Happily  for  the  United  States,  Mr.  Jay,  their  minister  at  the  court  of 
Madrid,  required  as  the  price  of  the  concessions  he  was  instructed  to 
make,  that  the  treaty  he  was  labouring  to  negotiate  should  be  immedi- 
ately concluded. 

The  establishment  of  a  revenue  subject  to  the  exclusive  control  and 
direction  of  the  continental  government,  was  connected  inseparably  with 
the  restoration  of  credit.  The  efforts  therefore  to  negotiate  a  foreign 
loan  were  accompanied  by  resolutions  requesting  the  respective  states  to 
place  a  fund  under  the  control  of  congress,  which  should  be  both  per- 
manent and  productive.  A  resolution  was  passed,  recommending  to  the 
respective  states  to  vest  a  power  in  congress  to  levy  for  the  use  of  the 
United  States  a  duty  of  five  per  centum  advalorem  on  all  goods  imported 
into  any  of  them ;  and  also  on  all  prizes  condemned  in  any  of  the  Ame- 
rican courts  of  admiralty. 

This  fund  was  to  be  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  both  the  principal 
and  interest  of  all  debts  contracted  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war ;  and 
was  to  continue  until  those  debts  should  be  completely  discharged. 

Congress,  at  that  time,  contained  several  members  who  perceived  the 
advantages  which  would  result  from  bestowing  on  the  government  of  the 
nation  the  full  power  of  regulating  commerce,  and,  consequently,  of  in- 
creasing the  import  as  circumstances  might  render  adviseable ;  but  state 
influence  predominated,  and  they  were  overruled  by  great  majorities. 
Even  the  inadequate  plan  which  they  did  recommend  was  never  adopt- 
ed. Notwithstanding  the  greatness  of  the  exigency,  and  the  pressure  of 
the  national  wants,  never,  during  the  existence  of  the  confederation,  did 
all  the  states  unite  in  assenting  to  this  recommendation ;  so  unwilling  are 
men  possessed  of  power,  to  place  it  in  the  hands  of  others. 

About  the  same  time  a  reform  was  introduced  into  the  administration, 
the  necessity  of  which  had  been  long  perceived.  From  a  misplaced  pre- 
judice against  institutions  sanctioned  by  experience,  all  the  great  execu- 
tive duties  had  been  devolved  either  on  committees  of  congress,  or  on 
boards  consisting  of  several  members.  This  unwieldy  and  expensive 
system  had  maintained  itself  against  all  the  efforts  of  reason  and  public 
utility.  But  the  scantiness  of  the  national  means  at  length  prevailed  over 
prejudice,  and  the  several  committees  and  boards  yielded  to  a  secretary 

ed  by  the  delegation  from  Virginia,  in  consequence  of  instructions  of  2d  Jan.  1781. 
Sec.  10,  H.  at  large,  538. 
*  Secret  journals  of  Congress,  v.  2,  p.  468. 


428  THE  LIFE  OF 

for  foreign  affairs,  a  superintendent  of  finance,  a  secretary  of  war,  and 
a  secretary  of  marine.  But  so  miserably  defective  was  the  organization 
of  congress,  as  an  executive  body,  that  the  year  had  far  advanced  be- 
fore this  measure,  the  utility  of  which  all  acknowledged,  could  be  car- 
ried into  complete  operation  by  making  all  the  appointments. 

About  this  time  the  articles  of  confederation  were  ratified.  Much  dif- 
ficulty was  encountered  in  obtaining  the  adoption  of  this  instrument.  The 
numerous  objections  made  by  the  states  yielded  successively  to  tht 
opinion  that  a  federal  compact  would  be  of  vast  importance  in  the  prose 
cution  of  the  war.  One  impediment  it  was  found  peculiarly  difficult  to 
remove.  Within  the  chartered  limits  of  several  states,  were  immense 
tracts  of  vacant  territory,  which,  it  was  supposed,  would  constitute  a 
large  fund  of  future  wealth ;  and  the  states  not  possessing  that  advan- 
tage insisted  on  considering  this  territory  as  a  joint  acquisition.  At 
length  this  difficulty  also  was  surmounted;  and,  in  February,  1781,  to 
the  great  joy  of  America,  this  interesting  compact  was  rendered  com- 
plete.* Like  many  other  human  institutions,  it  was  productive,  neither 

*  The  secret  journals  of  congress,  published  under  the  resolutions  of  March  27th, 
1818,  and  April  21st,  1820,  contain  "  A  History  of  the  Confederation."  The  course 
of  public  opinion  on  a  most  important  point — the  nature  of  the  connexion  which 
ought  to  be  maintained  between  these  United  States — may  be  in  some  degree  perceived 
in  the  progress  of  this  instrument,  and  may  not  be  entirely  uninteresting  to  the  Ame- 
rican reader. 

So  early  as  July  1775,  Doctor  Franklin  submitted  "  Articles  of  Confederation  and 
perpetual  union"  to  the  consideration  of  congress,  which  were  to  continue  in  force 
until  a  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain  should  take  place  on  the  terms  demanded  by 
the  colonies.  Into  this  confederation,  not  only  all  the  British  colonies  on  the  conti- 
nent, but  Ireland  and  the  West  India  islands  were  to  be  admitted. 

Congress  was  to  consist  of  members  chosen  by  each  colony  in  proportion  to  its  num- 
bers, and  was  to  sit  in  each  successively.  Its  powers  were  to  embrace  the  external 
relations  of  the  country,  the  settling  of  all  disputes  between  the  colonies,  the  planting 
of  new  colonies;  and  were  to  extend  to  ordinances  on  such  general  subjects  as, 
though  necessary  to  the  general  welfare,  particular  assemblies  can  not  be  competent 
to,  viz.  "  Those  that  may  relate  to  our  general  commerce,  or  general  currency ;  the 
establishment  of  ports ;  and  the  regulation  of  our  common  forces." 

The  executive  was  to  consist  of  a  council  of  twelve,  selected  by  congress  from  its 
own  body,  one-third  of  whom  were  to  be  changed  annually. 

Amendments  were  to  be  proposed  by  congress;  and,  when  approved  by  a  majority 
of  the  colonial  assemblies,  were  to  become  a  part  of  the  constitution. 

In  June,  1776,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  and  digest  the  form  of  a  con- 
federation to  be  entered  into  between  the  United  Colonies,  which  brought  in  a  draft  (in 
the  hand  writing  of  Mr.  John  Dickinson)  on  the  12th  of  the  succeeding  month. 

This  report  was  under  debate  until  the  14th  of  November,  1777,  on  which  day  con- 
gress agreed  on  the  articles  afterwards  adopted  by  the  states. 

In  the  scheme  supposed  to  be  prepared  by  Mr.  Dickinson,  the  confederation  is  con- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  429 

in  war  nor  in  peace,  of  all  the  benefits  which  its  sanguine  advocates  had 
expected.  Had  peace  been  made  before  any  agreement  for  a  permanent 

sidered  as  an  alliance  of  sovereign  states,  who  meet  as  equals  by  their  deputies  assem- 
bled to  deliberate  on  their  common  concerns,  each  sovereign  having  a  voice.  This 
principle  was  retained ;  but  several  modifications  in  the  language  and  principle  of  the 
original  scheme  were  made,  which  indicate  a  watchful  and  growing  jealousy  of  the 
powers  of  congress. 

In  each,  an  article  is  introduced  reserving  the  rights  of  the  states.  That  which  is 
found  in  the  report,  "reserves  to  each  state  the  sole  and  exclusive  regulation  and  go- 
vernment of  its  internal  police,  in  all  matters  that  shall  not  interfere  with  the  articles 
of  this  confederation." 

This  article  was  so  modified  as  to  declare  that  "  each  state  retains  its  sovereignty," 
"and  every  power,  jurisdiction  and  right,  which  is  not  by  this  confederation  expressly 
delegated  to  the  United  States  in  congress  assembled." 

This  denial  of  all  incidental  powers  had  vast  influence  on  the  affairs  of  the  United 
States.  It  defeated,  in  many  instances,  the  granted  powers,  by  rendering  their  exer 
cise  impracticable. 

The  report  permits  the  states  to  impose  duties  on  imports  and  exports;  provided 
they  "  do  not  interfere  with  any  stipulations  in  treaties  hereafter  entered  into  by  the 
United  States." 

The  confederation  confines  this  restriction  on  the  power  of  the  state  to  such  duties 
as  interfere  with  the  stipulations  in  treaties  entered  into  "in  pursuance  of  any  trea 
ties  already  proposed  by  congress  to  the  courts  of  France  and  Spain." 

Each  plan  assigns  to  the  state  in  which  troops  shall  be  raised  for  the  common  de- 
fence, the  power  of  appointing  the  field  and  inferior  officers.  The  confederation  adds 
the  power  of  filling  up  such  vacancies  as  may  occur. 

The  report  inhibits  a  state  from  endeavouring  by  force  to  obtain  compensation  for 
advances  made  or  injuries  suffered  during  the  war,  which  shall  not  be  allowed  by  con 
gress. 

The  confederation  omits  this  inhibition.  •      • 

The  report  gives  to  congress  the  power  of  making  treaties. 

The  confederation  adds  a  proviso,  "  that  no  treaty  of  commerce  shall  be  made  where- 
by the  legislative  power  of  the  respective  states  shall  be  restrained  from  imposing  such 
imports  and  duties  on  foreigners  as  their  own  people  are  subjected  to,  or  from  prohibit- 
ing the  exportation  or  importation  of  any  species  of  goods  or  commodities  whatever." 

The  report  authorizes  congress  to  appoint  "  courts  for  the  trial  of  all  crimes,  frauds, 
and  piracies  committed  on  the  high  seas,  or  on  any  navigable  river  not  within  a  county 
or  parish." 

The  confederation  limits  the  jurisdiction  to  "  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the 
high  seas." 

Both  empower  congress  to  appoint  courts  for  the  trial  of  appeals  in  cases  of  capture ; 
but  the  confederation  provides  that  no  member  of  congress  shall  be  appointed  a  judge 
of  any  such  court. 

Both  empower  congress  to  settle  differences  between  the  states.  The  confederation 
prescribes  minutely  the  manner  in  which  this  power  shall  be  exercised. 

Both  empower  congress  "  to  regulate  the  trade  and  manage  all  affairs  with  the  In- 
dians." The  confederation  provides  "  that  the  legislative  right  of  any  state  within  its 
own  limits  be  not  infringed  or  violated." 

The  report  gives  the  power  of  "  establishing  and  regulating  post  offices  throughout 
VOL.  i.  2  M  28 


430  THE  LIFE  OF 

union  was  formed,  it  is  far  from  being  improbable  that  the  different  paiu 
might  have  fallen  asunder,  and  a  dismemberment  have  taken  place.  If 
the  confederation  really  preserved  the  idea  of  union  until  the  good  sense 
of  the  nation  adopted  a  more  efficient  system,  this  service  alone  entitles 
that  instrument  to  the  respectful  recollection  of  the  American  people,  and 
its  framers  to  their  gratitude. 

Such  was  the  defensive  strength  of  the  positions  taken  by  the  adverse 
armies  on  the  Hudson,  and  such  their  relative  force,  that  no  decisive 
blow  could  be  given  by  either  in  that  quarter  of  the  continent.  The 
anxious  attentions  of  General  Washington,  therefore,  were  unremittingly 
directed  to  the  south.  One  of  those  incidents  which  fortune  occasionally 
produces,  on  the  seizing  or  neglect  of  which  the  greatest  military  events 
frequently  depend,  presented,  sooner  than  was  expected,  an  opportunity 

all  the  United  Colonies  (states)  on  the  lines  of  communication  from  one  colony  (state) 
to  another." 

The  confederation  varies  the  phraseology  and  adds,  "and  exacting  such  postage  on 
the  papers  passing  through  the  same  as  may  be  requisite  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
said  office." 

The  report  places  many  important  portions  of  the  executive  power  in  a  council  of 
state,  to  consist  of  one  delegate  from  each  state  to  be  named  annually  by  the  delegates 
of  that  state. 

The  confederation  empowers  congress  to  appoint  a  committee  to  sit  in  the  recess  ol 
congress,  to  be  denominated  "  a  committee  of  the  states,"  and  to  consist  of  one  dele- 
gate from  each  state,  to  exercise  such  powers  as  congress  might  from  time  to  time  vest 
them  with. 

A  few  of  the  states  agreed  to  ratify  the  confederation  unconditionally.  By  many, 
amendments  were  proposed  which  were  steadily  rejected  by  congress.  It  was  obvious 
that  the  delays  would  be  almost  interminable  should  congress  relax  this  determina- 
tion, because  every  change  would  make  it  necessary  again  to  submit  the  instrument 
as  amended  to  the  several  states.  It  is  remarkable  that  Jersey  alone  proposed  an  en- 
largement of  the  powers  of  congress.  That  state  was  desirous  of  investing  the  re- 
presentatives of  the  state  with  the  power  of  regulating  commerce. 

The  states  possessing  no  vacant  lands,  or  an  inconsiderable  quantity  within  their 
chartered  limits,  pressed  earnestly  and  perseveringly  their  claim  to  participate  in  the 
advantages  of  territory,  which  was,  they  said,  acquired  by  the  united  arms  of  the 
whole ;  and  Maryland  refused,  on  this  account,  to  accede  to  the  confederation.  At 
length,  several  of  the  states  empowered  their  members  in  congress  to  ratify  that  instru- 
ment as  forming  a  union  between  the  twelve  states  who  had  assented  to  it.  Mary- 
land, alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  being  excluded  from  the  union,  gave  her  reluctant 
consent  to  the  confederation,  accompanied  by  a  protest,  in  which  she  still  asserted  her 
claim  to  her  interest  in  the  vacant  territory  which  should  be  acknowledged  at  the 
treaty  of  peace,  to  be  within  the  United  States. 

It  required  the  repeated  lessons  of  a  severe  and  instructive  experience  to  persuade 
the  American  people  that  their  greatness,  their  prosperity,  their  happiness,  and  even 
their  safety,  imperiously  demanded  the  substitution  of  a  government  for  their  favourite 
league. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  431 

which  he  deemed  capable  of  being  improved  to  the  destruction  of  the 
British  army  in  Virginia. 

The  French  fleet,  from  its  arrival  on  the  American  coast,  had  been 
blocked  up  in  the  harbour  of  Newport ;  and  the  land  forces  of  that  nation 
had  been  reduced  to  a  state  of  inactivity  by  the  necessity  of  defending 
their  ships.  Late  in  January,  a  detachment  from  the  British  fleet  was 
encountered  on  the  east  end  of  Long  Island  by  a  furious  storm,  in  which 
such  damage  was  sustained  as  to  destroy  for  a  time  .the  naval  superiority 
which  Arbuthnot  had  uniformly  preserved. 

To  turn  this  temporary  superiority  to  advantage,  Monsieur  Destouches 
resolved  to  detach  a  ship  of  the  line,  with  two  frigates,  to  the  Chesa- 
peake ;  a  force  which  the  delegation  from  Virginia  had  assured  him 
would  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose. 

On  receiving  certain  accounts  of  the  loss  sustained  in  the  storm, 
General  Washington  conceived  the  design  of  improving  that  circum- 
stance by  immediate  and  powerful  operations  against  Arnold.  Confi- 
dent that  the  critical  moment  must  be  seized,  or  the  enterprise  would 
fail,  he  ordered  a  detachment  of  twelve  hundred  men,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  to  the  head  of  the  Chesapeake ;  there 
to  embark  for  that  part  of  Virginia  which  was  to  become  the  theatre  of 
action,  under  convoy  of  a  French  frigate,  for  which  he  applied  to  the 
admiral.  He  immediately  communicated  this  measure  to  the  Count  De 
Rochambeau,  and  to  Monsieur  Destouches,  to  whom  he  also  stated  his 
conviction  that  no  serious  advantage  could  be  expected  from  a  few  ships, 
unaided  by  land  troops.  "  There  were,"  he  said,  "  a  variety  of  positions 
to  be  taken  by  Arnold,  one  of  which  was  Portsmouth,  his  present  sta- 
tion, where  his  ships  might  be  so  protected  by  his  batteries  on  the  shore 
as  to  defy  a  mere  naval  attack ;  and  where  he  would  certainly  be  able 
to  maintain  himself  until  the  losses  sustained  in  the  late  storm  should  be 
repaired,  and  the  superiority  at  sea  recovered,  when  he  would  unques- 
tionably be  relieved." 

To  insure  the  success  of  the  expedition,  he  recommended  that  the 
whole  fleet  should  be  employed  on  it,  and  that  a  detachment  of  one  thou 
sand  men  should  be  embarked  for  the  same  service. 

These  representations  did  not  prevail.  The  original  plan  had  already 
been  put  in  execution.  On  the  9th  of  February,  a  sixty-four  gun  ship 
with  two  frigates,  under  Monsieur  De  Tilley,  had  sailed  for  the  Chesa- 
peake; and,  as  some  of  the  British  ships  had  been  repaired,  the  French 
admiral  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  put  to  sea  with  the  residue  of  his  fleet 

As  had  been  foreseen  by  General  Washington,  De  Tilley  found  Ar 
nold  in  a  situation  not  to  be  assailed  with  any  prospect  of  success.  Af 


432  THE  LIFE  OF 

ter  showing  himself  therefore  in  the  bay,  and  making  an  ineffectun 
attempt  to  enter  Elizabeth  river,  he  returned  to  Newport.  At  the  capes, 
he  fell  in  with  the  Romulus,  a  fifty  gun  ship,  coming  from  Charleston  to 
the  Chesapeake,  which  he  captured. 

Both  the  Count  De  Rochambeau,  and  the  Chevalier  Destouches,  being 
well  disposed  to  execute  the  plans  suggested  by  General  Washington, 
they  determined,  on  the  return  of  Monsieur  De  Tilley,  to  make  a  second 
expedition  to  the  Chesapeake  with  the  whole  fleet,  and  eleven  hundred 
men.  General  Washington,  therefore,  hastened  to  Newport,  that  in  a 
personal  conference  with  them,  he  might  facilitate  the  execution  of  an 
enterprise  from  which  he  still  entertained  sanguine  hopes. 

Early  on  the  6th  of  March  he  reached  Newport,  and  went  instantly 
on  board  the  Admiral,  where  he  was  met  by  the  Count  De  Rochambeau. 
It  was  determined  that  a  detachment  from  the  army,  then  in  perfect  rea- 
diness, should  be  embarked  under  the  Count  De  Viominil ;  and  that  the 
fleet  should  put  to  sea  as  soon  as  possible.  The  wind  was  favourable  to 
the  French,  and  adverse  to  the  British.  Yet  the  fleet  did  not  sail  until 
the  evening  of  the  eighth.  It  appears  from  a  letter  of  Monsieur  Des- 
touches, that  this  delay  was  in  some  measure  attributable  to  a  disaster 
which  befel  one  of  his  frigates  in  getting  out  of  port ;  and  there  is  reason 
to  suppose  that  it  may  be  ascribed  to  a  want  of  supplies.  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  cause,  Arnold  is  most  probably  indebted  to  it  for  his 
escape  from  the  fate  which  his  treason  merited. 

Two  days  after  Destouches  had  sailed,  he  was  followed  byArbuthnot, 
who  overtook  him  off  the  capes  of  Virginia.  A  partial  engagement  en- 
sued which  continued  about  an  hour,  when  the  fleets  were  separated. 

The  French  admiral  called  a  council  of  war  the  next  day,  in  which 
it  was  declared  unadviseable  to  renew  the  action,  and  he  returned  to 
Newport. 

The  arrival  of  two  thousand   men  commanded  by  General  Philip.,, 
gave  the  British  a  decided  superiority  in  Virginia,  and  changed 
the  destination  of  Lafayette,  who  had  been  ordered  to  join 
the  southern  army,  but  to  whom  the  defence  of  that  state  was  now  com- 
mitted.    The  troops  under  his  command  being  taken  chiefly  from  the 
eastern  regiments,  had  imbibed  strong  prejudices  against  a  southern  cli- 
mate ;  and  desertions  became  so  frequent  as  to  threaten  the  dissolution 
of  the  corps. 

This  unpromising  state  of  things  was  completely  changed  by  a  happy 
expedient  adopted  by  Lafayette.  Appealing  to  the  generous  principles 
of  his  soldiers,  principles  on  which  the  feelings  of  his  own  bosom  taught 
him  to  rely,  he  proclaimed  in  orders,  that  he  was  about  to  enter  on  an 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  433 

enterprise  of  great  danger  and  difficulty,  in  which  he  persuaded  himself 
his  soldiers  would  not  abandon  him.  If,  however,  any  individual  of  the 
detachment  was  unwilling  to  accompany  him,  a  permit  to  return  should 
most  assuredly  be  granted  him. 

This  measure  had  the  desired  effect,  and  put  an  end  to  desertion.*  To 
keep  up  the  good  dispositions  of  the  moment,  this  ardent  young  noble- 
man, who  was  as  unmindful  of  fortune  as  he  was  ambitious  of  fame,  bor- 
rowed from  the  merchants  of  Baltimore,  on  his  private  credit,  a  sum 
of  money  sufficient  to  purchase  shoes,  linen,  spirits,  and  other  articles 
of  immediate  necessity  for  the  detachment,  f 

Having  made  these  preparations  for  the  campaign,  he  marched  with 
the  utmost  celerity  to  the  defence  of  Virginia.  That  state  was  in  great 
need  of  assistance.  The  enemy  had  penetrated  deep  into  its  bosom,  and 
was  committing  those  excesses  on  its  inhabitants  to  which  a  country 
unable  to  repel  invasion  must  always  be  exposed. 

General  Philips,  on  his  arrival,  took  command  of  all  the  British  troops 
in  Virginia ;  and,  after  completing  the  fortification  of  Portsmouth,  com- 
menced offensive  operations. 

About  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  were  embarked  on  board  some 
small  vessels,  and  landed  at  various  places  in  the  neighbour- 
hood  of  Williamsburg.     Different  detachments  spread  them- 
selves over  the  lower  part  of  that  neck  of  land  which  is  made  by  York 
and  James  rivers ;  and,  after  destroying,  without  opposition,  a  ship  yard 
belonging  to  the  state,  with  some  armed  vessels  and  public  stores,  re- 
embarked  and  proceeded  to  City  Point,  where  they  landed  in  the  after- 
noon of  the  24th.     The  next  day  they  marched  against  Petersburg,  at 
which  place,  immense  quantities  of  tobacco  and  other  stores  were  de- 
posited. 

Baron  Steuben  was  not  in  a  situation  to  check  their  progress.  The 
levies  of  Virginia  had  marched  to  the  aid  of  General  Greene ;  and  the 
Avhole  number  of  militia,  at  that  time  in  the  field,  did  not  much  exceed 
two  thousand  men.  Unwilling  to  abandon  so  important  a  place  as  Pe- 
tersburg without  the  semblance  of  fighting,  the  baron  posted  about  one 
thousand  men  a  mile  below  the  town  with  orders  to  skirmish  with  the 
enemy.  The  British  troops,  without  being  able  to  bring  him  to  a  close 

*  The  author  was  assured  by  General  Lafayette  that  this  was  true.  Such  was 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  moment,  that  a  lame  serjeant  hired  a  place  in  a  cart  to  keep  up 
with  the  army. 

tit  is  not  unworthy  of  notice,  that  the  ladies  of  Baltimore  charged  themselves  with 
the  toil  of  immediately  making  up  the  summer  clothing  for  the  troops.  Innumerable 
instances  of  their  zeal  in  the  common  cause  of  their  country  were  given  in  every  state 
in  the  union. 


434  THE  LIFE  OF 

engagement,  were  two  or  three  hours  employed  in  driving  him  across  the 
Appamattox,  the  bridge  over  which  being  taken  up  as  soon  as  the  militia 
had  passed  it,  farther  pursuit  became  impracticable. 

This  skirmish  having  terminated  with  scarcely  any  loss  on  either  side, 
the  baron  retreated  towards  Richmond,  and  Philips  took  quiet  possession 
of  Petersburg ;  where  he  destroyed  a  considerable  quantity  of  tobacco, 
and  all  the  vessels  lying  in  the  river. 

This  service  being  accomplished,  Arnold  was  detached  through  Os- 
bornes  to  Warwick,  between  which  place  and  Richmond,  a  respectable 
naval  force,  consisting  of  small  armed  vessels,  had  been  collected  with 
the  intention  of  co-operating  with  the  French  fleet  against  Portsmouth  ; 
and  a  few  militia  were  stationed  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  river  to  as- 
sist in  defending  the  flotilla. 

The  crews  of  the  vessels,  on  receiving  a  fire  from  a  few  field  pieces 
ordered  by  Arnold  to  the  bank,  scuttled  them,  escaped  to  the  opposite 
shore,  and  dispersed  with  the  militia.     Philips  marched  with  the  residue 
of  the  army  to  Chesterfield  court  house,  the  place  of  rendezvous  for  the 
new  levies  of  Virginia,  where  he  destroyed  the  barracks  with 
a  few  public  stores ;  after  which  he  joined  Arnold  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Warwick,  and  marched  without  interruption  to  Manchester, 
a  small  town  on  the  southern  bank  of  James  river,  immediately  opposite 
to  Richmond ;  where,  as  was  the  general  practice,  the  warehouses  were 
set  on  fire,  and  all  the  tobacco  consumed. 

On  the  preceding  evening,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who  had  made 
a  forced  march  from  Baltimore,  arrived  with  his  detachment  at  Rich- 
mond ;  and  that  place,  in  which  a  great  proportion  of  the  military  stores 
of  the  state  were  then  collected,  was  saved,  for  the  time,  from  a  visit 
which  was  certainly  designed. 

The  regular  troops  composing  this  detachment  were  joined  by  about 
two  thousand  militia,  and  sixty  dragoons.     Not  thinking  it  adviseable  to 
attempt  the  passage  of  the  river  in  the  presence  of  so  respectable  an 
army,  General  Philips  retired  to  Bermuda  Hundred,  a  point  of  land  in 
the  confluence  of  the  James  and  Appomatox,  at  which  place 
he  re-embarked  his  troops,  and  fell  down  the  river  to  Hog 
sland. 

The  Marquis  fixed  his  head  quarters  on  the  north  of  Chiccahominy, 
about  eighteen  miles  from  Richmond ;  where  he  remained  until  a  letter 
from  Lord  Cornwallis  called  Philips  again  up  James  river. 

When  that  nobleman  determined  on  marching  from  Wilmington  into 
Virginia,  he  signified  his  wish  that  the  British  troops  in  that  state,  should 
lake  their  station  at  Petersburg. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  435 

On  receiving  this  letter,  Philips  proceeded  to  comply  with  the  request 
it  contained.     As  soon  as  the  fleet  moved  up  the  river,  La- 
layette  returned  to  the  defence  of  Richmond.     Having,  on  his 
arrival,  received  intelligence  that  Lord  Cornwallis  was  marching  north- 
ward, and  finding  Philips  landed  at  Brandon  on  the  south  side  of  the 
river,  he  was  persuaded  that  a  junction  of  the  two  armies  must  be  in 
tended,  and  hastened  to  take  possession  of  Petersburg*  be- 
fore Philips  could  reach  that  place.     In  this  however  he  was 
anticipated  by  the  British  general ;   upon  which  he  recrossed  James 
river,  and,  encamping  a  few  miles  below  Richmond,  used  his  utmost  ex- 
ertions to  remove  the  military  stores  in  that  town  to  a  place  of  greater 
security. 

In  this  position  his  army  was  permitted  to  repose  itself  but  a  few  days. 
Lord  Cornwallis,  after  passing  through  North  Carolina  and  the  southern 
parts  of  Virginia  without  encountering  much  opposition,  and  effecting  a 
junction  with  Arnold,  who  had  succeeded  by  the  death  of  Philips  to  the 
command  of  the  army  in  Virginia,f  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  force 
which  nothing  in  that  state  could  resist ;  and  determined  on  a  vigorous 
plan  of  offensive  operations.  His  immediate  object  was  to  bring  the 
Marquis  to  an  action ;  for  which  purpose  he  crossed  James  river  at 

Westover,  where  he  was  joined  by  a  reinforcement  from  New 

.  May  24 

York,  and  attempted,  by  turning  the  left  flank  of  the  Ameri- 
can army,  to  get  into  its  rear.  Lafayette  was  not  in  a  condition  to  risk 
an  engagement.  His  objects  were  the  security  of  the  public  stores,  the 
preservation  of  his  small  army  for  future  services,  and  a  junction  with 
the  Pennsylvania  line  which  was  on  its  march  southward,  under  the 
command  of  General  Wayne.  As  Lord  Cornwallis  crossed  James  river, 
he  retired  towards  the  upper  country,  inclining  his  route  to  the  north  in 
order  to  favour  a  junction  with  Wayne. 

The  fine  horses  found  in  the  stables  of  private  gentlemen,  gave  to  the 
British  general  an  efficient  cavalry ;  and  enabled  him  to  mount  so  many 
infantry,  as  to  move  large  detachments  with  unusual  rapidity.  With 
these  advantages,  he  was  so  confident  of  overtaking  and  destroying  his 
enemy,  as  to  say  exultingly  in  a  letter  which  was  intercepted,  "  the  boy 
can  not  escape  me."  His  sanguine  hopes  however  were  disappointed. 

*  General  Lafayette  states  that  this  movement  also  facilitated  the  transportation  of 
some  military  stores  to  the  southern  army,  which  were  greatly  needed. 

t  General  Philips  died  the  day  on  which  the  army  entered  Petersburg.  Arnold  on 
succeeding  to  the  command  addressed  a  letter  to  Lafayette,  which  the  American 
general  refused  to  receive,  informing  the  officer  who  brought  it,  and  whom  he  treated 
in  other  respects  with  great  politeness,  that  he  would  receive  no  letter  from  Arnold.— 
Cor.  of  Lafayette. 


436  THE  LIFE  OF 

Lafayette  moved  with  so  much  celerity  and  caution  as  to  convince  Corn- 
vvallis  of  the  impracticability  of  overtaking  him,  or  of  preventing  his 
junction  with  Wayne. 

After  marching  some  distance  up  the  northern  side  of  Northanora,  his 
lordship  relinquished  the  pursuit,  and  turned  his  attention  to  other  ob- 
jects which  were  more  attainable. 

Military  stores  had  been  collected  in  various  parts  of  the  middle  coun- 
ry,  and,  among  others,  at  the  Point  of  Fork,  a  point  of  land  made  by 
.he  confluence  of  the  Rivanna  and  Fluvanna,  the  two  branches  of  James' 
river.  Colonel  Simcoe  was  detached  with  five  hundred  men  against  this 
post,  which  was  protected  by  between  five  and  six  hundred  new  levies, 
and  a  few  militia.  Tarlton,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  cavalry  and 
mounted  infantry,  was  ordered  at  the  same  time  against  Charlottesville, 
where  the  general  assembly  was  in  session.  So  rapid  were  his  move- 
ments that  a  mere  accident  prevented  his  entering  the  town  before  any 
notice  of  his  approach  was  given.  A  private  gentleman,  Mr.  Jouiette, 
who  was  acquainted  with  a  nearer  route  than  the  great  road,  hastened 
to  Charlottesville  on  a  fleet  horse  with  the  interesting  intelligence,  and 
entered  the  town  about  two  hours  before  the  British  cavalry.  Nearly  all* 
the  members  of  the  legislature  made  their  escape,  and  reassembled  at 
Staunton,  on  the  western  side  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  Tarlton,  after  destroy- 
ing the  stores  at  Charlottesville,  proceeded  down  the  Rivanna  to  the 
Point  of  Fork. 

The  detachment  commanded  by  Simcoe,  being  composed  chiefly  of 
infantry,  could  not  move  with  equal  celerity.  That  officer,  however, 
conducted  his  march  with  so  much  secrecy  and  address,  that  Steuben 
seems  to  have  been  either  unapprized  of  his  approach,  or  to  have  had  no 
accurate  information  of  his  numbers.  Intelligence  of  the  expedition  to 
Charlottesville  had  reached  him,  and  he  had  prudently  employed  him- 
self in  removing  his  stores  from  the  Point  of  Fork  to  the  south  side  of  the 
Fluvanna. 

The  river  was  at  the  time  unfordable;  and  the  boats  were  all  secured 
on  the  southern  bank.  Yet  Steuben,  suspecting  the  detachment  of  Sim- 
coe to  be  the  van  of  the  British  army,  or  apprehending  that  Tarlton 
might  get  into  his  rear,  withdrew  precipitately  in  the  night,  and  marched 
near  thirty  miles,  leaving  behind  him  such  stores  as  could  not  be  re- 
moved. These  were  destroyed  next  morning  by  a  small  detachment  of 
men  who  crossed  the  river  in  a  few  canoes. 

To  secure  his  junction  with  Wayne,  and  to  keep  open  his  communi- 
cation towards  the  north,  Lafayette  had  crossed  the  Rapidan. 
*  Seven  frll  into  the  hands  of  Tarlton. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  437 

These  movements  of  the  two  armies  had  thrown  Lord  Cornwallis  be- 
tween Lafayette  and  the  military  stores  which  had  been  transported  from 
Richmond  up  James'  river,  and  deposited  at  different  places,  but  princi- 
pally at  Albemarle  old  court  house,  high  up  that  river.  To  this  place 
Lord  Cornwallis  directed  his  march. 

The  Marquis,  having  effected  a  junction  with  the  Pennsylvania  line 
consisting  of  eight  hundred  men,  recrossed  the  Rapidan,  and  advance 
with  so  much  celerity  towards  the  British  army,  that  he  encamped  within 
a  few  miles  of  it,  while  upwards  of  a  day's  march  from  its  point  of  desti- 
nation. 

Confident  that  the  object  of  the  American  general  must  be  to  protect 
the  magazines  on  the  Fluvanna,  Lord  Cornwallis  encamped  at  Elk  isl- 
and, and  advanced  his  light  troops  to  a  position  commanding  the  road, 
by  which  it  was  supposed  the  Americans  must  pass. 

Lafayette  however  discovered  in  the  night  a  nearer  road  which  had 
long  been  disused ;  and  the  next  morning  the  British  general  had  the 
mortification  to  perceive  that  the  American  army  had  crossed  the  Ri> 
vanna,  and  taken  a  strong  position  behind  the  Mechunk  creek,  which,  in 
a  great  measure,  commanded  the  route  leading  from  the  carnp  of  his 
lordship  to  Albemarle  old  court  house.  At  this  place  a  considerable  re- 
inforcement of  mountain  militia  was  received. 

Apprehending  the  force  opposed  to  him  to  be  greater  than  it  was  i» 
reality,  and  probably  desirous  of  transferring  the  war  to  the 
lower  country,  Lord  Cornwallis  abandoned  the  objects  he  had 
pursued,  and  retired  first  to  Richmond,  and  afterwards  to  Williamsbji-g. 

The  Marquis  followed  with  cautious  circumspection.  On  the  18tL  of 
June,  he  was  reinforced  by  four  or  five  hundred  new  levies  under  the 
Baron  Steuben,  which  augmented  his  army  to  four  thousand  men,  of 
whom  two  thousand  were  regulars.  That  of  Lord  Cornwallis  \vas, 
probably,  rather  more  numerous. 

As  the  British  army  retreated  to  Williamsburg,  Lafayette,  who  sought 
a  partial,  though  he  avoided  a  general  engagement,  pressed  its  rear  with 
his  light  parties.  Colonel  Simcoe,  who  covered  the  retreat,  was  over- 
taken by  Colonel  Butler  about  six  miles  from  Williamsburg,  and  a  sharp 
action  ensued.  The  Americans  claimed  the  advantage ;  but  were  com- 
pelled to  retire  by  the  approach  of  the  whole  British  army. 

In  the  bold  and  rapid  course  taken  by  Lord  Cornwallis  through  the 
lower  and  central  parts  of  Virginia,  much  private  as  well  as  public  pro- 
perty* was  destroyed ;  and  the  resources  of  the  state  were  considerably 

*  While  the  British  army  overran  the  country,  their  ships  sailed  up  the  rivers,  pil- 
laged the  farms,  received  the  slaves  who  fled  from  their  masters,  and,  in  some  instan- 


438  THE  LIFE  OF 

diminished ;  but  no  solid  advantage  was  obtained.  Although,  from  va- 
rious causes,  especially  from  a  want  of  arms,  and  from  that  general 
repugnance  which  a  harassed,  unpaid  militia,  will  universally  manifest  to 
military  service,  less  resistance  was  encountered  than  was  to  be  expected 
from  the  strength  and  population  of  the  state ;  no  disposition  was  openly 
manifested  to  join  the  royal  standard,  or  to  withdraw  from  the  contest. 
The  Marquis  complained  of  "  much  slowness,  and  much  carelessness  in 
the  country;  but  the  dispositions  of  the  people,"  he  said,  "  were  good, 
and  they  required  only  to  be  awakened."  This,  he  thought,  would  be 
best  effected  by  the  presence  of  General  Washington,  an  event  for  which 
he  expressed  the  most  anxious  solicitude.  But  Washington  deemed  it  of 
more  importance  to  remain  on  the  Hudson,  for  the  purpose  of  digesting 
and  conducting  a  grand  plan  of  combined  operations  then  meditated 
against  New  York,  by  the  execution  of  which  he  counted  more  certainly 
on  relieving  the  southern  states,  than  by  any  other  measure  it  was  in  his 
power  to  adopt. 

An  express  carrying  letters,  communicating  to  congress  the  result  of 
his  consultations  on  this  subject,  with  the  commanders  of  the  land  and 
naval  forces  of  France,  was  intercepted  in  Jersey.  The  interesting  dis- 
closure made  by  these  letters,  alarmed  Sir  Henry  Clinton  for  the  safety 
of  New  York,  and  determined  him  to  require  the  return  of  a  part  of  the 
troops  in  Virginia.  Supposing  himself  too  weak,  after  complying  with 
this  requisition,  to  remain  at  Williamsburg,  Lord  Cornwallis  took  the 
resolution  of  retiring  to  Portsmouth. 

In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  he  marched  from  Williams- 
Julv  4 

burg  and  encamped  in  such  a  manner  as  to  cover  the  ford  into 

ces,  reduced  the  houses  to  ashes.  While  they  were  in  the  Potowmac,  a  flag  was  sent 
on  shore  at  Mount  Vernon,  requiring  a  supply  of  fresh  provisions.  The  steward  of 
General  Washington,  believing  it  to  be  his  duty  to  save  the  property  of  his  principal, 
and  entertaining  fears  for  the  magnificent  buildings  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  went 
on  board  with  the  flag,  carried  a  supply  of  fresh  provisions,  asked  the  restoration  of  the 
slaves  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  fleet,  and  requested  that  the  buildings  might  be 
spared.  Mr.  Lund  Washington,  to  whom  the  general  had  entrusted  the  manage- 
ment of  his  estate,  communicated  these  circumstances  to  him,  and  informed  him  that 
he  too  had  sustained  considerable  losses.  "  I  am  sorry,"  said  the  general,  in  reply,  "  to 
hear  of  your  loss ;  I  am  a  little  sorry  to  hear  of  my  own.  But  that  which  gives  me 
most  concern  is,  that  you  should  have  gone  on  board  the  vessels  of  the  enemy  and  fur- 
nished them  with  refreshments.  It  would  have  been  a  less  painful  circumstance  to 
me  to  have  heard,  that  in  consequence  of  your  non-compliance  with  their  request,  they 
had  burnt  my  home  and  laid  the  plantation  in  ruins.  You  ought  to  nave  considered 
yourself  as  my  representative,  and  should  have  reflected  on  the  bad  example  of  com- 
municating with  the  enemy,  and  making  a  voluntary  offer  of  refreshment  to  them, 
with  a  view  to  prevent  a  conflagration," 


GEORGE  WASfflNrGON.  439 

the  island  of  Jamestown.  On  the  same  evening,  the  Queen's  rangers 
crossed  over  into  the  island ;  and  the  two  succeeding  days  were  employ- 
ed in  passing  over  the  baggage. 

The  morning  after  the  evacuation  of  Williamsburg,  Lafayette  changed 
his  position,  and  pushed  his  best  troops  within  nine  miles  of  the  British 
camp,  with  the  intention  of  attempting  their  rear,  when  the  main  body 
should  have  passed  into  Jamestown. 

Suspecting  his  design,  Lord  Cornwallis  encamped  the  greater  part  of 
his  army  on  the  main  land  as  compactly  as  possible,  and  displayed  a 
few  troops  on  the  island  in  such  a  manner  as,  in  appearance,  to  magnify 
their  numbers.     All  the  intelligence  received  by  Lafayette  concurred  in 
the  representation  that  the  greater  part  of  the  British  army  had  passed 
over  to  the  island  in  the  night.     Believing  this  to  be  the  fact, 
he  detached  some  riflemen  to  harass  their  outposts,  while  he 
advanced  at  the  head  of  the  continental  troops  in  order  to  cut  off  the 
rear. 

Every  appearance  was  calculated  to  countenance  the  opinion  he  had 
formed.  The  British  light  parties  were  drawn  in,  and  the  piquets  were 
forced  by  the  riflemen  without  much  resistance,  but  an  advanced  post 
which  covered  the  encampment  from  the  view  of  the  Americans,  was 
perseveringly  maintained,  though  three  of  the  officers  commanding  it 
were  successively  picked  off  by  the  riflemen.  Lafayette,  who  arrived 
a  little  before  sunset,  suspected  from  the  obstinancy  with  which  this  post 
was  maintained,  that  it  covered  more  than  a  rear  guard,  and  deter- 
mined to  reconnoitre  the  camp,  and  judge  of  its  strength  from  his  own 
observation.*  It  was  in  a  great  measure  concealed  by  woods ;  but  from 
a  tongue  of  land -stretching  into  the  river,  he  perceived  the  British  force 
to  be  much  more  considerable  than  had  been  supposed,  and  hastened  to 
call  off  his  men. 

He  found  Wayne  closely  engaged.  A  piece  of  artillery  had  been  left 
weakly  defended,  which  Wayne  determined  to  seize.  Scarcely  was  the 
attempt  made,  when  he  discovered  the  whole  British  army,  arranged  in 
order  for  battle,  moving  out  against  him.  To  retreat  was  impossible, 
and  the  boldest  had  become  the  safest  measure.  Under  this  impression 
he  advanced  rapidly,  and,  with  his  small  detachment,  not  exceeding 
eight  hundred  men,  made  a  gallant  charge  on  the  British  line.  A  warm 
action  ensued,  which  was  kept  up  with  great  spirit  until  the  arrival  of 
Lafayette,  who,  perceiving  Wayne  to  be  out-flanked  both  on  the  right 
and  left,  ordered  him  to  retreat  and  form  in  a  line  with  the  light  infantry, 

*  Correspondence  with  Lafayette. 


440  THE  LIFE  OF 

who  were  drawn  up  about  half  a  mile  in  his  rear.  The  whole  party 
then  saved  itself  behind  a  morass. 

Fortunately  for  Lafayette,  Lord  Cornwallis  did  not  improve  the  ad- 
vantage he  had  gained.  Suspecting  this  to  be  a  stratagem  of  the  Ame- 
rican general  to  draw  him  into  an  ambuscade,  a  suspicion  equally 
favoured  by  the  hardiness  and  time  of  the  attack,  Lord  Cornwallis,  who 
supposed  his  enemy  to  be  stronger  than  he  was  in  reality,  would  allow 
no  pursuit ;  and,  in  the  course  of  the  night,  crossed  over  into  the  island, 
whence  he,  soon  afterwards,  proceeded  to  Portsmouth. 

In  this  action,  the  Americans  lost  one  hundred  and  eighteen  men, 
among  whom  were  ten  officers ;  and  two  pieces  of  artillery  were  left  on 
the  field,  the  horses  attached  to  them  being  killed.  The  British  loss  was 
less^  considerable. 

All  active  operations  were  now  suspended ;  and  the  harassed  army 
of  Lafayette  was  allowed  some  repose. 

Although  no  brilliant  service  was  performed  by  that  young  nobleman, 
the  campaign  in  Virginia  enhanced  his  military  reputation,  and.  raised 
him  in  the  general  esteem.  That  with  so  decided  an  inferiority  of  effective 
force,  and  especially  of  cavalry,  he  had  been  able  to  keep  the  field  in  an 
open  country,  and  to  preserve  a  considerable  proportion  of  his  military 
stores,  as  well  as  his  army,  was  believed  to  furnish  unequivocal  evidence 
of  the  prudence  and  vigour  of  his  conduct. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  441 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Farther  state  of  affairs  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1781. — Measures  of  Mr.  Morris, 
the  superintendent  of  finances. — Designs  of  General  Washington  against  New  York. 
— Count  Rochambeau  marches  to  the  North  River. — Intelligence  from  the  Count 
tie  Grasse. — Plan  of  operations  against  Lord  Cornwallis. — Naval  engagement. — 
The  combined  armies  march  for  the  Chesapeake. — Yorktown  invested. — Surrender 
of  Lord  Cornwallis. 

THE  deep  gloom  which  had  enveloped  the  prospects  of  America  in  the 
commencement  of  the  year,  which  darkened  for  a  time  in  the 
south,  had  also  spread  itself  over  the  north.     The  total  incom- 
petency  of  the  political  system  adopted  by  the  United  States  to  their 
own  preservation,  became  every  day  more  apparent.     Each  state  seemed 
fearful  of  doing  too  much,  and  of  taking  upon  itself  a  larger  portion  of 
the  common  burden  than  was  borne  by  its  neighbour. 

The  resolutions  of  congress  had  called  for  an  army  of  thirty-seven 
thousand  men,  to  be  in  camp  by  the  first  of  January.  Had  this  requisi- 
tion been  made  in  time,  it  is  not  probable  that  so  large  a  force  could 
have  been  brought  into  the  field  ;  but  it  was  made  late,  and  then  the  dif- 
ficulties and  delays  on  the  part  of  the  several  states,  exceeded  every  rea- 
sonable calculation.  The  regular  force  drawn  from  Pennsylvania  to 
Georgia  inclusive,  at  no  time,  during  this  active  and  interesting  cam- 
paign, amounted  to  three  thousand  effective  men ;  and  the  states  from 
New  Hampshire  to  New  Jersey  inclusive,  so  late  as  the  month  of  April, 
had  furnished  only  five  thousand  infantry.  Of  these,  the  returns  for 
that  month  exhibit,  in  the  northern  department,  less  than  three  thousand 
effectives.  The  cavalry  and  artillery,  at  no  time,  amounted  to  one  thou- 
sand men.  This  small  army  was  gradually  and  slowly  augmented  so 
as,  in  the  month  of  May,  to  exhibit  a  total  of  near  seven  thousand  men, 
of  whom  rather  more  than  four  thousand  might  have  been  relied  on  for 
action. 

The  prospects  for  the  campaign  were  rendered  still  more  unpromising 
by  the  failure  of  supplies  for  the  support  of  the  troops.  The  long  ex- 
pected clothing  from  Europe  had  not  arrived ;  and  the  want  of  provi- 
sions* furnished  a  still  more  serious  cause  of  alarm. 

After  congress  had  come  to  the  resolution  of  emitting  no  more  bills  on 
the  credit  of  the  continent,  the  duty  of  supplying  the  army  with  provi- 
sions necessarily  devolved  on  the  states,  who  were  required  to  furnish 

*  See  note,  No.  XVIII.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 
2  N 


442  THE  LIFE  OF 

certain  specified  articles  for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops,  according  to  a 
ratio  established  by  the  federal  government.  These  requisitions  had  been 
neglected  to  such  a  degree  as  to  excite  fears  that  the  soldiers  must  be 
disbanded  from  the  want  of  food. 

To  increase  the  general  embarrassment,  the  quartermaster  depart- 
ment was  destitute  of  funds,  and  unable  to  transport  provisions  or  other 
stores  from  place  to  place,  but  by  means  of  impressment  supported  by  a 
military  force.  This  measure  had  been  repeated,  especially  in  New 
York,  until  it  excited  so  much  disgust  and  irritation  among  the  people, 
that  the  Commander-in-chief  was  under  serious  apprehensions  of  actual 
resistance  to  his  authority. 

While  in  this  state  of  deplorable  imbecility,  intelligence  from  every 
quarter  announced  increasing  dangers. 

Information  was  received  that  an  expedition  was  preparing  in  Canada 
against  Fort  Pitt,  to  be  conducted  by  Sir  John  Johnston,  and  Colonel 
Conelly ;  and  it  was  understood  that  many,  in  the  country  threatened 
with  invasion,  were  ready  to  join  the  British  standard.  The  Indians  too 
had  entered  into  formidable  combinations,  endangering  the  whole  extent 
of  the  western  frontier. 

In  addition  to  these  alarming  circumstances,  some  vessels  had  arrived 
at  Crown  Point  from  Canada,  with  information  that  three  thousand  men 
had  been  assembled  on  the  lakes,  for  the  purpose  of  attempting,  once 
more,  an  invasion  from  that  quarter. 

This  information,  though  unfounded,  was  believed  to  be  true,  and 
was,  at  that  critical  moment,  the  more  alarming,  because  a  correspond- 
ence of  a  criminal  nature  had  just  been  discovered  between  some  per- 
sons in  Albany  and  in  Canada.  A  letter  intercepted  by  Generals  Schuy- 
ler  and  Clinton,  stated  the  disaffection  of  particular  settlements,  the  pro- 
vision made  in  those  settlements  for  the  subsistence  of  an  invading  army, 
and  their  readiness  to  join  such  army. 

This  intelligence  from  the  northern  frontier  derived  increased  interest 
from  the  ambiguous  con  observed  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  tract  of 
country  which  now  constitutes  the  state  of  Vermont.  They  had  settled 
lands  within  the  chartered  limits  of  New  York,  under  grants  from  the 
governor  of  New  Hampshire ;  and  had,  early  in  the  war,  declared  them- 
selves independent,  and  exercised  the  powers  of  self-government.  The 
state  of  New  York,  however,  still  continuing  to  assert  her  claim  of  so- 
vereignty, the  controversy  on  this  delicate  subject  had  become  so  vio- 
lent as  to  justify  the  apprehension  that,  in  the  opinion  of  the  people  of 
Vermont,  the  restoration  of  British  authority  was  an  evil  not  of  greater* 
magnitude,  than  the  establishment  of  that  of  New  York.  The  declara- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  443 

lion  was  openly  made  that,  if  not  admitted  into  the  union  as  an  indepen- 
dent state,  they  held  themselves  at  liberty  to  make  a  separate  peace ;  and 
some  negotiations  had  been  commenced,  which  were  believed  to  mani- 
fest a  disposition  in  Vermont,  to  abandon  the  common  cause  of  America. 

Accustomed  to  contemplate  all  public  events  which  might  grow  out 
of  the  situation  of  the  United  States,  and  to  prepare  for  them  while  at  a 
distance,  the  American  chief  was  not  depressed  by  this  state  of  Ameri- 
can affairs.  With  a  mind  happily  tempered  by  nature,  and  improved 
by  experience,  those  fortunate  events  which  had  occasionally  brightened 
the  prospects  of  his  country,  never  relaxed  his  exertions,  or  lessened  his 
precautions ;  nor  could  the  most  disastrous  state  of  things  drive  him  tc 
despair.  Although  entirely  uncertain  what  operation  he  might  be  en- 
abled to  undertake  during  tho  approaching  campaign,  he  had  adopted 
such  preparatory  steps  as  might  enable  him  to  turn  to  advantage  any 
fortunate  incident  which  might  occur.  In  consequence  of  conferences 
previously  held  with  the  Count  de  Rochambeau,  for  the  purpose  of  di- 
gesting a  system  adapted  to  contingent  events,  orders  were  transmitted 
to  that  officer,  directing  him  to  be  in  readiness  to  march  as  large  a  body 
of  the  French  troops  to  the  North  River,  as  could  be  spared  from  the 
protection  of  the  fleet. 

Early  in  May,  the  Count  de  Barras,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  French  fleet  stationed  on  the  American  coast,  arrived 
in  Boston  accompanied  by  the  Viscount  de  Rochambeau,  and  brought 
the  long  expected  information  from  the  cabinet  of  Versailles,  respecting 
the  naval  armament  designed  to  act  in  the  American  seas.  Twenty 
ships  of  the  line,  to  be  commanded  by  the  Count  de  Grasse,  were  des- 
tined for  the  West  Indies,  twelve  of  which  were  to  proceed  to  the  conti- 
nent of  America,  and  might  be  expected  to  arrive  in  the  month  of  July. 

An  interview  between  General  Washington  and  the  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau immediately  took  place  at  Weathersfield,  in  which  it  was  de- 
termined to  unite  the  troops  of  France  to  those  of  America  on  the  Hud- 
son, and  to  proceed  against  New  York.  The  regular  army  at  that  sta- 
tion was  estimated  at  four  thousand  five  hundred  men,*  and  though  it 
was  understood  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  would  be  able  to  reinforce  it  with 
five  or  six  thousand  militia,  it  was  believed  that  the  post  could  not  be 
maintained  without  recalling  a  considerable  part  of  the  troops  from  the 
south ;  in  which  event,  the  allied  army  might  be  employed  advantageous 
ly  in  that  part  of  the  union. 

*  Sir  H.  Clinton  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Cornwallis,  dated  June  11,  1781,  states  his  ef- 
fective force  at  ten  thousand  nine  hundred  and  thirty-one. 


444  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  prospect  of  expelling  the  British  from  New  lork  roused  tho 
northern  states  from  that  apathy  into  which  they  appeared  to  be  sinking, 
and  vigorous  measures  were  taken  to  fill  their  regiments.  Yet  those 
measures  were  not  completely  successful.  In  the  month  of  June,  when 
the  army  took  the  field,  and  encamped  at  Peekskill,  its  effective  numbers 
did  not  exceed  five  thousand  men. 

Such  was  the  American  force  in  the  north,  with  which  the  campaign 
of  1781  was  opened.  It  fell  so  far  short  of  that  on  which  the  calcula- 
tions had  been  made  at  Weathersfield,  as  to  excite  serious  doubts  re- 
specting the  propriety  of  adhering  to  the  plan  there  concerted,  although 
some  compensation  was  made  for  this  deficiency  on  the  part  of  the  states 
by  the  arrival  of  a  reinforcement  of  fifteen  hundred  men  to  the  army  of 
Rochambeau  under  convoy  of  a  fifty  gun  frigate. 

To  supply  even  this  army  with  provisions,  required  much  greater  ex- 
ertions than  had  ever  been  made  since  the  system  of  requisitions  had 
been  substituted  for  that  of  purchasing.  The  hope  of  terminating  the 
war  produced  these  exertions.  The  legislatures  of  the  New  England 
states  took  up  the  subject  in  earnest,  and  passed  resolutions  for  raising  the 
necessary  supplies.  But  until  these  resolutions  could  be  executed,  the 
embarrassments  of  the  army  continued;  and,  for  some  time  after  the 
troops  had  taken  the  field,  there  was  reason  to  apprehend,  either  that 
the  great  objects  of  the  campaign  must  be  relinquished  for  want  of  pro- 
visions, or  that  coercive  means  must  still  be  used. 

New  England  not  furnishing  flour,  this  important  article  was  to  be 
drawn  from  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania.  The  two  first 
states  were  much  exhausted ;  and  the  application  to  Pennsylvania  did 
not  promise  to  be  very  successful.  On  this  subject,  therefore,  serious 
fears  existed. 

These  were  removed,  m  a  great  degree,  by  the  activity  and  exertions 
of  an  individual. 

The  management  of  the  finances  had  been  lately  committed  to  Mr. 
Robert  Morris,  a  delegate  to  congress  from  the  state  of  Pennsylvania. 
This  gentleman  united  considerable  political  talents  to  a  degree  of  mer- 
cantile enterprise,  information,  and  credit,  seldom  equalled  in  any  coun- 
try. He  had  accepted  this  arduous  appointment  on  the  condition  of 
being  allowed  the  year  1781  to  make  his  arrangements ;  during  which 
time,  the  department  was  to  be  conducted  by  those  already  employed, 
with  the  resources  which  government  could  command.  But  the  critical 
state  of  public  affairs,  and  the  pressing  wants  of  the  army,  furnished 
irresistible  motives  for  changing  his  original  determination,  and  entering 
immediately  on  the  duties  of  his  office.  The  occasion  required  that  he 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  445 

should  bring  his  private  credit  in  aid  of  the  public  resources,  and  pledge 
himself  personally  and  'extensively,  for  articles  of  absolute  necessity 
which  could  not  be  otherwise  obtained.  Condemning  the  system  of  vio- 
lence and  of  legal  fraud,  which  had  too  long  been  practised,  as  being 
calculated  to  defeat  its  own  object,  he  sought  the  gradual  restoration  of 
confidence  by  the  only  means  which  could  restore  it: — a  punctual  an  1 
faithful  compliance  with  his  engagements.  Herculean  as  was  this  task 
in  the  existing  derangement  of  American  finances,  he  entered  upon  it 
courageously;  and,  if  not  completely  successful,  certainly  did  more  than 
could  have  been  supposed  possible  with  the  means  placed  in  his  hands. 
It  is,  in  no  inconsiderable  degree,  to  be  attributed  to  him,  that  the  very 
active  and  decisive  operations  of  the  campaign  were  not  impeded,  per- 
haps defeated,  by  a  failure  of  the  means  for  transporting  military  stores, 
and  feeding  the  army. 

On  determining  to  enter  on  the  duties  of  his  office,  Mr.  Morris  laid 
before  congress  the  plan  of  a  national  bank,  whose  notes  were  to  be  re- 
ceivable from  the  respective  states  as  specie,  into  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States.  Congress  gave  its  full  approbation  to  this  beneficial  in- 
stitution ;  and  passed  an  ordinance  for  its  incorporation. 

Important  as  was  this  measure  to  the  future  operations  of  the  army, 
a  contract  entered  into  with  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  was  of  still  more 
immediate  utility. 

After  furnishing  flour  to  relieve  the  wants  of  the  moment  on  his  pri- 
vate credit,  Mr.  Morris  proposed  to  take  on  himself  the  task  of  complying 
with  all  the  specific  requisitions  made  on  Pennsylvania,  and  to  rely  foi 
reimbursement  on  the  taxes  imposed  by  law,  to  be  collected  under  his 
direction.  This  proposition  being  accepted,  the  contract  was  made: 
and  supplies  which  the  government  found  itself  unable  to  furnish,  were 
raised  by  an  individual. 

As  the  French  troops  approached  the  North  River,  intelligence  was  re- 
ceived that  a  large  detachment  from  New  York  had  made  an  incursion  into 
fersey,  under  appearances  indicating  an  intention  not  to  return  immediate- 
ly. This  being  thought  a  favourable  moment  for  gaining  the  posts  on  the 
north  end  of  York  island,  a  plan  was  formed  for  seizing  them  by  a  coup  dt 
main.  General  Washington  fixed  on  the  night  of  the  second  of  July  for 
making  the  attempt;  it  being  supposed  that  the  Count  de  Rochambeau  might 
join  the  American  army  at  Kingsbridge  by  that  time.  An  aid-de-camp 
was  therefore  despatched  to  meet  that  officer  with  letters  explaining  the  en- 
terprise, and  requesting  him  to  meet  the  Commander-in-chief  at  the  time 
and  place  appointed. 

With  the  proposed  attack  on  these  works,  an  attempt  to  cut  off  some 

VOL.  i,  29 


446  THE  LIFE  OF 

light  troops  stationed  on  the  outside  of  Kingsbridge  at  Morrissania,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Delaney ,  was  to  be  combined.  This  part  of  the 
plan  was  to  be  executed  by  the  Duke  de  Lauzun,  to  whose  legion  Shel- 
don's dragoons,  and  a  small  body  of  continental  troops  dispersed  on  the 
lines,  under  the  command  of  General  Waterbury,  were  to  be  added. 

On  the  part  of  the  Americans,  all  that  could  contribute  to  the  success 
of  this  enterprise  was  done.  A  strong  detachment  commanded  by  Gene- 
ral Lincoln,  which  fell  down  the  river  in  boats  with  muffled  oars,  reached 
its  ground  undiscovered  on  the  night  of  the  first  of  July  ;  and  the  army, 
conducted  by  General  Washington,  marched  to  Valentine's  hill.  The 
next  day,  Lincoln  perceived  that  the  detachment  had  returned  from  Jersey, 
that  the  British  were  encamped  in  great  force  on  the  north  end  of  the 
island,  and  that  a  ship  of  war  watched  the  landing  place.  These  unex- 
pected obstacles  having  defeated  the  design  upon  the  works,  he  proceed- 
ed to  execute  his  eventual  orders  of  co-operation  with  the  Duke  de  Lau- 
zun. These  were,  after  landing  above  Spiken  Devil  Creek,  to  march  to 
the  high  ground  in  front  of  Kingsbridge,  and  there  conceal  his  detach- 
ment, until  the  attack  on  Delaney's  corps  should  commence. 

The  Duke  de  Lauzun  did  not  arrive,  and  the  return  of  day  betrayed 
Lincoln.  A  British  corps  advanced  upon  him ;  on  hearing  which; 
General  Washington  put  his  troops  in  motion,  and,  on  his  approach,  the 
British  troops  retired  into  the  island. 

Both  parts  of  the  plan  having  thus  failed,  the  army  retreated  to  Dobbs' 
terry,  where  it  was  joined  by  the  Count  de  Rochambeau  on  the  sixth  of 
July. 

The  thanks  of  the  Commander-in-chief  were  given  to  that  officer  in 
general  orders,  for  the  unremitting  zeal  with  which  he  had  proceeded  to 
form  his  so  long  wished  for  junction  with  the  American  army  ;  and  he  was 
requested  to  convey  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  under  his  command,  the 
grateful  sense  which  the  general  entertained  of  the  cheerfulness  with 
which  they  had  performed  so  long  and  laborious  a  march  at  so  hot  a 
season. 

The  utmost  exertions  were  made  for  the  grand  enterprise  against  New 
York.  But  as  the  execution  of  any  plan  that  could  be  formed,  depended 
n  events  which  were  uncertain,  the  Commander-in-chief  directed  his 
attention  to  other  objects,  to  be  pursued  if  that  which  was  most  desirable 
should  prove  unattainable.  Should  the  siege  of  New  York  become 
unadviseable,  his  views  were  turned  to  Virginia,  the  Carolinas,  and 
Georgia. 

Early  in  August,  the  apprehension  that  he  should  be  unable  to  accom- 
plish his  favourite  object,  began  to  influence  his  conduct.  Letters  from 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  447 

tlio  Marquis  de  Lafayette  announced  that  a  large  portion  of  the  troops  in 
Virginia  were  embarked,  and  that  their  destination  was  believed  to  be 
New  York.  This  intelligence  induced  him  to  turn  his  attention  more 
seriously  to  the  south;  but,  to  conceal  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton  this 
eventual  change  of  plan,  his  arrangements  were  made  secretly,  and  the 
preparations  for  acting  against  New  York  were  continued.  A  reinforce- 
ment from  Europe  of  near  three  thousand  men",  induced  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton to  countermand  the  orders  he  had  given  to  Lord  Cornwallis  to  detach 
a  part  of  the  army  in  Virginia  to  his  aid ;  and  also  to  direct  that  noble- 
man to  take  a  strong  position  on  the  Chesapeake,  from  which  he  might 
execute  the  designs  meditated  against  the  states  lying  on  that  bay,  so 
soon  as  the  storm  which  threatened  the  British  power  for  the  moment, 
should  blow  over.  In  a  few  days  after  the  arrival  of  this  reinforcement, 
the  Count  de  Barras  gave  General  Washington  the  interesting  informa- 
tion, that  De  Grasse  was  to  have  sailed  from  Cape  Francis  for  the  Chesa- 
peake, on  the  third  of  August,  with  from  twenty-five  to  twenty-nine  ships 
of  the  line,  having  on  board  three  thousand  two  hundred  soldiers ;  and 
that  he  had  made  engagements  with  the  officers  commanding  the  land 
and  naval  forces  of  Spain  in  the  West  Indies,  to  return  to  those  seas  by 
the  middle  of  October. 

This  intelligence  manifested  the  necessity  of  determining  immediately, 
and  positively,  on  the  object  against  which  the  combined  forces  should 
be  directed.  The  shortness  of  the  time  appropriated  by  De  Grasse  for 
his  continuance  on  the  American  coast,  the  apparent  unwillingness  of 
the  naval  officers  to  attempt  to  force  a  passage  into  the  harbour  of  New 
York,  and  the  failure  of  the  states  to  comply  with  the  requisitions  which 
had  been  made  on  them  for  men,  decided  in  favour  of  operations  to  the 
south ;  and  Lafayette  was  requested  to  make  such  a  disposition  of  his 
army  as  should  be  best  calculated  to  prevent  Lord  Cornwallis  from  saving 
himself  by  a  sudden  march  to  Charleston.* 

Conformably  to  the  intelligence  communicated  by  the  Count  De  Bar- 
ras, the  Count  De  Grasse  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake  late  in  August  with 
twenty-eight  ships  of  the  line  and  several  frigates.  At  Cape  Henry  he 
found  an  officer  despatched  by  Lafayette  with  full  intelligence  of  the 
situation  of  the  armies  in  Virginia.  Lord  Cornwallis  had  col 
lected  his  whole  force  at  Yorktown  and  Gloucester  Point,  which 

*  In  pursuance  of  these  orders,  Wayne  was  detached  to  the  south  side  of  James 
river,  under  the  pretext  of  reinforcing  Greene,  but  was  ordered  to  maintain  a  position 
which  would  enable  him  to  intercept  and  oppose  the  march  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  should 
he  attempt  to  force  his  way  to  Charleston.  Lafayette  was  on  the  alert  to  co-operate 
with  Wayne  in  the  event  of  such  a  movement. — Cor.  with  Lafayette. 


448  THE  LIFE  OF 

he  was  fortifying  assiduously ;  and  the  Marquis  had  taken  a  position  on 
James  river. 

In  consequence  of  this  information,  four  ships  of  the  line  and  several 
frigates  were  detached  to  block  up  the  mouth  of  York  river,  and  convey 
the  land  forces  brought  from  the  West  Indies,  under  the  command  of 
the  Marquis  de  St.  Simon,  up  the  James  to  join  Lafayette,  who,  on  re- 
ceiving this  reinforcement,  took  post  at  Williamsburg.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  fleet  lay  at  anchor  just  within  the  capes.  On  the  25th  of 
August  the  Count  de  Barras*  sailed  from  Newport  for  the  Chesapeake. 

Rodney  was  apprized  of  the  destination  of  De  Grasse,  but  seems  not 
to  have  suspected  that  the  whole  fleet  would  sail  for  the  continent  of 
America.  Supposing  therefore  that  a  part  of  his  squadron  would  be 
sufficient  to  maintain  an  equality  of  naval  force  in  the  American  seas,  he 
detached  Sir  Samuel  Hood  to  the  continent  with  only  fourteen  sail  of 
the  line.  That  officer  arrived  at  Sandy  Hook  on  the  twenty -eighth  of 
August. 

Admiral  Greaves,  who  had  succeeded  Arbuthnot  in  the  command  of 
the  fleet  on  the  American  station,  lay  in  the  harbour  of  New  York  with 
seven  ships  of  the  line,  only  five  of  which  were  fit  for  service.  On  the 
day  that  Hood  appeared  and  gave  information  that  De  Grasse  was  pro- 
bably on  the  coast,  intelligence  was  also  received  that  De  Barras  had 
sailed  from  Newport. 

The  ships  fit  for  sea  were  ordered  out  of  the  harbour ;  and  Greaves, 
with  the  whole  fleet,  consisting  of  nineteen  sail  of  the  line,  proceeded  in 
quest  of  the  French. 

Not  suspecting  the  strength  of  De  Grasse,  he  hoped  to  fall  in  with  one 
or  the  other  of  their  squadrons,  and  to  fight  it  separately. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  September,  while  the  French  fleet 

lay  at  anchor  just  within  the  Chesapeake,  the  British  squadron  was 

descried.     Orders  were  immediately  given  by  De  Grasse  to  form  the 

line,  and  put  to  sea.     About  four  in  the  afternoon,  the  action  commenced 

between  the  headmost  ships,  and  continued  until  sunset.     Several  ships 

were  much  damaged,  but  neither  admiral  could  claim  the  victory.     For 

five  successive  days  the  hostile  fleets  continued  within  view  of 

each  other.     After  which,  De  Grasse  returned  to  his  former 

station  within  the  capes.     At  his  anchorage  ground  he  found  De  Barras 

with  the  squadron  from  Newport,  and  fourteen  transports  laden  with 

*  This  admiral  was  the  senior  of  De  Grasse,  to  whom  the  command  of  the  expedition 
had  been  entrusted,  and  was  therefore  authorized  by  the  minister  of  marine,  to  cruise 
on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  while  his  ships  should  join  the  grand  fleet.  He  pre- 
ferred serving  under  his  junior  officer. — Cor.  of  Lafayette. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  449 

heavy  artillery,  and  military  stores  proper  for  carrying  on  a  siege.  The 
British  admiral  approaching  the  capes,  found  the  entrance  of  the  Chesa- 
peake defended  by  a  force  with  which  he  was  unable  to  contend,  and 
therefore  bore  away  for  New  York. 

General  Washington  had  determined  to  entrust  the  defence4  of  the 
Hudson  to  General  Heath,  and  to  command  the  southern  expedition  in 
person.  All  the  French,  and  a  detachment  amounting  to  upwards  o. 
two  thousand  men  from  the  continental  army,  were  destined  for  this 
service.  On  the  19th  of  August,  Hazen's  regiment  and  the  Jersey  line, 
were  directed  to  pass  the  Hudson  at  Dobbs'  ferry,  and  take  a  position 
between  Springfield  and  Chatham,  where  they  were  to  cover  some  bake- 
houses to  be  constructed  in  the  neighbourhood,  for  the  purpose  of  veiling 
the  real  designs  of  the  American  chief,  and  of  exciting  fears  for  Staten 
Island.  On  the  same  day,  the  whole  army  was  put  in  motion ;  and  on 
the  twenty -fifth  the  passage  of  the  river  was  completed. 

To  conceal  as  long  as  possible  the  real  object  of  this  movement,  the 
march  of  the  army  was  continued  until  the  thirty-first,  in  such  a  direc- 
tion as  to  keep  up  fears  for  New  York ;  and  a  considerable  degree  of 
address  was  used  to  countenance  the  opinion  that  the  real  design  was 
against  that  place.  The  letters  which  had  been  intercepted  by  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  favoured  this  deception  ;  and  so  strong  was  the  impression  they 
made  that,  even  after  it  became  necessary  for  the  combined  army  to 
leave  the  route  leading  down  the  Hudson,  he  is  stated  to  have  retained 
his  fears  for  New  York,  and  not  to  have  suspected  the  real  object  of  his 
adversary  until  he  had  approached  the  Delaware  ;*  and  it  had  become 
too  late  to  obstruct  the  progress  of  the  allied  army  towards  Virginia.  He 
then  resolved  to  make  every  exertion  in  his  power  to  relieve  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  act  offensively  in  the  north.  An  expedition 
was  planned  against  New  London,  in  Connecticut,  and  a  strong  detach- 
ment, under  the  command  of  General  Arnold,  was  embarked  on  board  a 
fleet  of  transports,  which  landed  early  in  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  Sep- 
tember on  both  sides  the  harbour,  about  three  miles  from  the  town. 

New  London  is  a  seaport  town  on  the  west  side  of  the  Thames.  A 
fort  called  fort  Trumbull,  and  a  redpubt  had  been  constructed  just  below 
it,  on  the  same  side  of  the  river ;  and  opposite  to  it,  on  Groton  hill,  was 
fort  Griswold,  a  strong  square  fortification,  but  not  fully  manned.  General 
Arnold,  who  commanded  in  person  the  troops  that  landed  on  the  western 

*  The  first  indication  given  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  of  suspecting  the  southern  expe- 
dition, is  in  his  letter  to  Lord  Cornwallis  of  the  2nd  of  September,  in  which  he  says, 
'By  intelligence  I  have  this  day  received,  it  would  seem  that  Washington  is  moving 
southward." 


450  THE  LIFE  OF 

side  of  the  harbour,  advanced  immediately  against  the  posts  on  that  side- 
These  being  untenable,  were  evacuated  on  his  approach;  and  he  took 
possession  of  them  with  inconsiderable  loss.  To  prevent  the  escape  of 
the  vessels  up  the  river,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Eyre,  who  commanded  the 
division  which"  landed  on  the  Groton  side  of  the  harbour,  had  been  or- 
dered to  storm  fort  Griswold,  which  had  been  represented  to  Arnold  as 
too  incomplete  to  make  any  serious  resistance.  But  the  place  being  of 
some  strength,  and  the  approach  to  it  difficult,  Colonel  Ledyard,  who 
commanded  it  with  a  garrison  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  men,  determined 
to  defend  it.  On  his  refusing  to  surrender,  the  British  assaulted  it  on 
three  sides,  and  overcoming  the  difficulties  opposed  to  them,  made  a 
lodgement  on  the  ditch  and  fraized  work,  and  entered  the  embrasures 
with  charged  bayonets.  Further  resistance  being  hopeless,  the  action 
ceased  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  and  Colonel  Ledyard  delivered  his 
sword  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  assailants.  Irritated  by  the  ob- 
stinacy of  the  defence,  and  the  loss  sustained  in  the  assault,  the  British 
officer  on  whom  the  command  had  devolved,  tarnished  the  glory  of  vic- 
tory by  the  inhuman  use  he  made  of  it.  Instead  of  respecting,  with  the 
generous  spirit  of  a  soldier,  the  gallantry  which  he  had  subdued,  he  in- 
dulged the  vindictive  feelings  which  had  been  roused  by  the  slaughter  of 
his  troops.  In  the  account  given  of  this  affair  by  Governor  Trumbull  to 
General  Washington,  he  says,  "  The  sword  presented  by  Colonel  Led- 
yard was  immediately  plunged  into  his  bosom,  and  the  carnage  was  kept 
up  until  the  greater  part  of  the  garrison  was  killed  or  wounded." 

In  this  fierce  assault,  Colonel  Eyre  was  killed,  and  Major  Montgome- 
ry, the  second  in  command,  also  fell,  as  he  entered  the  American  works. 
The  total  loss  of  the  assailants  was  not  much  less  than  two  hundred  men. 

The  town  of  New  London,  and  the  stores  contained  in  it,  were  con- 
sumed by  fire.  To  escape  the  odium  which  invariably  attends  the  wan- 
ton destruction  of  private  property,  this  fire  was  attributed  to  accident; 
but  all  the  American  accounts  unite  in  declaring  it  to  have  been  inten- 
tional. 

The  march  of  General  Washington  was  not  arrested  by  this  excursion 
into  New  England.  Having  made  the  arrangements  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  his  army  down  the  Chesapeake,  he  proceeded  in  person  to  Virginia, 
attended  by  the  Count  de  Rochambeau,  and  the  Chevalier  de  Chatelleux; 
and,  on  the  14th  of  September,  reached  Williamsburg:*  accompanied  by 

*  While  the  American  troops  were  encamped  at  Williamsburg  and  the  French  fleet 
lay  in  the  bay,  the  Count  deGrasse,  circumscribed  in  point  of  time,  and  therefore,  un- 
willing to  await  the  arrival  of  the  army  from  the  north,  urged  Lafayette  to  attack  the 
British  in  Yorktown ;  offering  to  aid  him  not  only  with  all  the  marines  of  the  fleet 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  451 

Rochambeau,  Chatelleux,  Knox,  and  Du  Portail,  he  immediately  repair- 
ed to  the  fleet,  and  a  plan  of  co-operation  was  adjusted  on  board  the 
Ville  de  Paris,  conforming  to  his  wish  in  every  respect,  except  that  the 
Count  de  Grasse  declined  complying  with  a  proposition  to  station  some 
of  his  ships  in  the  river  above  Yorktown,  thinking  it  too  hazardous. 

While  the  close  investment  of  the  British  army  was  delayed,  only  until 
the  troops  from  the  north  should  arrive,  serious  apprehensions  were  ex- 
cited that  the  brilliant  results  confidently  anticipated  from  the  superiority 
of  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  allies,  would  be  put  in  imminent 
hazard. 

Information  was  received  that  a  reinforcement  of  six  ships  of  the  line 
under  Admiral  Digby,  had  reached  New  York.  Confident  that  the 
British  fleet,  thus  augmented,  would  attempt  every  thing  for  the  relief  of 
Lord  Cornwallis,  De  Grasse  expected  to  be  attacked  by  a  force  not  much 
inferior  to  his  own.  Thinking  his  station  within  the  Chesapeake  unfa- 
vourable for  a  naval  combat,  he  designed  to  change  it,  and  communicated 
to  General  Washington  his  intention  to  leave  a  few  frigates  to  block  up 
the  mouths  of  James  and  York  rivers,  and  to  put  to  sea  with  his  fleet  in 
quest  of  the  British.  If  they  should  not  have  left  the  harbour  of  New 
York,  he  purposed  to  block  them  up  in  that  place ;  supposing  that  his 
operations  in  that  quarter  would  be  of  more  service  to  the  common  cause, 
than  his  remaining  in  the  bay,  an  idle  spectator  of  the  siege  of  York. 

The  Commander-in-chief  was  much  alarmed  at  this  communication. 
Should  the  admiral  put  to  sea,  the  winds  and  many  accidents  might  pre- 
vent his  return  to  the  Chesapeake.  During  his  absence,  a  temporary 
naval  superiority  might  be  acquired  by  the  British  in  those  waters,  and 
the  army  of  Lord  Cornwallis  might  be  placed  in  perfect  security.  The 
movement  would  expose  to  the  caprice  of  fortune,  an  object  of  vast  im- 
portance, which  was  now  reduced  almost  to  certainty.  The  admiral 
was  therefore  entreated  to  preserve  his  station. ' 

Fortunately,  the  wishes  of  the  general  prevailed,  and  the  admiral  con- 
but  with  as  many  seamen  as  he  should  require.  The  Marquis  de  St.  Simon,  an  officer 
of  great  experience,  united  himself  with  the  admiral  in  pressing  this  measure.  He 
stated  that,  the  works  of  Cornwallis  being  incomplete,  Yorktown  and  Gloucester 
might,  in  all  probability,  be  carried  by  storm,  if  attacked  by  superior  numbers.  The 
temptation  was  great  for  a  young  general  scarcely  twenty-four  years  of  age.  A  full 
excuse  for  the  attempt  was  found  in  the  declaration  of  De  Grasse,  that  he  could  not 
wait  for  the  arrival  of  the  troops  from  the  north.  Success  would  have  given  unrivaled 
brilliancy  to  the  reputation  of  Lafayette,  but  would  necessarily  have  cost  much  blood. 
Lafayette  refused  to  sacrifice  the  soldiers  which  were  confided  (o  him  to  his  personal 
glory,  and  persuaded  De  Grasse  to  await  the  arrival  of  Washington  and  Rochambeau, 
when  the  capture  of  Cornwallis  would  be  certainly  made  without  the  waste  of  human 
life.— Cor.  with  Lafayette. 


452  THE  LIFE  OF 

sented  to  relinquish  those  plans  of  active  enterprise  which  his  thirst  for 
military  glory  had  suggested,  and  to  maintain  a  station  which  the  Ameri- 
can general  deemed  so  conducive  to  the  interests  of  the  allies. 

On  the  25th  of  September,  the  last  division  of  the  allied  troops  arrived 
in  James  river,  and  were  disembarked  at  the  landing  near  Williamsburg ; 
soon  after  which,  the  preparations  for  the  siege  were  completed. 

York  is  a  small  village  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  which  bears  that 
name,  where  the  long  peninsula  between  the  York  and  the  James,  is 
only  eight  miles  wide.  In  this  broad  and  bold  river,  a  ship  of  the  line 
may  ride  in  safety.  Its  southern  banks  are  high,  and,  on  the  opposite 
shore,  is  Gloucester  point,  a  piece  of  land  projecting  deep  into  the  river, 
and  narrowing  it,  at  that  place,  to  the  space  of  one  mile.  Both  these 
posts  were  occupied  by  Lord  Cornwallis.  The  communication  between 
them  was  commanded  by  his  batteries,  and  by  some  ships  of  war  which 
lay  under  his  guns. 

The  main  body  of  his  army  was  encamped  on  the  open  grounds  about 
Yorktown,  within  a  range  of  outer  redoubts  and  field  works,  calculated 
to  command  the  peninsula,  and  impede  the  approach  of  the  assailants ; 
and  Lieutenant  Colonel  Dundass,  with  a  small  detachment  consisting  of 
six  or  seven  hundred  men,  held  the  post  at  Gloucester  point.  He  was 
afterwards  reinforced  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarlton. 

The  legion  of  Lauzun,  and  a  brigade  of  militia  under  General  Wee- 
don,  the  whole  commanded  by  the  French  General  de  Choise,  were  di- 
rected to  watch  the  enemy  on  the  side  of  Gloucester;  and,  on  the  twenty- 
eighth,  the  grand  combined  army  moved  down  on  the  south  side  of  the 
river,  by  different  roads,  towards  Yorktown.  About  noon,  the  heads  of 
the  columns  reached  the  ground  assigned  them  respectively ;  and,  after 
driving  in  the  piquets  and  some  cavalry,  encamped  for  the  evening. 
The  next  day,  the  right  wing,  consisting  of  Americans,  extended  farther 
to  the  right,  and  occupied  the  ground  east  of  Beverdam  creek ;  while 
the  left  wing,  consisting  of  French,  was  stationed  on  the  west  side  of 
that  stream.  In  the  course  of  the  night,  Lord  Cornwallis  withdrew  from 

his  outer  lines ;  and  the  works  he  had  evacuated  were,  the 
Sept.  30.  .    ,  ... 

next  day,  occupied  by  the  besieging  army,  which  now  invest- 
ed the  town  completely  on  that  side. 

Two  thousand  men  were  stationed  on  the  Gloucester  side  for  the  pur- 
pose of  keeping  up  a  rigorous  blockade.  On  approaching  the  lines,  a 
sharp  skirmish  took  place  which  terminated  unfavourably  for  the  Bri- 
tish ;  after  which  they  remained  under  cover  of  their  works,  making  no 
attempt  to  interrupt  the  blockade. 

On  the  night  of  the  sixth  of  October,  until  which  time  the  besieging 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  453 

army  was  incessantly  employed  in  disembarking  their  heavy  artillery 
and  military  stores,  and  drawing  them  to  camp,  the  first  parallel  was 
commenced  within  six  hundred  yards  of  the  British  lines.  This  opera- 
tion was  conducted  with  so  much  silence,  that  it  appears  not  to  have 
been  perceived  until  the  return  of  daylight  disclosed  it  to  the  garrison ; 
by  which  time  the  trenches  were  in  such  forwardness  as  to  cover  the 
men.  By  the  evening  of  the  ninth,  several  batteries  and  redoubts  were 
completed,  and  the  effect  of  their  fire  was  soon  perceived.  New  batte- 
ries were  opened  the  next  day,  and  the  fire  became  so  heavy  that  the  be- 
sieged withdrew  their  cannon  from  the  embrasures,  and  scarcely  return- 
ed a  shot.  The  shells  and  red  hot  balls  from  the  batteries  of 
the  allied  army  reached  the  ships  in  the  harbour,  and,  in  the 
evening,  set  fire  to  the  Charon  of  forty-four  guns,  and  to  three  large 
transports,  which  were  entirely  consumed.  Reciprocal  esteem,  and  a 
spirit  of  emulation  between  the  French  and  Americans,  being  carefully 
cultivated  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  the  siege  was  carried  on  with 
great  rapidity.  The  second  parallel  was  opened,  on  the  night  of  the 
eleventh,  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  British  lines.  The  three 
succeeding  days  were  devoted  to  the  completion  of  this  parallel,  during 
which  the  fire  of  t,he  garrison, which  hadopened  several  new  embrasures, 
became  more  destructive  than  at  any  previous  time.  The  men  in  the 
trenches  were  particularly  annoyed  by  two  redoubts  advanced  three 
hundred  yards  in  front  of  the  British  works,  which  flanked  the  second 
parallel  of  the  besiegers.  Preparations  were  made,  on  the  fourteenth,  to 
carry  them  both  by  storm.  The  attack  of  one  was  committed  to  the 
Americans,  and  of  the  other  to  the  French.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette 
commanded  the  American  detachment,  and  the  Baron  de  Viominel  the 
French.  Towards  the  close  of  the  day,  the  two  detachments  marched 
with  equal  firmness  to  the  assault.  Colonel  Hamilton,  who  had  com- 
manded a  battalion  of  light  infantry  throughout  this  campaign,  led  the 
advanced  corps  of  the  Americans ;  and  Colonel  Laurens  turned  the  re- 
doubt at  the  head  of  eighty  men,  in  order  to  take  the  garrison  in  reverse, 
and  intercept  their  retreat.  The  troops  rushed  to  the  charge  without 
firing  a  gun  and  without  giving  the  sappers  time  to  remove  the  abbattis 
and  palisades.  Passing  over  them,  they  assaulted  the  works  with  irre- 
sistible impetuosity  on  all  sides  at  the  same  time,  and  entered  them  with 
such  rapidity  that  their  loss  was  inconsiderable.*  This  redoubt  was  de- 

*  One  serjeant  and  eight  privates  were  killed ;  and  one  lieutenant  colonel,  four  cap- 
tains, one  subaltern,  one  serjeant,  and  twenty-five  rank  and  file,  were  wounded. 

The  irritation  produced  by  the  recent  carnage  in  fort  Griswold  had  not  so  far  sub- 
dued the  humanity  of  the  American  character  as  to  induce  retaliation.  Not  a  man 
2  O 


454  THE  LIFE  OF 

fended  by  Major  Campbell,  with  some  inferior  officers,  and  forty-five 
privates.  The  major,  a  captain,  a  subaltern,  and  seventeen  privates, 
were  made  prisoners,  and  eight  privates  were  killed  while  the  assailants 
were  entering  the  works. 

The  redoubt  attacked  by  the  French  was  defended  by  a  greater  num- 
ber of  men ;  and  the  resistance,  being  greater,  was  not  overcome  so 
^uickly,  or  with  so  little  loss.  One  hundred  and  twenty  men,  com- 
manded by  a  lieutenant  colonel,  were  in  this  work,  eighteen  of  whom 
were  killed,  and  forty-two,  including  a  captain  and  two  subaltern  offi- 
cers, were  made  prisoners.  The  assailants  lost,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
near  one  hundred  men. 

The  Commander-in-chief  was  highly  gratified  with  the  active  courage 
displayed  in  these  assaults.  Speaking  of  it  in  his  diary,  he  says — "  The 
bravery  exhibited  by  the  attacking  troops  was  emulous  and  praisewor- 
thy. Few  cases  have  exhibited  greater  proofs  of  intrepidity,  coolness,  and 
firmness,  than  were  shown  on  this  occasion."  The  orders  of  the  suc- 
ceeding  day,  congratulating  the  army  on  the  capture  of  these 
important  works,  expressed  a  high  sense  of  the  judicious  dis- 
positions and  gallant  conduct  of  both  the  Baron  de  Viominel  and  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  and  requested  them  to  convey  to  every  officer 
and  man  engaged  in  the  enterprise,  the  acknowledgments  of  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief for  the  spirit  and  rapidity  with  which  they  advanced  to 
the  attack,  and  for  the  admirable  firmness  with  which  they  supported 
themselves  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy  without  returning  a  shot.  "  The 
general  reflects,"  conclude  the  orders,  "  with  the  highest  degree  of 
pleasure,  on  the  confidence  which  the  troops  of  the  two  nations  must 
hereafter  have  in  each  other.  Assured  of  mutual  support,  he  is  con- 
vinced there  is  no  danger  which  they  will  not  cheerfully  encounter,  no 
difficulty  which  they  will  not  bravely  overcome."* 

was  killed  except  in  action.  "  Incapable,"  said  Colonel  Hamilton  in  his  report,  "  of 
imitating  examples  of  barbarity,  and  forgetting  recent  provocation,  the  soldiery  spared 
every  man  that  ceased  to  resist."  Mr.  Gordon,  in  his  History  of  the  American  War, 
states  the  orders  given  by  Lafayette,  with  the  approbation  of  Washington,  to  have 
directed  that  every  man  in  the  redoubt,  after  its  surrender,  should  be  put  to  the  sword. 
These  sanguinary  orders,  so  repugnant  to  the  character  of  the  Commander-in-chief 
and  of  Lafayette,  were  never  given.  There  is  no  trace  of  them  among  the  papers  of 
General  Washington ;  and  Colonel  Hamilton,  who  took  a  part  in  the  enterprise, 
which  assures  his  perfect  knowledge  of  every  material  occurrence,  has  publicly  con- 
tradicted the  statement.  It  has  been  also  contradicted  by  Lafayette. 

*  General  Lafayette  states  a  fact  which  proves  in  an  eminent  degree  the  good  feel  • 
ings  of  the  American  soldiers  towards  their  allies.  While  encamped  together  under 
his  command  at  Williamsburg,  the  Americans,  who  were  bivouacked,  saw  their  allies 
under  tents  without  a  murmur ;  and  saw  them  supplied  regularly  with  rations  of  flour 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  455 

During  the  same  night,  these  redoubts  were  included  in  the  second 
parallel ;  and,  in  the  course  of  the  next  day,  some  howitzers  were  placed 
in  them,  which,  by  five  in  the  afternoon,  were  opened  on  the  besieged. 

The  situation  of  Lord  Cornwallis  was  becoming  desperate.  His  works 
were  sinking,  in  every  quarter,  under  the  fire  of  the  besiegers.  The 
batteries  already  playing  on  him  had  silenced  nearly  all  his  guns,  and 
the  second  parallel  was  about  to  open,  which  must  in  a  few  hours  ren- 
der the  town  untenable.  To  suspend  a  catastrophe  which  appeared  al- 
most inevitable,  he  resolved  on  attempting  to  retard  the  completion  of 
the  second  parallel,  by  a  vigorous  sortie  against  two  batteries  which  ap- 
peared to  be  in  the  greatest  forwardness,  and  were  guarded  by  French 
troops.  The  party  making  this  sortie  was  led  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Abercrombie,  who  attacked  the  two  batteries  with  great  impetuosity 
about  four  in  the  morning,  and  carried  both  with  inconsidera- 
ble  loss;  but  the  guards  from  the  trenches  immediately  ad- 
vancing on  the  assailants,  they  retreated  without  being  able  to  effect  any 
thing  of  importance. 

About  four  in  the  afternoon  the  besiegers  opened  several  batteries  in 
their  second  parallel ;  and  it  was  apparent  that,  in  the  course  of  the  en- 
suing day,  the  whole  line  of  batteries  in  that  parallel  would  be  ready  to 
play  on  the  town.  The  works  of  the  besieged  were  not  in  a  condition 
to  sustain  so  tremendous  a  fire.  In  this  extremity,  Lord  Cornwallis 
formed  the  bold  design  of  forcing  his  way  to  New  York. 

He  determined  to  leave  his  sick  and  baggage  behind,  and,  crossing 
over  in  the  night  with  his  effectives  to  the  Gloucester  shore,  to  attack  De 
Chois6.  After  cutting  to  pieces  or  dispersing  the  troops  under  that  offi- 
cer, he  intended  to  mount  his  infantry  on  the  horses  taken  from  that  de- 
tachment, and  on  others  to  be  seized  on  the  road,  and,  by  a  rapid  march 
to  gain  the  fords  of  the  great  rivers,  and,  forcing  his  way  through  Ma- 
ryland, Pennsylvania,  and  Jersey,  to  form  a  junction  with  the  army  in 
New  York.* 

This  desperate  attempt  would  be  extremely  hazardous ;  but  the  situa- 
tion of  the  British  general  had  become  so  hopeless,  that  it  could  scarcely 
be  changed  for  the  worse. 

Boats  prepared  under  other  pretexts  were  held  in  readiness  to  receive 

for  three  days  from  the  American  magazines,  while  corn  meal  was  measured  out  very 
irregularly  to  themselves.  The  superior  officers  lent  their  horses  to  those  of  France 
and  walked  themselves.  Although  their  general  was  himself  a  Frenchman,  the  Ame- 
ricans saw  not  only  without  jealousy,  but  with  pleasure,  every  preference  given  to 
their  allies. 

*  Stednian,  Annual  Register,  letter  of  Lord  Cornwallis. 


466  THE  LIFE  OF 

the  troops  at  ten  in  the  evening,  and  convey  them  over  the  river.  The 
arrangements  were  made  with  such  secrecy  that  the  first  embarkation 
arrived  at  the  point  unperceived,  and  part  of  the  troops  were  landed, 
when  a  sudden  and  violent  storm  interrupted  the  execution  of  this  haz- 
ardous plan,  and  drove  the  boats  down  the  river.  The  storm  continued 
till  near  daylight,  when  the  boats  returned.  But  the  plan  was  necessa- 
rily abandoned,  and  the  boats  were  sent  to  bring  back  the  soldiers,  who 
were  relanded  on  the  southern  shore  in  the  course  of  the  forenoon  with- 
out much  loss. 

In  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth,  several  new  batteries  were  opened 
in  the  second  parallel,  which  poured  in  a  weight  of  fire  not  to  be  re- 
sisted. The  place  being  no  longer  tenable,  Lord  Cornwallis,  about  ten 
in  the  forenoon,  beat  a  parley,  and  proposed  a  cessation  of  hostilities  for 
twenty-four  hours,  that  commissioners  might  meet  at  Moore's  house, 
which  was  just  in  the  rear  of  the  first  parallel,  to  settle  terms  for  the 
surrender  of  the  posts  of  York  and  Gloucester.  To  this  letter  General 
Washington  returned  an  immediate  answer  declaring  his  "  ardent  desire 
to  spare  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  and  his  readiness  to  listen  to  such 
terms  as  were  admissible ;"  but  as  in  the  present  crisis  he  could  not  con- 
sent to  lose  a  moment  in  fruitless  negotiations,  he  desired  that  "  previous 
to  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  proposals  of  his  lordship  might 
be  transmitted  in  writing,  for  which  purpose  a  suspension  of  hostilities 
for  two  hours  should  be  granted.  The  general  propositions*  stated  by 
Lord  Cornwallis  as  forming  the  basis  of  the  capitulation,  though  not  all 
admissible,  being  such  as  led  to  the  opinion  that  no  great  difficulty  would 
occur  in  adjusting  the  terms,  the  suspension  of  hostilities  was  prolonged 
for  the  night.  In  the  mean  time,  to  avoid  the  delay  of  useless  discus- 
sion, the  Commander-in-chief  drew  up  and  proposed  such  articles']*  as 
he  would  be  willing  to  grant.  These  were  transmitted  to  Lord  Corn- 
wallis with  the  accompanying  declaration  that,  if  he  approved  them, 
commissioners  might  be  immediately  appointed  to  digest  them  into  form. 
In  consequence  of  this  message,  the  Viscount  De  Noailles,  and 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Laurens,  were  met  next  day  by  Colonel 
Dundass  and  Major  Ross ;  but,  being  unable  to  adjust  the  terms  of  capi- 
tulation definitively,  only  a  rough  draught  of  them  could  be  prepared, 
which  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  British  general. 
Determined  not  to  expose  himself  to  those  accidents  which  time  might 
produce,  General  Washington  could  not  permit  any  suspense  on  the  part 
of  Lord  Cornwallis.  He  therefore  immediately  directed  the  rough  arti- 

*  See  note,  No.  XIX.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 
t  See  note,  No.  XX.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  457 

cles  which  had  been  prepared  by  the  commissioners  to  be  fairly  tran- 
scribed, and  sent  them  to  his  lordship  early  next  morning,  with 
a  letter  expressing  his  expectation  that  they  would  be  signed 
by  eleven,  and  that  the  garrison  would  march  out  by  two  in  the  after- 
noon.    Finding  all  attempts  to  obtain  better  terms  unavailing,  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  submitted  to  a  necessity  no  longer  to  be  avoided,  and,  on  the  19th 
of  October,  surrendered  the  posts  of  Yorktown  and  Gloucester  Point, 
with  their  garrisons,  and  the  ships  in  the  harbour  with  their  seamen,  to 
the  land  and  naval  forces  of  America  and  France. 

The  army,  artillery,  arms,  military  chest,  and  public  stores  of  every 
denomination,  were  surrendered  to  General  Washington  ;  the  ships  and 
seamen,  to  the  Count  de  Grasse.  The  total  number  of  prisoners,*  ex- 
cluding seamen,  rather  exceeded  seven  thousand  men.  The  loss  sus- 
tained by  the  garrison  during  the  siege,  amounted  to  five  hundred  and 
fifty-two  men,  including  six  officers. 

Lord  Cornwallis  endeavoured  to  introduce  an  article  into  the  capitu- 
lation, for  the  security  of  those  Americans  who  had  joined  the  British 
army ;  but  the  subject  was  declared  to  belong  to  the  civil  department, 
and  the  article  was  rejected.  Its  object,  however,  was  granted  without 
appearing  to  concede  it.  His  lordship  was  permitted  to  send  the  Bonetta 
sloop  of  war  untouched,  with  despatches  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton  ;  and  the 
Americans  whose  conduct  had  been  most  offensive  to  their  countrymen 
were  embarked  on  board  this  vessel. 

The  allied  army  may  be  estimated,  including  militia,  at  sixteen  thou- 
sand men.  In  the  course  of  this  siege,  they  lost,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
about  three  hundred.  The  treaty  was  opened  on  the  eleventh  day  after 
the  ground  was  broken  by  the  besiegers,  and  the  capitulation  was  signed 
on  the  thirteenth.  The  whole  army  merited  great  approbation ;  but, 
from  the  nature  of  the  service,  the  artillerists  and  engineers  were  enabled 
to  distinguish  themselves  particularly.  Generals  du  Portail  and  Knox 
were  each  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major  General ;  and  Colonel  Govion, 
and  Captain  Rochfontaine,  of  the  corps  of  engineers,  were  each  advanc- 
ed a  grade  by  brevet.  In  addition  to  the  officers  belonging  to  those  de- 
partments, Generals  Lincoln,  De  Lafayette,  and  Steuben,  were  particu- 

*  The  return  of  prisoners  contained  two  generals,  thirty-one  field  officers,  three 
hundred  and  twenty-six  captains  and  subalterns,  seventy-one  regimental  staff,  six 
thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty -seven  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates,  and 
one  hundred  and  twenty-four  persons  belonging  to  the  hospital,  commissary,  and  wa- 
gon departments,  making  in  the  whole  seven  thousand  and  seventy-three  prisoners. 
To  this  number  are  to  be  added  six  commissioned,  and  twenty -eight  non-commission- 
ed officers  and  privates  made  prisoners  in  the  two  redoubts  which  were  stormed,  and  in 
the  sortie  made  by  the  garrisoa 


458  THE  LIFE  OF 

larly  mentioned  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  in  his  orders  issued  the  day 
after  the  capitulation ;  and  terms  of  peculiar  warmth  were  applied  to 
Governor  Nelson,  who  continued  in  the  field  during  the  whole  siege,  at 
the  head  of  the  militia  of  Virginia ;  and  also  exerted  himself,  in  a  parti- 
cular manner,  to  furnish  the  army  with  those  supplies  which  the  country 
afforded.  The  highest  acknowledgments  were  made  to  the  Count  de 
Rochambeau ;  and  several  other  French  officers  were  named  with  dis- 
tinction. So  many  disasters  had  attended  the  former  efforts  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  to  avail  themselves  of  the  succours  occasionally  afforded  by 
France,  that  an  opinion  not  very  favourable  to  the  alliance  appears  to  have 
gained  some  ground  in  the  country,  and  to  have  insinuated  itself  into  the 
army.  The  Commander-in-chief  seized  this  occasion  to  discountenance 
a  course  of  thinking  from  which  he  had  always  feared  pernicious  con- 
sequences, and  displayed  the  great  value  of  the  aids  lately  received,  in 
language  highly  flattering  to  the  French  monarch,  as  well  as  to  the  land 
and  naval  forces  of  that  nation. 

Knowing  the  influence  which  the  loss  of  the  army  in  Virginia  must 
have  on  the  war,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  determined  to  hazard  much  for  its 
preservation.  About  seven  thousand  of  his  best  troops  sailed  for  the 
Chesapeake,  under  convoy  of  a  fleet  augmented  to  twenty-five  ships  of 
the  line.  This  armament  left  the  Hook  the  day  on  which  the  capitula- 
tion was  signed  at  Yorktown,  and  appeared  off  the  capes  of  Virginia  on 
the  24th  of  October.  Unquestionable  intelligence  being  there  received 
that  Lord  Cornwallis  had  surrendered,  the  British  general  returned  to 
New  York. 

The  exultation  manifested  throughout  the  United  States  at  the  capture 
of  this  formidable  army  was  equal  to  the  terror  it  had  inspired.  In  con- 
gress, the  intelligence  was  received  with  joy  proportioned  to  the  magni- 
tude of  the  event;  and  the  sense  of  that  body  on  this  brilliant  achieve- 
ment was  expressed  in  various  resolutions,  returning  the  thanks  of  the 
United  States  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  the  Count  de  Rochambeau, 
to  the  Count  de  Grasse,  to  the  officers  of  the  allied  army  generally,  and 
to  the  corps  of  artillery,  and  engineers  particularly.  In  addition  to  these 
testimonials  of  gratitude,  it  was  resolved  that  a  marble  column  should  be 
erected  at  Yorktown,  in  Virginia,  with  emblems  of  the  alliance  between 
the  United  States  and  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  and  inscribed  with  a 
succinct  narrative  of  the  surrender  of  Earl  Cornwallis  to  his  Excellency 
General  Washington,  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  combined  forces  of 
America  and  France;  to  his  Excellency  the  Count  de  Rochambeau,  com- 
manding the  auxiliary  troops  of  his  most  Christian  Majesty  in  America 
and  to  his  Excellency  Count  de  Grasse,  commanding  in  chief  the  nava- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  459 

army  of  France  in  the  Chesapeake.  Two  stand  of  colours  taken  in 
Yorktown  were  presented  to  General  Washington ;  two  pieces  of  field 
ordnance  to  the  Count  de  Rochambeau ;  and  application  was  made  to 
his  most  Christian  Majesty,  to  permit  the  Admiral  to  accept  a  testimonial 
of  their  approbation  similar  to  that  presented  to  the  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau. Congress  determined  to  go  in  solemn  procession  to  the  Dutch 
Lutheran  church,  to  return  thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  crowning  the 
allied  arms  with  success,  by  the  surrender  of  the  whole  British  army 
under  Lord  Cornwallis  ;  and  also  issued  a  proclamation,  appointing  the 
13th  day  of  December  for  general  thanksgiving  and  prayer,  on  account 
of  this  signal  interposition  of  Divine  Providence. 

It  was  not  by  congress  only  that  the  public,  joy  at  this  great  event,  and 
the  public  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  General  Washington  were  dis- 
played. The  most  flattering  and  affectionate  addresses  of  congratulation 
were  presented  from  every  part  of  the  union ;  and  state  governments, 
corporate  towns,  and  learned  institutions,  vied  with  each  other  in  the 
testimonials  they  gave  of  their  high  sense  of  his  important  services,  and 
of  their  attachment  to  his  person  and  character. 

The  superiority  of  the  allied  force  opened  a  prospect  of  still  farther 
advantages.  The  remaining  posts  of  the  British  in  the  southern  states 
were  too  weak  to  be  defended  against  the  army  which  had  triumphed 
over  Lord  Cornwallis ;  and  the  troops  which  occupied  them  could  neither 
escape  nor  be  reinforced,  if  the  Count  de  Grasse  could  be  prevailed  on 
to  co-operate  against  them.  Although,  in  his  first  conference,  he  had 
explicitly  declared  his  inability  to  engage  in  any  enterprise  to  be  under- 
taken subsequent  to  that  against  Yorktown,*  the  siege  of  that  place  had 
employed  so  much  less  time  than  the  admiral  had  consented  to  appro- 
priate to  it,  that  the  general  resumed  his  plan  of  southern  operations.  In 
a  letter  addressed  to  De  Grasse,  he  used  every  argument  which  might 
operate  on  his  love  of  fame,  or  his  desire  to  promote  the  interests  of  the 
allies,  to  prevail  on  him  to  co-operate  in  an  expedition  against  Charleston. 
If  this  object  should  be  unattainable,  his  attention  was  next  turned  to 
Wilmington,  in  North  Carolina,  which  was  still  occupied  by  a  small  de- 
tachment of  British  troops  who  kept  that  state  in  check.  The  capture  of 
this  detachment,  though  not  an  object  of  much  consequence  in  itself,  was 
supposed  to  derive  some  importance  from  the  influence  which  the  com- 
plete liberation  of  North  Carolina  might  have  on  the  future  military 
operations  of  the  United  States,  and  on  their  negotiations.  General 
Washington  proposed  to  send  a  detachment  intended  to  reinforce  General 
Greene,  as  far  as  Wilmington,  under  convoy.  The  reduction  of  that 
*  See  note,  No.  XXI.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


460  THE  LIFE  OF,  &c. 

place,  he  supposed,  would  detain  the  fleet  but  a  few  days,  after  which  it 
might  proceed  to  the  West  Indies. 

To  enforce  the  representations  contained  in  his  letter,  as  well  as  to  pay 
his  respects  to  the  admiral,  and  to  express  in  person  the  high  sense  en- 
tertained of  his  important  services,  the  Commander-in-chief  repaired  on 
board  the  Ville  de  Paris.  The  Count  acknowledged  his  conviction  of 
the  advantages  to  be  expected  from  an  expedition  against  Charleston ; 
ut  said,  that  "  the  orders  of  his  court,  ulterior  projects,  and  his  engage- 
ments with  the  Spaniards,  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  remain  on 
the  coast  during  the  time  which  would  be  required  for  the  operation." 
As  he  also  declined  taking  on  board  the  troops  designed  to  reinforce 
General  Greene,  preparatic-ns  were  made  for  their  march  by  land  ;  and 
Major  General  St.  Clair,  who  commanded  the  detachment,  was  ordered 
to  take  Wilmington  in  his  route,  and  to  gain  possession  of  that  post. 

The  Count  de  Grasse  having  consented  to  remain  in  the  bay  a  few 
days  for  the  purpose  of  covering  the  transportation  of  the  eastern  troops, 
and  of  the  ordnance  to  the  Head  of  Elk,  they  were  embarked  in  the  be- 
ginning of  November,  under  the  command  of  General  Lincoln,  who  was 
directed  to  march  them  into  New  Jersey  and  New  York,  and  to  canton 
them  for  the  winter  in  those  states.*  The  French  troops  remained  in 
Virginia,  not  only  for  the  protection  of  that  state,  but  to  be  in  readiness 
to  march  southward  or  northward,  as  the  exigencies  of  the  ensuing  cam- 
paign might  require. 

The  transportation  of  the  troops  and  ordnance  to  the  Head  of  Elk  be- 
ing effected,  the  Count  de  Grasse  sailed  for  the  West  Indies,  and  the 
Commander-in-chief  proceeded  to  Philadelphia. 

*  See  note,  No.  XXII.  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


NOTE— No.  I. 

IT  will  not  be  unacceptable  to  the  reader  to  peruse  this  first  report  of  a  young  gen 
tleman  who  afterwards  performed  so  distinguished  a  part  in  the  revolution  of  his 
country,  it  is  therefore  inserted  at  large. 

I  was  commissioned  and  appointed  by  the  Hon.  Robert  Dinwiddie,  Esq.  Governor 
&c.  of  Virginia,  to  visit  and  deliver  a  letter  to  the  commandant  of  the  French  forces 
on  the  Ohio,  and  set  out  on  the  intended  journey  on  the  same  day  :  the  next,  I  arrived 
at  Fredericksburg,  and  engaged  Mr.  Jacob  Vanbraam  to  be  my  French  interpreter, 
and  proceeded  with  him  to  Alexandria,  where  we  provided  necessaries.  From  thence 
we  went  te  Winchester,  and  got  baggage,  horses,  &c.  and  from  thence  we  pursued 
the  new  road  to  Wills'  Creek,  where  we  arrived  the  14th  November. 

Here  I  engaged  Mr.  Gist  to  pilot  us  out,  and  also  hired  four  others  as  servitors, 
Barnaby  Currin,  and  John  M'GLuire,  Indian  traders,  Henry  Steward,  and  William 
Jenkins ;  and  in  company  with  those  persons  left  the  inhabitants  the  next  day. 

The  excessive  rains  and  vast  quantity  of  snow  which  had  fallen,  prevented  our 
reaching  Mr.  Frazier's,  an  Indian  trader,  at  the  mouth  of  Turtle  creek,  on  Monon- 
gahela  river,  until  Thursday  the  22d.  We  were  informed  here,  that  expresses  had 
been  sent  a  few  days  before  to  the  traders  down  the  river,  to  acquaint  them  with  the 
French  general's  death,  and  the  return  of  the  major  part  of  the  French  army  into 
winter  quarters. 

The  waters  were  quite  impassable  without  swimming  our  horses,  which  obliged  us 
to  get  the  loan  of  a  canoe  from  Frazier,  and  to  send  Barnaby  Currin  and  Henry 
Steward  down  the  Monongahela,  with  our  baggage,  to  meet  us  at  the  forks  of  Ohio, 
about  ten  miles ;  there,  to  cross  the  Alleghany. 

As  I  got  down  before  the  canoe,  I  spent  some  time  in  viewing  the  rivers,  and  the 
land  in  the  fork,  which  I  think  extremely  well  situated  for  a  fort,  as  it  has  the  absolute 
command  of  both  rivers.  The  land  at  the  point  is  twenty,  or  twenty -five  feet  above 
the  common  surface  of  the  water ;  and  a  considerable  bottom  of  flat,  well  timbered 
land  all  around  it  very  convenient  for  building.  The  rivers  are  each  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  or  more  across,  and  run  here  very  nearly  at  right  angles ;  Alleghany,  bearing 
northeast ;  and  Monongahela,  southeast.  The  former  of  these  two  is  a  very  rapid  and 
swift  running  water,  the  other  deep  and  still,  without  any  perceptible  fall. 

About  two  miles  from  this,  on  the  southeast  side  of  the  river,  at  the  place  where  the 
Ohio  company  intended  to  erect  a  fort,  lives  Shingiss,  king  of  the  Delawares.  We 
called  upon  him,  to  invite  him  to  council  at  the  Loggstown. 

As  I  had  taken  a  good  deal  of  notice  yesterday  of  the  situation  at  the  fork,  my  cu- 
riosity led  me  to  examine  this  more  particularly,  and  I  think  it  greatly  inferior,  either 
for  defence  or  advantages ;  especially  the  latter.  For  a  fort  at  the  fork  would  be  equal- 
ly well  situated  on  the  Ohio,  and  have  the  entire  command  of  the  Monongahela,  which 
runs  up  our  settlement,  and  is  extremely  well  designed  for  water  carriage,  as  it  is  of  a 
VOL.  i.  30 


2  NOTES. 

deep,  still  nature.    Besides,  a  fort  at  the  fork  might  be  buiit  at  much  less  expense 
than  at  the  other  places. 

Nature  has  well  contrived  this  lower  place  for  water  defence ;  but  the  hill  whereon 
it  must  stand  being  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  length,  and  then  descending  gradually 
on  the  land  side,  will  render  it  difficult  and  very  expensive  to  make  a  sufficient  fortifi- 
cation there.  The  whole  flat  upon  the  hill  must  be  taken  in,  the  side  next  the  de- 
scent made  extremely  high,  or  else  the  hill  itself  cut  away  :  otherwise,  the  enemy  may 
raise  batteries  within  that  distance  without  being  exposed  to  a  single  shot  from  the  fort. 
Shingiss  attended  us  to  the  Loggstown,  where  we  arrived  between  sun-setting  and 
dark,  the  twenty-fifth  day  after  1  left  Williamsburg.  We  travelled  over  some  ex- 
tremely good  and  bad  land  to  get  to  this  place. 

As  soon  as  I  came  into  town,  I  went  to  Monakatoocha  (as  the  half  king  was  out 
at  his  hunting  cabin  On  Little  Beaver  creek,  about  fifteen  miles  off)  and  informed  him 
by  John  Davidson,  my  Indian  interpreter,  that  I  was  sent  a  messenger  to  the  French 
general ;  and  was  ordered  to  call  upon  the  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations  to  acquaint 
them  with  it.  I  gave  him  a  string  of  wampum  and  a  twist  of  tobacco,  and  desired 
him  to  send  for  the  half  king,  which  he  promised  to  do  by  a  runner  in  the  morning, 
and  for  other  sachems.  I  invited  him  and  the  other  great  men  present,  to  my  tent, 
where  they  stayed  about  an  hour  and  returned. 

According  to  the  best  observations  I  could  make,  Mr.  GifPs  new  settlement  (which 
we  passed  by)  bears  about  west  northwest  seventy  miles  from  Wills'  creek ;  Shar.a- 
pins,  or  the  forks,  north  by  west,  or  north  northwest  about  fifty  miles  from  that;  and 
from  thence  to  the  Loggstown,  the  course  is  nearly  west  about  eighteen  or  twenty 
miles :  so  that  the  whole  distance,  as  we  went  and  computed  it,  is,  at  least,  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-five  or  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  from  our  back  inhabitants. 

25th.  Came  to  town,  four  of  ten  Frenchmen,  who  had  deserted  from  a  company 
at  the  Kuskuskas,  which  lies  at  the  mouth  of  this  river.  I  got  the  following  account 
from  them.  They  were  sent  from  New  Orleans  with  a  hundred  men,  and  eight  ca- 
noe loads  of  provisions,  to  this  place,  where  they  expected  to  have  met  the  same  num- 
ber of  men,  from  the  forts  on  this  side  of  lake  Erie,  to  convoy  them  and  the  stores  up, 
who  were  not  arrived  when  they  ran  off. 

I  inquired  into  the  situation  of  the  French  on  the  Mississippi,  their  numbers,  and 
what  forts  they  had  built.  They  informed  me,  that  there  were  four  small  forts  between 
New  Orleans  and  the  Black  Islands,  garrisoned  with  about  thirty  or  forty  men,  and  a 
few  small  pieces  in  each.  That  at  New  Orleans,  which  is  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  there  are  thirty-five  companies  of  forty  men  each,  with  a  pretty  strong 
fort  mounting  eight  carriage  guns ;  and  at  the  Black  Islands  there  are  several  com- 
panies and  a  fort  with  six  guns.  The  Black  Islands  are  about  a  hundred  and  thirty 
leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  which  is  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  above 
New  Orleans.  They  also  acquainted  me,  that  there  was  a  small  pallisadoed  fort  on 
the  Ohio,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Obaish,  about  sixty  leagues  from  the  Mississippi.  The 
Obaish  heads  near  the  west  end  of  lake  Erie,  and  affords  the  communication  between 
the  French  on  the  Mississippi  and  those  on  the  lakes.  These  deserters  came  up 
from  the  lower  Shannoah  town  with  one  Brown,  an  Indian  trader,  and  were  going  u* 
Philadelphia. 

About  three  o'clock  this  evening  the  half  king  came  to  town.  I  went  up  and  in- 
vited him  with  Davidson,  privately,  to  my  tent;  and  desired  him  to  relate  some  of  the 
particulars  of  his  journey  to  the  French  commandant,  and  of  his  reception  there ; 
also,  to  give  me  an  account  of  the  ways  and  distance.  He  told  me,  that  the  nearest 
and  levelest  way  was  now  impassable,  by  reason  of  many  large  miry  savannas ;  that 


NOTES.  3 

we  must  be  obliged  to  go  by  Venango,  and  should  not  get  to  the  near  fort  in  less  than 
five  or  six  nights  sleep,  good  travelling.  When  he  went  to  the  fort,  he  said  he  was 
received  in  a  very  stern  manner  by  the  late  commander,  who  asked  him  very  abruptly, 
what  he  had  come  about,  and  to  declare  his  business :  which  he  said  he  did  in  the  fol- 
lowing speech  : 

"Fathers,  lam  come  to  tell  you  your  own  speeches;  what  your  own  mouths  have 
declared.  Fathers,  you,  in  former  days,  set  a  silver  basin  before  us,  wherein  there 
was  the  leg  of  a  beaver,  and  desired  all  the  nations  to  come  and  eat  of  it,  to  eat  in 
peace  and  plenty,  and  not  to  be  churlish  to  one  another  :  and  that  if  any  such  person 
should  be  found  to  be  a  disturber,  I  here  lay  down  by  the  edge  of  the  dish  a  rod,  which 
you  must  scourge  them  with ;  and  if  your  father  should  get  foolish,  in  my  old  days,  I 
desire  you  may  use  it  upon  me  as  well  as  others. 

"  Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  who  are  the  disturbers  in  this  land,  by  coming  and  building 
your  towns ;  and  taking  it  away  unknown  to  us,  and  by  force. 

"  Fathers,  we  kindled  a  fire  a  long  time  ago,  at  a  place  called  Montreal,  where  we 
desired  you  to  stay,  and  not  to  come  and  intrude  upon  our  land.  I  now  desire  you 
may  despatch  to  that  place ;  for  be  it  known  to  you,  fathers,  that  this  is  our  land  and 
not  yours. 

"  Fathers,  I  desire  you  may  hear  me  in  civilness ;  if  not.  we  must  handle  that  rod 
which  was  laid  down  for  the  use  of  the  obstreperous.  If  you  had  come  in  a  peaceable 
manner,  like  our  brothers  the  English,  we  would  not  have  been  against  your  trading 
with  us,  as  they  do ;  but  to  come,  fathers,  and  build  houses  upon  our  land,  and  to  take 
it  by  force,  is  what  we  can  not  submit  to. 

"  Fathers,  both  you  and  the  English  are  white,  we  live  in  a  country  between ;  there- 
fore, the  land  belongs  to  neither  one  nor  the  other.  But  the  great  Being  above  allow- 
ed it  to  be  a  place  of  residence  for  us  ;  so,  fathers,  I  desire  you  to  withdraw,  as  I  have 
done  our  brothers  the  English  ;  for  I  will  keep  you  at  arm's  length.  I  lay  this  down 
as  a  trial  for  both,  to  see  which  will  have  the  greatest  regard  to  it,  and  that  side  we 
will  stand  by,  and  make  equal  sharers  with  us.  Our  brothers,  the  English,  have 
heard  this,  and  I  come  now  to  tell  it  to  you ;  for  I  am  not  afraid  to  discharge  you  off 
this  land." 

This  he  said  was  the  substance  of  what  he  spoke  to  the  general,  who  made  this 
reply. 

"  Now,  my  child,  I  have  heard  your  speech :  you  spoke  first,  but  it  is  my  time  to 
speak  now.  Where  is  my  wampum  that  you  took  away,  with  the  marks  of  towns 
in  it  1  This  wampum  I  do  not  know,  which  you  have  discharged  me  off  the  land 
with :  but  you  need  not  put  yourself  to  the  trouble  of  speaking,  for  I  will  not  hear 
you.  I  am  not  afraid  of  flies  or  musquitoes,  for  Indians  are  such  as  those :  I  tell  you 
down  that  river  I  will  go,  and  build  upon  it,  according  to  my  command.  If  the  river 
was  blocked  up,  I  have  forces  sufficient  to  burst  it  open,  and  tread  under  my  feet  all 
that  stand  in  opposition,  together  with  their  alliances  ;  for  my  force  is  as  the  sand  upon 
the  sea  shore:  therefore  here  is  your  wampum;  I  sling  it  at  you.  Child,  you  talk 
foolish ;  you  say  this  land  belongs  to  you,  but  there  is  not  the  black  of  my  nail  yours. 
I  saw  that  land  sooner  than  you  did,  before  the  Shannoahs  and  you  were  at  war; 
Lead  was  the  man  who  went  down  and  took  possession  of  that  river.  It  is  my  land, 
and  I  will  have  it,  let  who  will  stand  up  for,  or  say  against  it.  I  will  buy  and  sell  with 
the  English  (mockingly.)  If  people  will  be  ruled  by  me,  they  may  expect  kindness, 
but  not  else." 

The  half  king  told  me  he  had  inquired  of  the  general  after  two  Englishmen,  who 
were  made  prisoners,  and  received  this  answer : 


4  NOTES. 

"Child,  you  think  it  a  very  great  hardship  that  I  made  prisoners  of  those  two  peo- 
ple at  Venango.  Don't  you  concern  yourself  with  it :  we  took  and  carried  them  to 
Canada,  to  get  intelligence  of  what  the  English  were  doing  in  Virginia." 

He  informed  me  that  they  had  built  two  forts,  one  on  lake  Erie,  and  another  on 
French  creek,  near  a  small  lake,  about  fifteen  miles  asunder,  and  a  large  wagon  road 
between.  They  are  both  built  after  the  same  model,  but  different  in  size  :  that  on  the 
lake  the  largest.  He  gave  me  a  plan  of  them  of  his  own  drawing. 

The  Indians  inquired  very  particularly  after  their  brothers  in  Carolina  gaol. 

They  also  asked  what  sort  of  a  boy  it  was  who  was  taken  from  the  south  branch  ; 
for  they  were  told  by  some  Indians,  that  a  party  of  French  Indians  had  carried  c 
white  boy  by  Kuskuska  town,  towards  the  lakes. 

26th.  We  met  in  council  at  the  long  house  about  nine  o'clock,  where  I  spoke  to 
them  as  follows : 

"  Brothers,  I  have  called  you  together  in  council,  by  order  of  your  brother  the  gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  to  acquaint  you,  that  I  am  sent  with  all  possible  despatch,  to  visit 
and  deliver  a  letter  to  the  French  commandant,  of  very  great  importance  to  your  bro- 
thers the  English ;  and  I  dare  say  to  you,  their  friends  and  allies. 

"  I  was  desired,  brothers,  by  your  brother  the  governor  to  call  upon  you,  the  sa- 
chems of  the  nations,  to  inform  you  of  it,  and  to  ask  your  advice  and  assistance  to  pro- 
ceed the  nearest  and  best  road  to  the  French.  You  see,  brothers,  I  have  gotten  thus 
far  on  my  journey. 

"  His  honour  likewise  desired  me  to  apply  to  you  for  some  of  your  young  men  to 
conduct  and  provide  provisions  for  us  on  our  way  ;  and  be  a  safeguard  against  those 
French  Indians  who  have  taken  up  the  hatchet  against  us.  I  have  spoken  thus  par- 
ticularly to  you,  brothers,  because  his  honour  our  governor  treats  you  as  good  friends 
and  allies,  and  holds  you  in  great  esteem.  To  confirm  what  I  have  said,  I  give  you 
this  string  of  wampum." 

After  they  had  considered  for  some  time  on  the  above  discourse,  the  half  king  got 
up  and  spoke. 

"  Now,  my  brother,  in  regard  to  what  my  brother  the  governor  had  desired  of  me, 
I  return  you  this  answer. 

"  I  rely  upon  you  as  a  brother  ought  to  do,  as  you  say  we  are  brothers,  and  one  peo- 
ple. We  shall  put  heart  in  hand  and  speak  to  our  fathers,  the  French,  concerning 
the  speech  they  made  to  me ;  and  you  may  depend  that  we  will  endeavour  to  be  your 
guard. 

"Brother,  as  you  have  asked  my  advice,  I  hope  you  will  be  ruled  by  it,  and  stay 
until  1  can  provide  a  company  to  go  with  you.  The  French  speech  belt  is  not  here  ; 
I  have  it  to  go  for  to  my  hunting  cabin.  Likewise,  the  people  whom  I  have  ordered 
in  are  not  yet  come,  and  can  not  until  the  third  night  from  this ;  until  which  time, 
brother,  I  must  beg  you  to  stay. 

"  I  intend  to  send  the  guard  of  Mingos,  Shannoahs,  and  Delawarcs,  that  our  bro- 
thers may  see  the  love  and  loyalty  we  bear  them." 

As  I  had  orders  to  make  all  possible  despatch,  and  waiting  here  was  very  contrary 
to  my  inclination,  I  thanked  him  in  the  most  suitable  manner  I  could ;  and  told  him 
that  my  business  required  the  greatest  expedition,  and  would  not  admit  of  that  delay. 
He  was  not  well  pleased  that  I  should  offer  to  go  before  the  time  he  had  appointed, 
and  told  me,  that  he  could  not  consent  to  our  going  without  a  guard,  for  fear  some  ac- 
cident should  befall  us,  and  draw  a  reflection  upon  him.  Besides,  said  he,  this  is  a 
matter  of  no  small  moment,  and  must  not  be  entered  into  without  due  consideration ; 
for  I  intend  to  deliver  up  the  French  speech  belt,  and  make  the  Shannoahs  and  Dela- 


NOTES.  5 

wares  do  the  same.  And  accordingly  he  gave  orders  to  king  Shingiss,  who  was  pre- 
sent, to  attend  on  Wednesday  night  with  the  wampum ;  and  two  men  of  their  nation 
to  be  in  readiness  to  set  out  with  us  next  morning.  As  I  found  it  was  impossible  to 
get  off  without  affronting  them  in  the  most  egregious  manner,  I  consented  to  stay. 

I  gave  them  back  a  string  of  wampum  which  I  met  with  at  Mr.  Frazier's,  and 
which  they  sent  with  a  speech  to  his  honour  the  governor,  to  inform  him,  that  three 
nations  of  French  Indians,  viz.  Chippoways,  Ottoways,  and  Orundaks,  had  taken  up 
the  hatchet  against  the  English;  and  desired  them  to  repeat  it  over  again.  But  this 
they  postponed  doing  until  they  met  in  full  council  with  the  Shannoah  and  Delaware 
chiefs. 

27th.  Runners  were  despatched  very  early  for  the  Shannoah  chiefs.  The  half 
king  set  out  himself  to  fetch  the  French  speech  belt  from  his  hunting  cabin. 

28th.  He  returned  this  evening,  and  came  with  Monakatoocha,  and  two  other  sa- 
chems to  my  tent ;  and  begged  (as  they  had  complied  with  his  honour  the  governor's 
request,  in  providing  men,  &c.)  to  know  on  what  business  we  were  going  to  the  French? 
This  was  a  question  I  had  all  along  expected,  and  had  provided  as  satisfactory  an- 
swers to  as  I  could ;  which  allayed  their  curiosity  a  little. 

Monakatoocha  informed  me,  that  an  Indian  from  Venango  brought  news,  a  few 
days  ago,  that  the  French  had  called  all  the  Mingos,  Delawares,  &c.  together  at  that 
place ;  and  told  them  that  they  intended  to  have  been  down  the  river  this  fall,  but  the 
waters  were  growing  cold,  and  the  winter  advancing,  which  obliged  them  to  go  into 
quarters ;  but  that  they  might  assuredly  expect  them  in  the  spring,  with  a  far  greater 
number ;  and  desired  that  they  might  be  quite  passive,  and  not  intermeddle  unless  they 
had  a  mind  to  draw  all  their  force  upon  them :  for  that  they  expected  to  fight  the  Eng- 
lish three  years  (as  they  supposed  there  would  be  some  attempts  made  to  stop  them) 
in  Which  time  they  should  conquer.  But  that  if  they  should  prove  equally  strong, 
they  and  the  English  would  join  to  cut  them  all  off,  and  divide  the  land  between 
them :  that  though  they  had  lost  their  general,  and  some  few  of  their  soldiers,  yet 
there  were  men  enough  to  reinforce  them,  and  make  them  masters  of  the  Ohio. 

This  speech,  he  said,  was  delivered  to  them  by  one  Captain  Joneaire,  their  interpre- 
ter in  chief,  living  at  Venango,  and  a  man  of  note  in  the  army. 

29th.  The  half  king  and  Monakatoocha,  came  very  early  and  begged  me  to  stay 
one  day  more :  for  notwithstanding  they  had  used  all  the  diligence  in  their  power,  the 
Shannoah  chiefs  had  not  brought  the  wampum  they  ordered,  but  would  certainly  be 
in  to  night ;  if  not,  they  would  delay  me  no  longer,  but  would  send  it  after  us  as  soon 
as  they  arrived.  When  I  found  them  so  pressing  in  their  request,  and  knew  that  re- 
turning of  wampum  was  the  abolishing  of  agreements;  and  giving  this  up  was  shak- 
ing off  all  dependence  upon  the  French,  I  consented  to  stay,  as  I  believed  an  offence 
offered  at  this  crisis,  might  be  attended  with  greater  ill  consequence,  than  another 
day's  delay.  They  abo  informed  me,  that  Shingiss  could  not  get  in  his  men ;  and 
was  prevented  from  coming  himself  by  his  wife's  sickness ;  (I  believe,  by  fear  of  the 
French)  but  that  the  wampum  of  that  nation  was  lodged  with  Kustalogo,  one  of  their 
chiefs,  at  Venango. 

In  the  evening,  late,  they  came  again,  and  acquainted  me  that  the  Shannoahs  were 
not  yet  arrived,  but  that  it  should  not  retard  the  prosecution  of  our  journey.  He  de- 
livered in  my  hearing  the  speech  that  was  to  be  made  to  the  French  by  Jeskakake,  one 
of  their  old  chiefs,  which  was  giving  up  the  belt  the  late  commandant  had  asked  for, 
and  repeating  nearly  the  same  speech  he  himself  had  done  before. 

He  also  delivered  a  strinof  of  wampum  to  this  chief,  which  was  sent  by  king  Shin- 
2  P 


6  NOTES. 

giss,  to  be  given  to  Kustalogo,  with  orders  to  repair  to  the  French,  and  deliver  up  the 
wampum. 

He  likewise  gave  a  very  large  string  of  black  and  white  wampum,  which  was  to  be 
sent  up  immediately  to  the  Six  Nations,  if  the  French  refused  to  quit  the  land  at  this 
warning ;  which  was  the  third  and  last  time,  and  was  the  right  of  this  Jeskakake  to 
deliver. 

30th.  Last  night,  the  great  men  assembled  at  their  council  house,  to  consult  further 
about  this  journey,  and  who  were  to  go :  the  result  of  which  was,  that  only  three  of 
their  chiefs,  with  one  of  their  best  hunters,  should  be  our  convoy.  The  reason  they 
gave  for  not  sending  more,  after  what  had  been  proposed  at  council  the  26th,  was,  that 
a  greater  number  might  give  the  French  suspicions  of  some  bad  design,  and  cause 
them  to  be  treated  rudely  :  but  I  rather  think  they  could  not  get  their  hunters  in. 

We  set  out  about  nine  o'clock  with  the  half  king,  Jeskakake,  White  Thunder,  and 
the  Hunter;  and  travelled  on  the  road  to  Venango,  where  we  arrived  the  fourth  of 
December,  without  any  thing  remarkable  happening  but  a  continued  series  of  bad 
weather. 

This  is  an  old  Indian  town,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  French  creek,  on  Ohio ;  and 
lies  near  north  about  sixty  miles  from  the  Loggstown,  but  more  than  seventy  the  way 
we  were  obliged  to  go. 

We  found  the  French  colours  hoisted  at  a  house  from  which  they  had  driven  Mr. 
John  Frazier,  an  English  subject.  I  immediately  repaired  to  it,  to  know  where  the 
commander  resided.  There  were  three  officers,  one  of  whom,  Captain  Joncaire,  in- 
formed me  that  he  had  the  command  of  the  Ohio ;  but  that  there  was  a  general  officer 
at  the  near  fort,  where  he  advised  me  to  apply  for  an  answer.  He  invited  us  to  sup 
with  them,  and  treated  us  with  the  greatest  complaisance. 

The  wine,  as  they  dosed  themselves  pretty  plentifully  with  it,  soon  banished  the  re- 
straint which  at  first  appeared  in  their  conversation,  and  gave  a  license  to  their  tongues 
to  reveal  their  sentiments  more  freely. 

They  told  me,  that  it  was  their  absolute  design  to  take  possession  of  the  Ohio,  and 
by  G**d  they  would  do  it :  for  that,  although  they  were  sensible  the  English  could 
raise  two  men  for  their  one,  yet  they  knew  their  motions  were  too  slow  and  dilatory 
to  prevent  any  undertaking  of  theirs.  They  pretend  to  have  an  undoubted  right  to 
the  river  from  a  discovery  made  by  one  La  Solle,  sixty  years  ago :  and  the  rise  of  this 
expedition  is,  to  prevent  our  settling  on  the  river  or  waters  of  it,  as  they  heard  of 
some  families  moving  out  in  order  thereto.  From  the  best  intelligence  I  could  get, 
there  have  been  fifteen  hundred  men  on  this  side  Ontario  lake.  But  upon  the  death 
of  the  general,  all  were  recalled  to  about  six  or  seven  hundred,  who  were  left  to  garri- 
son four  forts,  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  thereabout  in  each.  The  first  of  them  is  on 
French  creek,  near  a  small  lake,  about  sixty  miles  from  Venango,  near  north  north- 
west :  the  next  lies  on  lake  Erie,  where  the  greater  part  of  their  stores  are  kept,  about 
fifteen  miles  from  the  other :  from  this  it  is  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  to  the  car- 
rying place,  at  the  falls  of  lake  Erie,  where  there  is  a  small  fort,  at  which  they  lodge 
their  goods  in  bringing  them  from  Montreal,  the  place  from  whence  all  their  stores 
are  brought.  The  next  fort  lies  about  twenty  miles  from  this,  on  Ontario  lake.  Be- 
tween this  fort  and  Montreal,  there  are  three  others,  the  first  of  which  is  nearly  oppo- 
site to  the  English  fort  Oswego.  From  the  fort  on  lake  Erie  to  Montreal  is  about  six 
hundred  miles,  which,  they  say,  requires  no  more  (if  good  weather,)  than  four  weeks 
voyage,  if  they  go  in  barks  or  large  vessels,  so  that  they  may  cross  the  lake :  but  if 
they  come  in  canoes,  it  will  require  five  or  six  weeks,  for  they  are' obliged  to  keep  un- 
der the  shore. 


NOTES.  7 

5th.  Rained  excessively  all  day,  which  prevented  our  travelling.  Captain  Joncaire 
sent  for  the  half  king,  as  he  had  but  just  heard  that  he  came  with  me.  He  affected 
to  be  much  concerned  that  I  did  not  make  free  to  bring  them  in  before.  I  excused  it 
in  the  best  manner  of  which  1  was  capable,  and  told  him,  I  did  not  think  their  compa- 
ny agreeable,  as  I  had  heard  him  say  a  good  deal  in  dispraise  of  Indians  in  general : 
but  another  motive  prevented  me  from  bringing  them  into  his  company  :  I  knew  that 
he  was  an  interpreter,  and  a  person  of  very  great  influence  among  the  Indians,  and 
had  lately  used  all  possible  means  to  draw  them  over  to  his  interest ;  therefore,  I  was 
desirous  of  giving  him  no  opportunity  that  could  be  avoided. 

When  they  came  in,  there  was  great  pleasure  expressed  at  seeing  them.  He  won- 
dered how  they  could  be  so  near  without  coming  to  visit  him,  made  several  trifling 
presents,  and  applied  liquor  so  fast,  that  they  were  soon  rendered  incapable  of  the 
business  they  came  about,  notwithstanding  the  caution  which  was  given. 

6th.  The  half  king  came  to  my  tent,  quite  sober,  and  insisted  very  much  that  I 
should  stay  and  hear  what  he  had  to  say  to  the  French.  I  fain  would  have  prevented 
him  from  speaking  any  thing  until  he  came  to  the  commandant,  but  could  not  prevail. 
He  told  me,  that  at  this  place  a  council  fire  was  kindled,  where  all  their  business  with 
these  people  was  to  be  transacted,  and  that  the  management  of  the  Indian  affairs  was 
left  solely  to  Monsieur  Joncaire.  As  I  was  desirous  of  knowing  the  issue  of  this,  I 
agreed  to  stay ;  but  sent  our  horses  a  little  way  up  French  creek,  to  raft  over  and  en- 
camp ;  which  I  knew  would  make  it  near  night. 

About  ten  o'clock,  they  met  in  council.  The  king  spoke  much  the  same  as  he  had 
before  done  to  the  general ;  and  offered  the  French  speech  belt  which  had  before  been 
demanded,  with  the  marks  of  four  towns  on  it,  which  Monsieur  Joncaire  refused  to 
receive,  but  desired  him  to  carry  it  to  the  fort  to  the  commander. 

7th.  Monsieur  La  Force,  Commissary  of  the  French  stores,  and  three  other  sol- 
diers, came  over  to  accompany  us  up.  We  found  it  extremely  difficult  to  get  the  In- 
dians off"  to-day,  as  every  stratagem  had  been  used  to  prevent  their  going  up  with  me. 
I  had  last  night  left  John  Davidson  (the  Indian  interpreter)  whom  I  brought  with  me 
from  town,  and  strictly  charged  him  not  to  be  out  of  their  company,  as  I  could  not  get 
them  over  to  my  tent ;  for  they  had  some  business  with  Kustologa,  chiefly  to  know 
why  he  did  not  deliver  up  the  French  speech  belt  which  he  had  in  keeping :  but  I  was 
obliged  to  send  Mr.  Gist  over  to-day  to  fetch  them,  which  he  did  with  great  persuasion. 

At  twelve  o'clock,  we  set  out  for  the  fort,  and  were  prevented  from  arriving  there 
until  the  eleventh  by  excessive  rains,  snows,  and  bad  travelling  through  many  mires 
and  swamps ;  these  we  were  obliged  to  pass  to  avoid  crossing  the  creek,  which  was 
impossible,  either  by  ftfrding  or  rafting,  the  water  was  so  high  and  rapid. 

We  passed  over  much  good  land  since  we  left  Venango,  and  through  several  exten- 
sive and  very  rich  meadows,  one  of  which,  I  believe,  was  nearly  four  miles  in  length, 
and  considerably  wide  in  some  places. 

12th.  I  prepared  early  to  wait  upon  the  commander,  and  was  received,  and  conduct- 
ed to  him  by  the  second  officer  in  command.  I  acquainted  him  with  my  business,  and 
offered  my  commission  and  letter :  both  of  which  he  desired  me  to  keep  until  the  ar- 
rival of  Monsieur  Reparti,  captain  at  the  next  fort,  who  was  sent  for  and  expected 
every  hour. 

This  commander  is  a  knight  of  the  military  order  of  St.  Louis,  and  named  Legar- 
deur  de  St.  Pierre.  He  is  an  elderly  gentleman,  and  has  much  the  air  of  a  soldier. 
He  was  sent  over  to  take  the  command,  immediately  upon  the  death  of  the  late  gene- 
ral, and  arrived  here  about  seven  days  before  me. 

At  two  o'clock,  the  gentleman  who  was  sent  for  arrived,  when  I  offered  the  letter. 


8  NOTES. 

&c.  again,  which  they  received,  and  adjourned  into  a  private  apartment  for  the  captain 
to  translate,  who  understood  a  little  English.  After  he  had  done  it,  the  commander 
desired  I  would  walk  in  and  bring  my  interpreter  to  peruse  and  correct  it ;  which  I  did. 

13th.  The  chief  officers  retired  to  hold  a  council  of  war,  which  gave  me  an  oppor- 
tunity of  taking  the  dimensions  of  the  fort,  and  making  what  observations  I  could. 

It  is  situated  on  the  south,  or  west  fork  of  French  creek,  near  the  water ;  and  is 
almost  surrounded  by  the  creek,  and  a  small  branch  of  it  which  forms  a  kind  of  island. 
Four  houses  compose  the  sides.  The  bastions  are  made  of  piles  driven  into  the 
ground,  standing  more  than  twelve  feet  above  it,  and  sharp  at  top ;  with  port  holes 
cut  for  cannon,  and  loop  holes  for  the  small  arms  to  fire  through.  There  are  eight 
six  pound  pieces  mounted  in  each  bastion,  and  one  piece  of  four  pound  before  the  gate. 
In  the  bastions  are  a  guard  house,  chapel,  doctor's  lodging,  and  the  commander's  pri- 
vate store  :  round  which  are  laid  platforms  for  the  cannon  and  men  to  stand  on.  There 
are  several  barracks  without  the  fort,  for  the  soldiers'  dwelling,  covered,  some  with 
bark,  and  some  with  boards,  made  chiefly  of  logs.  There  are  also  several  other  houses, 
such  as  stables,  smith's  shop,  &c. 

I  could  get  no  certain  account  of  the  number  of  men  here;  but  according  to  the 
best  judgment  I  could  form,  there  are  an  hundred,  exclusive  of  officers,  of  which  there 
are  many.  I  also  gave  orders  to  the  people  who  were  with  me,  to  take  an  exact  ac- 
count of  the  canoes  which  were  hauled  up  to  convey  their  forces  down  in  the  spring. 
This  they  did,  and  told  fifty  of  birc.h  bark,  and  an  hundred  and  seventy  of  pine;  be- 
sides many  others  which  were  blocked  out,  in  readiness  for  being  made. 

14th.  As  the  snow  increased  very  fast,  and  our  horses  daily  became  weaker,  I  sent 
them  off  unloaded,  under  the  care  of  Barnaby  Currin  and  two  others,  to  make  all 
convenient  despatch  to  Venango,  and  there  to  wait  our  arrival,  if  there  was  a  prospect 
of  the  river's  freezing:  if  not,  then  to  continue  down  to  Shanapin's  town,  at  the  forks 
of  Ohio,  and  there  to  wait  until  we  came  to  cross  the  Alleghany ;  intending  myself  to 
go  down  by  water,  as  1  had  the  offer  of  a  canoe  or  two. 

As  I  found  many  plots  concerted  to  retard  the  Indians'  business,  and  prevent  their 
returning  with  me,  I  endeavoured  all  that  lay  in  my  power  to  frustrate  their  schemes, 
and  hurried  them  on  to  execute  their  intended  design.  They  accordingly  pressed  for 
admittance  this  evening,  which  at  length  was  granted  them,  privately,  to  the  com- 
mander and  one  or  two  other  officers.  The  half  king  told  me  that  he  offered  the 
wampum  to  the  commander,  who  evaded  taking  it,  and  made  many  fair  promises  of 
love  and  friendship ;  said  he  wanted  to  live  in  peace  and  trade  amicably  with  them,  as 
a  proof  of  which,  he  would  send  some  goods  immediately  down  to  the  Loggstown  for 
them.  But  I  rather  think  the  design  of  that  is  to  bring  away  all  our  straggling  tra- 
ders they  meet  with,  as  I  privately  understood  they  intended  to  carry  an  officer,  &c. 
with  them.  And  what  rather  confirms  this  opinion,  I  was  inquiring  of  the  commander 
by  what  authority  he  had  made  prisoners  of  several  of  our  English  subjects.  He  told 
me  that  the  country  belonged  to  them ;  that  no  Englishman  had  a  right  to  trade  upon 
those  waters ;  and  that  he  had  orders  to  make  every  person  prisoner  who  attempted  it 
on  the  Ohio,  or  the  waters  of  it. 

I  inquired  of  Captain  Reparti  about  the  boy  that  was  carried  by  this  place,  as  it 
was  done  while  the  command  devolved  on  him,  between  the  death  of  the  late  general, 
and  the  arrival  of  the  present.  He  acknowledged  that  a  boy  had  been  carried  past :  and 
that  the  Indians  had  two  or  three  white  men's  scalps,  (I  was  told  by  some  of  the  Indians 
at  Venango,  eight)  but  pretended  to  have  forgotten  the  name  of  the  place  where  the 
boy  came  from,  and  all  the  particular  facts,  though  he  had  questioned  him  for  some  hours, 
as  they  were  carrying  past.  I  likewise  inquired  what  they  had  done  with  John  Trot- 


NOTES.  9 

ter  and  James  M'Clocklan,  two  Pennsylvania  traders,  whonj  they  had  taken  with  all 
their  goods.  They  told  me  that  they  had  been  sent  to  Canada,  but  were  now  re- 
turned home. 

This  evening,  I  received  an  answer  to  his  honour  the  governor's  letter,  from  the 
commandant. 

15th.  The  commandant  ordered  a  plentiful  store  of  liquor,  provision,  &c.  to  be  put 
on  board  our  canoes,  and  appeared  to  be  extremely  complaisant,  though  he  was  exert- 
ing every  artifice  which  he  could  invent  to  set  our  Indians  at  variance  with  us,  to  pre- 
vent their  going  until  after  our  departure  :  presents,  rewards,  and  every  thing  which 
could  be  suggested  by  him  or  his  officers.  I  can  not  say  that  ever  in  my  life  I  suffered 
so  much  anxiety  as  I  did  in  this  affair.  I  saw  that  every  stratagem,  which  the  most 
fruitful  brain  could  invent,  was  practised  to  win  the  half  king  to  their  interest ;  and 
that  leaving  him  there  was  giving  them  the  opportunity  they  aimed  at.  I  went  to  the 
half  king  and  pressed  him  in  the  strongest  terms  to  go  ;  he  told  me  that  the  command- 
ant would  not  discharge  him  until  the  morning.  I  then  went  to  tnf  commandant,  and 
desired  him  to  do  their  business,  and  complained  of  ill  treatment  ;•  fur  keeping  them, 
as  they  were  part  of  my  company,  was  detaining  me.  This  he  promised  not  to  do, 
but  to  forward  my  journey  as  much  as  he  could.  He  protested  he  did  not  keep  them, 
but  was  ignorant  of  the  cause  of  their  stay  ;  though  I  soon  found  it  out.  He  had  pro- 
mised them  a  present  of  guns,  &c.  if  they  would  wait  until  the  morning.  As  I  was 
very  much  pressed  by  the  Indians  to  wait  this  day  for  them,  I  consented,  on  a  promise 
that  nothing  should  hinder  them  in  the  morning. 

16th.  The  French  were  not  slack  in  their  inventions  to  keep  me  Indians  this  day 
also.  But  as  they  were  obliged,  according  to  promise,  to  give  the  present,  they  then 
endeavoured  to  try  the  power  of  liquor,  which  I  doubt  not  would  have  prevailed  at 
any  other  time  than  this  :  but  I  urged  and  insisted  with  the  king  so  closely  upon  his 
word,  that  he  refrained,  and  set  off  with  us  as  he  had  engaged. 

We  had  a  tedious  and  very  fatiguing  passage  down  the  creek.  Several  times  we 
had  like  to  have  been  staved  against  rocks;  and  many  times  were  obliged  all  hands  to 
get  out  and  remain  in  the  water  half  an  hour  or  more,  getting  over  the  shoals.  At 
one  place,  the  ice  had  lodged,  and  made  it  impassable  by  water ;  we  were,  therefore, 
obliged  to  carry  our  canoe  across  the  neck  of  land,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  over.  We  did 
not  reach  Venango  until  the  22d,  where  we  met  with  our  horses. 

This  creek  is  extremely  crooked.  I  dare  say  the  distance  between  the  fort  and  Ve- 
nango, can  not  be  less  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  to  follow  the  meanders. 

23d.  When  I  got  things  ready  to  set  off,  I  sent  for  the  half  king,  to  know  whether 
he  intended  to  go  with  us,  or  by  water.  He  told  me  that  White  Thunder  had  hurt 
himself  much,  and  was  sick,  and  unable  to  walk ;  therefore  he  was  obliged  to  carry 
him  down  in  a  canoe.  As  I  found  he  intended  to  stay  here  a  day  or  two,  and  knew 
that  Monsieur  Joncaire  would  employ  every  scheme  to  set  him  against  the  English,  as 
he  had  before  done,  I  told  him,  I  hoped  he  would  guard  against  his  flattery,  and  let 
no  fine  speeches  influence  him  in  their  favour.  He  desired  I  might  not  be  concerned, 
for  he  knew  the  French  too  well,  for  any  thing  to  engage  him  in  their  favour ;  and 
that  though  he  could  not  go  down  with  us,  he  yet  would  endeavour  to  meet  at  the 
forks  with  Joseph  Campbell,  to  deliver  a  speech  for  me  to  carry  to  his  honour  the 
jrovernor.  He  told  me  he  would  order  the  Young  Hunter  to  attend  us,  and  get  pro- 
visions, &o.  if  wanted. 

Our  horses  were  now  so  weak  and  feeble,  and  the  baggage  so  heavy,  (as  we  were 
obliged  to  provide  all  the  necessaries  which  the  journey  would  require)  that  we  doubt- 
ed much  their  performing  it.  Therefore,  myself  and  others,  except  the  drivers,  wh« 


10  NOTES. 

were  obliged  to  ride,  gave  up  our  horses  for  packs,  to  assist  along  with  the  baggage.  I 
put  myself  in  an  Indian  walking  dress,  and  continued  with  them  three  days,  until  1 
found  there  was  no  probability  of  their  getting  home  in  any  reasonable  time.  The 
horses  became  less  able  to  travel  every  day ;  the  cold  increased  very  fast ;  and  the 
roads  were  becoming  much  worse  by  a  deep  snow,  continually  freezing :  therefore,  as 
I  was  uneasy  to  get  back,  to  make  report  of  my  proceedings  to  his  honour  the  gover- 
nor, I  determined  to  prosecute  my  journey,  the  nearest  way  through  the  woods,  on  foot. 

Accordingly,  I  left  Mr.  Vanbraam  in  charge  of  our  baggage,  with  money  and  di- 
rections to  provide  necessaries  from  place  to  place  for  themselves  and  horses,  and  to 
make  the  most  convenient  despatch  in  travelling. 

I  took  my  necessary  papers,  pulled  off  my  clothes,  and  tied  myself  up  in  a  watch 
coat.  Then,  with  gun  in  hand,  and  pack  on  my  back,  in  which  were  my  papers  and 
provisions,  I  set  out  with  Mr.  Gist,  fitted  in  the  same  manner,  on  Wednesday  the 
26th.  The  day  following,  just  after  we  had  passed  a  place  called  Murdering  town, 
(where  we  intended  to  quit  the  path  and  steer  across  the  country  for  Shanapin'stown) 
we  fell  in  with  a  party  of  French  Indians,  who  had  laid  in  wait  for  us.  One  of  them 
fired  at  Mr.  Gist  or  me,,  not  fifteen  steps  off,  but  fortunately  missed.  We  took  this 
fellow  into  custody,  and  kept  him  until  about  nine  o'clock  at  night,  then  let  him  go, 
and  walked  all  the  remaining  part  of  the  night  without  making  any  stop,  that  we 
might  get  the  start,  so  far,  as  to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  their  pursuit  the  next  day, 
since  we  were  well  assured  they  would  follow  our  track  as  soon  as  it  was  light.  The 
next  day  we  continued  travelling  until  quite  dark,  and  got  to  the  river  about  two 
miles  above  Shanapins.  We  expected  to  have  found  the  river  frofcen,  but  i*  was  not, 
only  about  fifty  yards  from  each  shore.  The  ice,  I  suppose,  had  broken  up  above,  foi 
it  was  driving  in  vast  quantities. 

There  was  no  way  for  getting  over  but  on  a  raft,  which  we  set  about,  with  but  one 
poor  hatchet,  and  finished  just  after  sun  setting.  This  was  a  whole  day's  work :  we 
next  got  it  launched,  then  went  on  board  of  it,  and  set  off;  but  before  we  were  half 
way  over,  we  were  jammed  in  the  ice,  in  s»ch  a  manner,  that  we  expected  every  mo- 
ment our  raft  to  sink,  and  ourselves  to  perish.  I  put  out  my  setting  pole  to  try  to  stop 
the  raft,  that  the  ice  might  pass  by,  when  the  rapidity  of  the  stream  threw  it  with  so 
much  violence  against  the  pole,  that  it  jerked  me  out  into  ten  feet  water;  but  I  fortu- 
nately saved  myself  by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the  raft  logs.  Notwithstanding  all  our 
efforts,  we  could  not  get  to  either  shore,  but  were  obliged,  as  we  were  near  an  island, 
to  quit  our  raft  and  make  to  it. 

The  cold  was  so  extremely  severe,  that  Mr.  Gist  had  all  his  fingers,  and  some  of  his 
toes  frozen,  and  the  water  was  shut  up  so' hard,  that  we  found  no  difficulty  in  getting 
off  the  island  on  the  ice  in  the  morning,  and  went  to  Mr.  Frazier's.  We  met  here 
with  twenty  warriors,  who  were  going  to  the  southward  to  war ;  but  coming  to  a  place 
on  the  head  of  the  great  Kanawa,  where  they  found  seven  people  killed  and  scalped, 
(all  but  one  woman  with  very  light  hair)  they  turned  about  and  ran  back,  for  fear  the 
inhabitants  should  rise  and  take  them  as  the  authors  of  the  murder.  They  report 
that  the  bodies  were  lying  about  the  house,  and  some  of  them  much  torn  and  eaten 
by  the  hogs.  By  the  marks  which  were  left,  they  say  they  were  French  Indians  of 
the  -Ottoway  nation,  &c.  who  did  it. 

As  we  intended  to  take  horses  here,  and  it  required  some  time  to  find  them,  I  went 
up  about  three  miles  to  the  mouth  of  Yohogany,  to  visit  queen  Alliquippa,  who  had 
expressed  great  concern  that  we  passed  her  in  going  to  the  fort.  I  made  her  a  present 
of  a  watch  coat  and  a  bottle  of  ruin,  which  latter  was  thought  much  the  best  present 
of  the  two. 


,      NOTES.  11 

Tuesday,  the  first  of  January,  we  left  Mr.  Frazier's  house,  and  arrived  at  Mr. 
Gist's,  at  Monongahela,  the  second,  where  I  bought  a  horse,  saddle,  &c.  The  sixth, 
we  met  seventeen  horses  loaded  with  materials  and  stores  for  a  fort  at  the  forks  of 
Ohio,  and  the  day  after,  some  families  going  out  to  settle.  This  day,  we  arrived  at 
Wills'  creek,  after  as  fatiguing  a  journey  as  it  is  possible  to  conceive,  rendered  so  bv 
excessive  bad  weather.  From  the  first  day  of  December  to  the  fifteenth,  there  was 
but  one  day  on  which  it  did  not  rain  or  snow  incessantly ;  and  throughout  the  whole 
journey,  we  met  with  nothing  but  one  continued  series  of  cold,  wet  weather,  which 
occasioned  very  uncomfortable  lodgings,  especially  after  we  had  quitted  our  tent,  which 
was  some  screen  from  the  inclemency  of  it. 

On  the  llth,  I  got  to  Belvoir,  where  I  stopped  one  day  to  take  necessary  rest;  and 
then  set  out  and  arrived  in  Williamsburg  the  16th,  when  I  waited  upon  his  honour  the 
governor,  with  the  letter  I  had  brought  from  the  French  commandant,  and  to  give  an 
account  of  the  success  of  my  proceedings.  This  I  beg  leave  to  do  by  offering  the 
foregoing  narrative,  as  it  contains  the  most  remarkable  occurrences  which  happened 
in  my  journey. 

I  hope  what  has  been  said  will  be  sufficient  to  make  your  honour  satisfied  with  my 
conduct ;  for  that  was  my  aim  in  undertaking  the  journey,  and  chief  study  through 
out  the  prosecution  of  it. 


NOTE— No.  II. 

The  author  is  indebted,  for  the  letter  alluded  to,  to  the  Editor  of  the  Lancaster 

Journal. 

SIR, — I  am  really  sorry  that  I  have  it  not  in  my  power  to  answer  your  request,  in  a 
more  satisfactory  manner.  If  you  had  favoured  me  with  the  journal  a  few  days  soon- 
er, I  would  have  examined  it  carefully,  and  endeavoured  to  point  out  such  errors  as 
might  conduce  to  your  use,  my  advantage,  and  the  public  satisfaction ;  but  now  it  is 
out  of  my  power. 

I  had  no  time  to  make  any  remarks  upon  that  piece  which  is  called  my  journal. 
The  enclosed  are  observations  on  the  French  notes.  They  are  of  no  use  to  me  sepa- 
rated, nor  will  they,  I  believe,  be  of  any  to  you ;  yet  I  send  them  unconnected  and  in- 
coherent as  they  were  taken,  for  I  have  no  opportunity  to  correct  them. 

In  regard  to  the  journal,  I  can  only  observe  in  general,  that  I  kept  no  regular  one 
during  that  expedition :  rough  minutes  of  occurrences  I  certainly  took,  and  find  them 
as  .certainly  and  strangely  metamorphosed — some  parts  left  out  which  I  remember 
were  entered,  and  many  things  added  that  never  were  thought  of;  the  names  of  men 
and  things  egregiously  miscalled ;  and  the  whole  of  what  I  saw  Englished,  is  very  in- 
correct and  nonsensical : — yet,  I  will  not  pretend  to  say  that  the  little  body  who  brought 
it  to  me,  has  not  made  a  literal  translation,  and  a  good  one. 

Short  as  my  time  is,  I  can  not  help  remarking  on  Villiers'  account  of  the  battle  of, 
and  transactions  at  the  Meadows,  as  it  is  very  extraordinary,  and  not  less  erroneous 
than  inconsistent.  He  says  the  French  received  the  first  fire.  It  is  well  known -that 
we  received  it  at  six  hundred  paces  distance.  He  also  says,  our  fears  obliged  us  to  re- 
treat in  the  most  disorderly  manner  after  the  capitulation.  How  is  this  consistent  with 
his  other  account  1  He  acknowledges  that  we  sustained  the  attack,  warmly,  from  ten 
in  the  morning  until  dark,  and  that  he  called  first  to  parley,  which  strongly  indicates 
that  we  were  not  totally  absorbed  in  fear.  If  the  gentleman  in  his  account  had  adhe- 


12  NOTES.      . 

red  to  the  truth,  he  must  have  confessed,  that  we  looked  upon  his  offer  to  parley  as  an 
artifice  to  get  into  and  examine  our  trenches,  and  refused  on  this  account,  until  they 
desired  an  officer  might  be  sent  to  them,  and  gave  their  parole  for  his  safe  return.  He 
might  also,  if  he  had  been  as  great  a  lover  of  the  truth  as  he  was  of  vain  glory,  have 
said,  that  we  absolutely  refused  their  first  and  second  proposals,  and  would  consent  to 
capitulate  on  no  other  terms  than  such  as  we  obtained.  That  we  were  wilfully,  or 
ignorantly  deceived  by  our  interpreter  in  regard  to  the  word  assassination,  I  do  aver, 
and  will  to  my  dying  moment ;  so  will  every  officer  that  was  present.  The  interpret- 
er was  a  Dutchman,  little  acquainted  with  the  English  tongue,  therefore  might  not 
advert  to  the  tone  and  meaning  of  the  word  in  English ;  but,  whatever  his  motives 
were  for  so  doing,  certain  it  is,  he  called  it  the  death,  or  the  loss  of  the  Sieur  Jumon- 
ville.  So  we  received  and  so  we  understood  it,  until  to  our  great  surprise  and  mortifi- 
cation, we  found  it  otherwise  in  a  literal  translation.  That  we  left  our  baggage  and 
horses  at  the  Meadows  is  certain ;  that  there  was  not  even  a  possibility  to  bring  them 
away  is  equally  certain,  as  we  had  every  horse  belonging  to  the  camp  killed  or  taken 
away  during  the  action  ;  so  that  it  was  impracticable  to  bring  any  thing  off  that  oui 
shoulders  were  not  able  to  bear,  and  to  wait  there  was  impossible,  for  we  had  scarce 
three  days  provisions,  and  were  seventy  miles  from  a  supply  ;  yet,  to  say  we  came  off 
precipitately  is  absolutely  false ;  notwithstanding  they  did,  contrary  to  articles,  suffer 
their  Indians  to  pillage  our  baggage,  and  commit  all  kinds  of  irregularity,  we  were  with 
them  until  ten  o'clock  the  next  day ;  we  destroyed  our  powder  and  other  stores,  nay, 
even  our  private  baggage,  to  prevent  its  falling  into  their  hands,  as  we  could  not  bring 
it  off.  When  we  had  got  about  a  mile  from  the  place  of  action,  we  missed  two  01 
three  of  the  wounded,  and  sent  a  party  back  to  bring  them  up — this  is  the  party  he 
speaks  of.  We  brought  them  all  safe  off,  and  encamped  within  three  miles  of  the 
Meadows.  These  are  circumstances,  I  think,  that  make  it  evidently  clear,  that  we 
were  not  very  apprehensive  of  danger.  The  colours  he  speaks  of  to  be  left,  was  a 
large  flag  of  immense  size  and  weight ;  our  regimental  colours  were  brought  off  and 
are  now  in  my  possession.  Their  gasconades,  and  boasted  clemency,  must  appear  in 
the  most  ludicrous  light  to  every  considerate  person  who  reads  Villiers'  journal ; — 
such  preparations  for  an  attack,  such  vigour  and  intrepidity  as  he  pretends  to  have 
conducted  his  march  with,  such  revenge,  as  by  his  own  account,  appeared  in  his  at- 
tack, considered,  it  will  hardly  be  thought  that  compassion  was  his  motive  for  calling 
a  parley.  But  to  sum  up  the  whole,  Mr.  Villiers  pays  himself  no  great  compliment, 
in  saying,  we  were  struck  with  a  panic  when  matters  were  adjusted.  We  surely 
could  not  be  afraid  without  cause,  and  if  we  had  cause  after  capitulation,  it  was  a  re- 
flection upon  himself. 

I  do  not  doubt,  but  your  good  nature  will  excuse  the  badness  of  my  paper,  and  the 
incoherence  of  my  writing — think  you  see  me  in  a  public  house  in  a  crowd,  surround- 
ed with  noise,  and  you  hit  my  case.  YOU  do  me  particular  honour  in  offering  your 
friendship :  I  wish  I  may  be  so  happy  as  always  to  merit  it,  and  deserve  your  corres- 
pondence, which  I  should  be  glad  to  cultivate. 


NOTE— No.  III. 

SIR, — We  your  most  obedient  and  affectionate  officers,  beg  leave  to  express  our 
great  concern,  at  the  disagreeable  news  we  have  received  of  your  determination  to 
resign  the  command  of  that  corps,  in  which  we  have  under  you  long  served. 


NOTES.  13 

The  happiness  we  have  enjoyed,  and  the  honour  we  have  acquired  together,  with 
the  mutual  regard  that  has  always  subsisted  between  you  and  your  officers,  have  im- 
planted so  sensible  an  affection  in  the  minds  of  us  all,  that  we  can  not- be  silent  on  this 
critical  occasion.  • 

In  our  earliest  infancy  you  took  us  under  your  tuition,  trained  us  up  in  the  practice 
of  that  discipline,  which  alone  can  constitute  good  troops,  from  the  punctual  observ- 
ance of  which  you  never  suffered  the  least  deviation. 

Your  steady  adherence  to  impartial  justice,  your  quick  discernment,  and  invariable 
regard  to  merit,  wisely  intended  to  inculcate  those  genuine  sentiments  of  true  honour 
and  passion  for  glory,  from  which  the  greatest  military  achievements  have  been  deri- 
ved, first  heightened  our  natural  emulation  and  our  desire  to  excel.  How  much  we 
improved  by  those  regulations  and  your  own  example,  with  what  alacrity  we  have 
hitherto  discharged  our  duty,  with  what  cheerfulness  we  have  encountered  the  sever- 
est toils,  especially  while  under  your  particular  directions,  we  submit  to  yourself,  and 
flatter  ourselves  that  we  have  in  a  great  measure  answered  your  expectations. 

Judge,  then,  how  sensibly  we  must  be  affected  with  the  loss  of  such  an  excellent 
commander,  such  a  sincere  friend,  and  so  affable  a  companion.  How  rare  is  it  to  find 
those  amiable  qualifications  blended  together  in  one  man !  How  great  the  loss  of  such 
a  man  !  Adieu  to  that  superiority,  which  the  enemy  have  granted  us  over  other  troops, 
and  which  even  the  regulars  and  provincials  have  done  us  the  honour  publicly  to  ac- 
knowledge !  Adieu  to  that  strict  discipline  and  order,  which  you  have  always  main- 
tained !  Adieu  to  that  happy  union  and  harmony,  which  have  been  our  principal 
cement ! 

It  gives  us  additional  sorrow,  when  we  reflect,  to  find  our  unhappy  country  will  re- 
ceive a  loss  no  less  irreparable  than  our  own.  Where  will  it  meet  a  man  so  experi- 
enced in  military  affairs — one  so  renowned  for  patriotism,  conduct,  and  courage  1  Who 
has  so  great  a  knowledge  of  the  enemy  we  have  to  deal  with  ? — who  so  well  acquaint- 
ed with  their  situation  and  strength! — who  so  much  respected  by  the  soldiery  ? — who, 
in  short,  so  able  to  support  the  military  character  of  Virginia  1 

Your  approved  love  to  your  king  and  country,  and  your  uncommon  perseverance 
in  promoting  the  honour  and  true  interest  of  the  service,  convince  us  that  the  most 
cogent  reasons  only  could  induce  you  to  quit  it;  yet  we,  with  the  greatest  deference, 
presume  to  intreat  you  to  suspend  those  thoughts  for  another  year,  and  to  lead  us  on 
to  assist  in  the  glorious  work  of  extirpating  our  enemies,  towards  which,  so  considera- 
ble advances  have  been  already  made.  In  you,  we  place  the  most  implicit  confidence. 
Your  presence  only  will  cause  a  steady  firmness  and  vigour  to  actuate  in  every  breast, 
despising  the  greatest  dangers,  and  thinking  light  of  toils  and  hardships,  while  led  on 
by  the  man  we  know  and  love. 

But  if  we  must  be  so  unhappy  as  to  part,  if  the  exigencies  of  your  affairs  force  you 
to  abandon  us,  we  beg  it  as  our  last  request,  that  you  will  recommend  some  person 
.Tiost  capable  to  command,  whose  military  knowledge,  whose  honour,  whose  conduct, 
ind  whose  disinterested  principles,  we  may  depend  on. 

Frankness,  sincerity,  and  a  certain  openness  of  soul,  are  the  true  characteristics  of 
<m  officer,  and  we  flatter  ourselves  that  you  do  not  think  us  capable  of  saying  any 
thing  contrary  to  the  purest  dictates  of  our  minds.  Fully  persuaded  of  this,  we  beg 
leave  to  assure  you,  that,  as  you  have  hitherto  been  the  actuating  soul  of  our  whole 
corps,  we  shall  at  all  times  pay  the  most  invariable  regard  to  your  will  and  pleasure, 
and  will  always  be  happy  to  demonstrate  by  our  actions  with  how  much  respect  and 
esteem  we  are,  &c. 


14  NOTES. 

NOTE— No.  IV. 

The  delegates  of  the  United  Colonies  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  counties  of 
Newcastle,  Kent  and  Sussex  on  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and 
South  Carolina  : 

To  George  Washington,  esquire. 

We,  reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in  your  patriotism,  valour,  conduct,  and 
fidelity,  do,  by  these  presents  constitute  and  appoint  you  to  be  general  and  command- 
er-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  United  Colonies,  and  of  all  the  forces  now  raised,  or  to 
be  raised  by  them,  and  of  all  others  who  shall  voluntarily  offer  their  service,  and  join 
the  said  army  for  the  defence  of  American  liberty,  and  for  repelling  every  hostile  in- 
vasion thereof:  and  you  are  hereby  invested  with  full  power  and  authority  to  act  as 
you  shall  think  for  the  good  and  welfare  of  the  service. 

And  we  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  require  all  officers  and  soldiers  under  your 
command,  to  be  obedient  to  your  orders,  and  diligent  in  the  exercise  of  their  several 
duties. 

And  we  also  enjoin  and  require  you  to  be  careful  in  executing  the  great  trust  re- 
posed in  you,  by  causing  strict  discipline  and  order  to  be  observed  in  the  army,  and 
that  the  soldiers  be  duly  exercised  and  provided  with  all  convenient  necessaries. 

And  you  are  to  regulate  your  conduct  in  every  respect  by  the  rules  and  discipline 
of  war,  (as  herewith  given  you)  and  punctually  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders  and 
directions  from  time  to  time  as  you  shall  receive  from  this  or  a  future  congress  of  these 
United  Colonies,  or  committee  of  congress. 

This  commission  to  continue  in  force,  until  revoked  by  us,  or  a  future  congress. 


NOTE— No.  V. 

This  letter  is  so  truly  characteristic  of  the  writer,  and  treats  in  a  manner  so  pecu- 
liar to  himself,  the  measures  of  congress  on  this  subject,  that,  although  it  may  not 
be  immediately  connected  with  the  Life  of  General  Washington,  the  reader  will 
not  be  displeased  with  its  insertion. 

Stamford,  January  22,  1779. 

SIR, — As  General  Washington  has  informed  the  congress  of  his  motives  for  detach- 
ing me,  it  is  needless  to  trouble  you  upon  the  subject.  I  am  therefore  only  to  inform 
you  that  I  have  collected  a  body  of  about  twelve  hundred  men  from  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut, whose  zeal  and  ardour  demonstrated  on  this  occasion  can  not  be  sufficiently 
praised.  With  this  body  I  am  marching  directly  to  New  York  to  execute  the  differ- 
ent purposes  for  which  I  am  detached.  I  am  sensible,  sir,  that  nothing  can  carry  the 
air  of  greater  presumption  than  a  servant  intruding  his  opinion  unasked  upon  his  mas- 
ter, but  at  the  same  time  there  are  certain  seasons  when  the  real  danger  of  the  master 
may  not  only  excuse,  but  render  laudable,  the  servant's  officiousness.  I  therefore  flat- 
ter myself  that  the  congress  will  receive  with  indulgence  and  lenity  the^jpinion  I  shall 
offer.  The  scheme  of  simply  disarming  the  tones  seems  to  me  totally  ineffectual;  it 
will  only  embitter  their  minds  and  add  virus  to  their  venom.  They  can,  and  will,  al- 
ways be  supplied  with  fresh  arms  by  the  enemy.  That  of  seizing  the  most  dangerous 
will,  I  apprehend,  from  the  vagueness  of  the  instruction,  be  attended  with  some  bad 
consequences,  and  can  answer  no  good  one.  It  opens  so  wide  a  door  for  partiality  and 
prejudice  to  the  different  congresses  and  committees  on  the  continent,  that  much  dis- 


NOTES  15 

cord  and  animosity  will  probably  ensue;  it  being  next  to  impossible  to  distinguish  who 
are,  and  who  are  not  the  most  dangerous.  The  plan  of  explaining  to  these  deluded 
*  people  the  justice  and  merits  of  the  American  cause  is  certainly  generous  and  humane, 
but  I  am  afraid,  will  be  fruitless.  They  are  so  riveted  in  their  opinions,  that  I  am 
persuaded  should  an  angel  descend  from  heaven  with  his  golden  trumpet,  and  ring  in 
their  ears  that  their  conduct  was  criminal,  he  would  he  disregarded.  I  had  lately  my- 
self an  instance  of  their  infatuation  which,  if  it  is  not  impertinent,  I  will  relate.  At 
Newport  I  took  the  liberty,  without  any  authority  but  the  conviction  of  necessity,  to 
administer  a  very  strong  oath  to  some  of  the  leading  tories,  for  which  liberty  1  hum 
bly  ask  pardon  of  the  congress.  One  article  of  this  oath  was  to  take  arms  in  defence 
of  their  country,  if  called  upon  by  the  voice  of  the  congress.  To  this  Colonel  Wanton 
and  others  flatly  refused  their  assent;  to  take  arms  against  their  sovereign,  they  said,  was 
too  monstrous  an  impiety.  I  asked  them  if  they  had  lived  at  the  time  of  the  revolution 
whether  they  would  have  been  revolutionists — their  answers  were  at  first  evasive,  cir- 
cuitous, and  unintelligible,  but,  by  fixing  them  down  precisely  to  the  question,  I  at 
length  drew  from  them  a  positive  COM  fission  that  no  violence,  no  provocation  on  the 
part  of  the  court,  could  prevail  upon  them  to  act  with  the  continent.  Such,  I  am 
afraid,  is  the  creed  and  principles  of  the  whole  party  great  and  small. — Sense,  reason, 
argument,  and  eloquence,  have  been  expended  in  vain ;  and  in  vain  you  may  still  argue 
and  reason  to  the  end  of  time.  Even  the  common  feelings  and  resentments  of  huma- 
nity have  not  aroused  them,  but  rather  with  a  malignant  pleasure  they  have  beheld 
the  destruction  of  their  fellow-citizens  and  relations.  But  I  am  running  into  declama- 
tion, perhaps  impertinent  and  presuming,  when  I  ought  to  confine  myself  to  the 
scheme  I  submit  to  your  consideration.  It  is,  sir,  in  the  first  place,  to  disarm  all  the 
manifestly  disaffected,  as  well  of  the  lower  as  the  higher  class,  not  on  the  principle  of 
putting  them  in  a  state  of  impotence  (for  this  I  observed  before  will  not  be  the  case) 
but  to  supply  our  troops  with  arms  of  winch  they  stand  in  too  great  need.  Secondly, 
to  appraise  their  estates  and  oblige  them  to  deposite  at  least  the  value  of  one  half  of 
their  respective  property  in  the  hands  of  the  continental  congress  as  a  security  for 
their  good  behaviour.  And  lastly,  to  administer  the  strongest  oath  that  can  be  de- 
vised to  act  offensively  and  defensively  in  support  of  the  common  rights.  1  confess  that 
men  so  eaten  up  with  bigotry,  as  the  bulk  of  them  appear  to  be,  will  not  consider 
themselves  as  bound  by  this  oath ;  particularly  as  it  is  in  some  measure  forced,  they  will 
argue  that  it  is  by  no  means  obligatory ;  but  if  I  mistake  not,  it  will  be  a  sort  of  crite- 
rion by  which  you  will  be  able  to  distinguish  the  desperate  fanatics  from  those  who 
are  reclaimable.  The  former  must  of  course  be  secured  and  carried  to  some  interior 
parts  of  the  continent  where  they  can  not  be  dangerous.  This  mode  of  proceeding  I 
conceive  (if  any  can)  will  be  effectual — but  whether  it  meets  with  the  approbation  or 
disapprobation  of  the  congress,  I  most  humbly  conjure  them  not  to  attribute  the  pro- 
posal to  arrogance,  or  self-conceit,  or  pragmatical  officiousness,  but,  at  worst,  to  an  in- 
temperate zeal  for  the  public  service. 

Notwithstanding  the  apparent  slimness  of  the  authority,  as  I  am  myself  convinced 
that  it  is  substantial,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  communicate  a  circumstance  to  congress. 
I  have  with  me  here,  sir,  a  deserter  from  Captain  Wallace's  ship  before  Newport.  It 
is  necessary  to  inform  you  that  this  Captain  Wallace  has  the  reputation  of  being  the 
most  imprudent  and  rash  of  all  mortals — particularly  when  he  is  heated  with  wine, 
which,  as  reported,  is  a  daily  incident :  that  in  these  moments  he  blabs  his  most  secret 
instructions  even  to  the  common  men.  This  deserter,  then,  informs  us  that  the  cap- 
tain a  few  days  ago  assembled  the  sailors  and  marines  on  the  quarter-deck,  and  assured 
them,  by  way  of  encouragement,  that  they  were  to  proceed  very  soon  to  New  York, 


16  NOTES. 

where  they'were  to  be  joined  by  his  majesty's  most  loyal  subjects  of  White  Plains, 
Poughkeepsje,  and  Long  Island,  and  at  the  same  time  bestowed  abundantly  his  curses 
on  the  admiral  and  general  for  their  dilatoriness  and  scandalous  conduct  in  not  avail- 
ing themselves  sooner  of  the  invitation  they  had  received  from  the  worthy- gentlemen. 
The  congress  will  make  what  comments  they  please  on  this  information,  which  I  must 
repeat  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  communicate.  Upon  the  whole,  sir,  you  may  be  assured 
that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  ministerialists  to  take  possession,  and  immediately,  of 
New  York.  The  intercepted  letters,  the  unguarded  expressions  of  their  officers,  in 
their  interviews  with  ours  on  the  lines,  but  above  all  the  manifest  advantages  resulting 
to  their  cause  from  this  measure,  put  their  intention  beyond  dispute.  With  submission 
therefore  to  the  wisdom  of  the  congress,  it  behooves  them,  1  should  think,  not  to  lose  a 
moment  in  securing  this  important  post,  which,  if  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  must  cut 
the  continent  in  twain,  and  render  it  almost  impossible  for  the  northern  and  southern 
colonies  to  support  each  other.  This  crisis,  when  every  thing  is  at  stake,  is  not  a 
time  to  be  over  complacent  to  the  timidity  of  the  inhabitants  of  any  particular  spot.  I 
have  now  under  my  command  a  respectable  force  adequate  to  the  purpose  of  securing 
the  place,  and  purging  all  its  environs  of  traitors,  on  which  subject  I  shall  expect  with 
impatience  the  determination  of  the  congress.  Their  orders  I  hope  to  receive  before 
or  immediately  on  my  arrival. 

This  instant,  the  enclosed,  express  from  the  provincial  congress  of  New  York,  was 
delivered  into  my  hands,  but  as  these  gentlemen  probably  are  not  fully  apprised  of  the 
danger  hanging  over  their  heads,  as  I  have  received  intelligence  from  the  camp  that 
the  fleet  is  sailed,  and  that  it  is  necessary  to  urge  my  march,  I  shall  proceed  with  one 
division  of  the  forces  under  my  command  to  that  city.  A  moment's  delay  may  be  fa- 
tal. The  force  I  shall  carry  with  me  is  not  strong  enough  to  act  offensively,  but  JIM 
sufficient  to  secure  the  city  against  any  immediate  designs  of  the  enemy.  If  this  is  to 
give  umbrage,  if  the  governor  and  captain  of  the  man  of  war  are  pleased  to  construe 
this  step  as  an  aqt  of  positive  hostility,  if  they  are  to  prescribe  what  number  of  your 
troops  are  and  what  number  are  not  to  enter  the  city,  all  I  can  say  is  that  New  York 
must  be  considered  as  the  minister's  place,  and  not  the  continent.  I  must  now,  sir,  beg 
pardon  for  the  length  of  this  letter,  and  more  so,  for  the  presumption  in  offering  so 
freely  my  thoughts  to  the  congress,  from  whom  it  is  my  duty  simply  to  receive  my  or- 
ders, and  as  a  servant  and  soldier  strictly  to  obey ;  which  none  can  do  with  greater  ar- 
dour and  affection  than, 

Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

CHARLES  LEE. 
To  the  honourable  John  Hancock,  esquire,  president  of  the  continental  congress. 


NOTE  No.  VI. 

THE  NAMES  OP  THE  MEMBERS  WHO  SUBSCRIBED  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 
WERE  AS  FOLLOW,  VIZ: 

New  Hampshire. 

Josiah  Bartlett,  Matthew  Thornton. 

William  Whipple, 

Massachusetts  Bay. 

Samuel  Adams,  Robert  Treat  Paine, 

John  Adams,  Elbridge  Gerry. 


NOTES. 


17 


Srtephen  Hopkins, 

Roger  Sherman, 
Samuel  Huntington, 

William  Floyd, 
Philip  Livingston, 

Richard  Stockton. 
John  Witherspoon. 
Francis  Hopkinson, 

Robert  Morris, 
Benjamin  Rush, 
Benjamin  Franklin, 
John  Morton, 
George  Clymer, 

Cesar  Rodney, 
Thomas  M'Kean. 

Samuel  Chase, 
William  Paca, 

George  Wythe, 
Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Thomas  Jefferson, 
Benjamin  Harrison, 

William  Hooper, 
Joseph  Hughes, 

Edward  Rutledge, 
Thomas  Hey  ward,  jun. 


Rhode  Island,  fyc. 

William  Ellery. 
Connecticut. 

William  Williams, 
Oliver  Wolcott. 
New  York. 

Francis  Lewis, 
Lewis  Morris. 

New  Jersey. 

John  Hart, 
Abram  Clark. 

Pennsylvania. 

James  Smith, 
George  Taylor, 
James  Wilson, 
George  Ross. 

Delaware. 

George  Reed. 
Maryland. 

Thomas  Stone, 

Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton. 

Virginia. 

Thomas  Nelson,  jun. 
Francis  Lightfoot  Lee, 
Carter  Braxton. 

North  Carolina. 

John  Penn. 

South  Carolina. 

Thomas  Lynch,  jun. 
Arthur  Middleton. 
Georgia. 

Lyman  Hall. 


Button  Gwinn, 
George  Walton, 

The  people  of  the  United  States  have  taken  such  universal  interest  in  the  compo- 
sition of  this  celebrated  instrument  as  to  excuse  a  more  minute  attention  to  it  than  has 
been  bestowed  on  the  other  cotemporaneous  state  papers. 

Mr.  Jefferson  has  preserved  a  copy  of  the  original  draft  as  reported  by  the  commit- 
tee, with  the  amendments  made  to  it  in  congress,  which  has  been  published  in  his 
correspondence.     The  following  is  extracted  from  that  work. 
Mr.  Jefferson's  draft  as  reported  by  the  As  amended  by  congress, 

committee. 

A  declaration  by  the  representatives  of  A  declaration  by  the  representatives  oi 
the  United  States  of  America  in  general  the  United  States  of  America  in  congress 
congress  assembled.  assembled. 

i.        2  Q  31 


16 


NOTES. 


When  in  the  course  of  human  events 
it  becomes  necessary  for  one  people  to  dis- 
solve the  political  bonds  which  have  con- 
nected them  with  another,  and  to  assume 
among  the  powers  of  the  earth  the  sepa- 
rate and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws 
of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them, 
a  decent  respect  for  the  opinions  of  man- 
kind requires  that  they  should  declare  the 
causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident, 
that  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they 
are  endowed  by  their  creator  with  inhe- 
rent and  inalienable  rights;  that  among 
these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness;  that  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men, 
deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed ;  that  whenever  any 
form  of  government  becomes  destructive 
of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people 
to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute 
new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on 
such  principles,  and  organising  its  powers 
in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most 
likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness. 
Prudence  indeed  will  dictate  that  govern- 
ments long  established  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes; 
and  accordingly  all  experience  hath  shown 
that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer 
while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right 
themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to 
vrhich  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a 
-ong  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations  be- 
fun  at  a  distinguished  period  and  pur- 
suing invariably  the  same  object,  evinces 
i  design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute 
despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty 
.0  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  pro- 
vide new  guards  for  their  future  security. 
Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferings  of 
these  colonies ;  and  such  is  now  the  neces- 
sity which  constrains  them  to  expunge 
their  former  systems  of  government.  The 
history  of  the  present  king  of  Great  Bri- 
tain is  a  history  of  unremitting  injuries 
and  usurpations  among  which  appears  no 
solitary  fact  to  contradict  the  uniform  te- 
nor of  the  rest,  but  all  have  in  direct  ob- 


Not  altered. 


We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evidant, 
that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they 
are  endowed  by  their  creator  with  certain 
inalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness; 
that  to  secure  these  rights,  governments 
are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  go- 
verned; that  whenever  any  form  of  go- 
vernment becomes  destructive  of  these 
ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter 
or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  govern- 
ment, laying  its  foundation  on  such  prin- 
ciples, and  organising  its  powers  in  such 
form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to 
effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Pru- 
dence indeed  will  dictate  that  governments 
long  established  should  not  be  changed 
for  light  and  transient  causes;  and  ac- 
cordingly all  experience  hath  shown  that 
mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer  while 
evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  them- 
selves by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which 
they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long 
train  of  abuses  and  usurpations  pursuing 
invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  de- 
sign to  reduce  them  under  absolute  des- 
potism, it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty  to 
throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide 
new  guards  for  their  future  security.  Such 
has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these 
colonies,  and  such  is  now  the  necessity 
which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  for- 
mer systems  of  government.  The  history 
of  the  present  king  of  Great  Britain  is  a 
history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpa- 
tions, all  having  in  direct  object  the  es- 
tablishment of  an  absolute  tyranny  over 
these  states.  To  prove  this  let  facts  bp 
submitted  to  a  candid  world. 


NOTES. 


19 


ject  the  establishment  of  an  absolute  ty- 
ranny over  these  states.  To  prove  this 
let  facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world, 
for  the  truth  of  which  we  pledge  a  faith 
yet  unsullied  by  falsehood. 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the 
most  wholesome  and  necessary  for  the 
public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass 
laws  of  immediate  and  pressing  import- 
ance, unless  suspended  in  their  operation 
till  his  assent  should  be  obtained ;  and 
when  so  suspended  he  has  utterly  neg- 
lected to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for 
the  accommodation  of  large  districts  of 
people,  unless  those  people  would  relin- 
quish the  right  of  representation  in  the 
legislature,  a  right  inestimable  to  them, 
and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bo- 
dies at  places  unusual,  uncomfortable,  and 
distant  from  the  depositary  of  their  public 
records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing 
them  into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses 
repeatedly  and  continually^  for  opposing 
with  manly  firmness  his  invasions  on  the 
rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time  after 
such  dissolutions  to  cause  others  to  be 
elected,  whereby  the  legislative  powers, 
incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned 
to  the  people  at  large  for  their  exercise, 
the  state  remaining,  in  the  mean  time,  ex- 
posed to  the  dangers  of  invasion  from 
without  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  po- 
pulation of  these  states;  for  that  purpose 
obstructing  the  laws  for  the  naturalization 
of  foreigners,  refusing  to  pass  others  to 
encourage  their  migrations  hither,  and 
raising  the  conditions  of  new  appropria- 
tions of  lands. 

He  has  suffered  the  administration  of 
justice  totally  to  cease  in  some  of  these 
states,  refusing  his  assent  to  laws  for  es- 
tablishing judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  our  judges  dependent  on 
his  will  alone  for  the  tenure  of  their  offices, 


Not  altered. 


Not  altered. 


Not  altered. 


t  ,v.  Not  altered. 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses 
repeatedly  for  opposing  with  manly  firm- 
ness his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the 
people. 


Not  altered. 


Not  altered. 


He  has  obstructed  the  administration 
of  justice  by  refusing  his  assent  to  laws 
for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his 
will  alone  for  the  tenure  of  their  offices, 


20 


NOTES. 


and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  sa- 
laries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  of- 
fices, by  a  self-assumed  power,  and  sent 
hither  swarms  of  new  officers  to  harass 
our  people  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us  in  times  of  peace 
standing  armies  and  ships  of  war  without 
the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military 
independent  of  and  superior  to  the  civil 
power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject 
us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to  our  consti- 
tutions and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws, 
giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended 
legislation  for  quartering  large  bodies  of 
armed  troops  among  us ;  for  protecting  by 
a  mock  trial  from  punishment  for  any  mur- 
ders which  they  should  commit  on  the  in- 
habitants of  these  states ;  for  cutting  off 
our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  ;  for 
imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent ; 
for  depriving  us  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by 
jury  ;  for  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to 
be  tried  for  pretended  offences;  for  abo- 
lishing the  free  system  of  English  laws 
in  a  neighbouring  province,  establishing 
therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and  en- 
larging iN  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it 
at  once  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for 
introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into 
these  states;  for  taking  away  our  char- 
ters, abolishing  our  most  valuable  laws, 
and  altering  fundamentally  the  forms  of 
our  governments ;  for  suspending  our  own 
legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves  in- 
vested with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all 
cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here, 
withdrawing  his  governors  and  declaring 
•us  out  of  his  allegiance  and  protection. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our 
coasts,  burnt  our  towns  and  destroyed  the 
lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large 
armies  of  foreign  mercenaries  to  complete 
the  works  of  death,  desolation  and  tyran- 
ny already  begun  with  circumstances  of 


and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  sa- 
laries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  of- 
fices, and  sent  hither  swarms  of  new  offi- 
cers to  harass  our  people  and  eat  out  their 
substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us  in  times  of  peace 
standing  armies  without  the  consent  of 
our  legislatures. 

Not  altered. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject 
us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to  our  consti- 
tutions and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws, 
giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended 
legislation  for  quartering  large  bodies  of 
arme'd  troops  among  us ;  for  protecting  by 
a  mock  trial  from  punishment  for  any  mur- 
ders which  they  should  commit  on  the  in- 
habitants of  these  states ;  for  cutting  off 
our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world ;  for 
imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent ; 
for  depriving  us  in  many  cases  of  the  be- 
nefits of  trial  by  jury ;  for  transporting  us 
beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  of- 
fences; for  abolishing  the  free  system  of 
English  laws  in  a  neighbouring  province, 
establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  govern- 
ment, and  enlarging  its  boundaries,  so  as 
to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  in- 
strument for  introducing  the  same  abso- 
lute rule  into  these  colonies;  for  taking 
away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most 
valuable  laws,  and  altering  fundamentally 
the  forms  of  our  governments;  for  sus- 
pending our  own  legislatures,  and  declar- 
ing themselves  invested  with  power  to 
legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here  by 
declaring  us  out  of  his  protection  and 
•waging  war  against  us. 

Not  altered. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large 
armies  of  foreign  mercenaries  to  complete 
the  works  of  death,  destruction  and  tyran- 
ny already  begun  with  circumstances  of 


NOTES. 


21 


cruelty  and  perfidy  unworthy  the  head 
of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens 
taken  captive  on  the  high  seas  to  bear 
arms  against  their  country,  to  become  the 
executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren, 
or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  in- 
habitants of  the  frontiers  the  merciless 
Indian  savages  whose  known  rule  of  war- 
fare is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of 
all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions  of  exist- 
ence. 

He  has  excited  treasonable  insurrec- 
tions of  our  fellow-citizens,  with  the  al- 
lurements of  forfeiture  and  confiscation  of 
our  property. 

He  has  waged  cruel  war  against  hu- 
man nature  itself,  violating  its  most  sa- 
cred rights  of  life  and  liberty  in  the  per- 
sons of  a  distant  people  who  never  oflend- 
ed  him,  captivating  and  carrying  them 
into  slavery  in  another  hemisphere,  or  to 
incur  miserable  death  in  their  transporta- 
tion thither.  This  piratical  warfare,  the 
opprobrium  of  INFIDEL  powers,  is  the 
warfare  of  the  CHRISTIAN  king  of 
Great  Britain.  Determined  to  keep  open 
a  market  where  MEN  should  be  bought 
and  sold,  he  has  prostituted  his  negative 
for  suppressing  every  legislative  ^attempt 
to  prohibit  or  to  restrain  this  execrable 
commerce.  And  that  this  assemblage  of 
horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  distinguish- 
ed die,  he  is  now  exciting  those  very  peo- 
ple to  rise  in  arms  among  us,  and  to  pur- 
chase that  liberty  of  which  he  has  de- 
prived them,  by  murdering  the  people  on 
whom  he  also  obtruded  them;  thus  pay- 
ing off  former  crimes  committed  against 
the  LIBERTIES  of  one  people  with 
crimes  which  he  urges  them  to  commit 
against  the  LIVES  of  another. 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we 
have  petitioned  for  redress  in  the  most 
humble  terms;  our  repeated  petitions  have- 
been  answered  only  by  repeated  injuries. 

A  prince  whose  character  is  thus  mark- 
ed by  every  act  which  may  define  a  tyrant 


cruelty  and  perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in 
the  most  barbarous  ages  and  totally  un- 
worthy the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 


Not  altered. 


He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections 
among  us  and  has  endeavoured  to  bring 
on  the  inhabitants  of  the  frontiers  the 
merciless  Indian  savages  whose  known 
rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  de- 
struction of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  conditions. 

Struck  out. 


Struck  out. 


Not  altered. 


A  prince  whose  character  is  thus  mark- 
ed by  every  act  which  may  define  a  tyrant 


22 


NOTES. 


is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  people  who 
mean  to  be  free.  Future  ages  will  scarce- 
ly believe  that  the  hardiness  of  one  man 
adventured,  within  the  short  compass  of 
twelve  years  only,  to  lay  a  foundation  so 
broad  and  so  undisguised  for  tyranny 
over  a  people  fostered  andjixed  in  prin- 
ciples of  freedom. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention 
to  our  British  brethren.  We  have  warned 
them  from  time  to  time  of  attempts  by 
their  legislature  to  extend  a  jurisdiction 
over  these  our  states.  We  have  reminded 
them  of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigra- 
tion and  settlement  here;  no  one  of  which 
could  warrant  so  strange  a  pretension ; 
these  were  effected  at  the  expense  of  our 
own  blood  and  treasure,  unassisted  by  the 
wealth  or  the  strength  of  Great  Britain ; 
that  in  constituting  indeed  our  several 
forms  of  government,  we  had  adopted 
one  common  king ;  thereby  laying  a 
foundation  for  perpetual  league  and 
amity  with  them  ;  but  that  submission  to 
their  parliament  was  no  part  of  our  con- 
stitution, nor  ever  in  idea  if  history  -may 
be  credited;  and  we  appealed  to  their 
native  justice  and  magnanimity,  as  well 
as  to  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred,  to 
disavow  these  usurpations  which  were 
likely  to  interrupt  our  connexion  and  cor- 
respondence. They  too  have  been  deaf 
to  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consangui- 
nity, and  when  occasions  have  been  given 
them  by  the  regular  course  of  their  laws, 
of  removing  from  their  councils  the  dis- 
turbers of  our  harmony,  they  have  by 
their  free  election  re-established  them  in 
power.  At  this  very  time  too,  they  are 
permitting  their  chief  magistrate  to  send 
over  not  only  soldiers  of  our  common 
blood,  but  Scotch  and  foreign  mercenaries 
to  invade  and  destroy  us.  These  facts 
have  given  the  last  stab  to  agonizing  af- 
fection, and  manly  spirit  bids  us  to  re- 
nounce for  ever  these  unfeeling  brethren. 
We  must  endeavour  to  forget  our  former 
love  for  them,  and  hold  them  as  we  hold 
the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war,  in 
peace  friends.  We  might  have  been  a 


is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  peo- 
ple. 


Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention 
to  our  British  brethren.  We  have  warned 
them  from  time  to  time  of  attempts  by 
their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrant- 
able jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have  re- 
minded them  of  the  circumstances  of  out 
emigration  and  settlement  here;  we  have 
appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  mag- 
nanimity, and  we  have  conjured  them  by 
the  ties  of  our  common  kindred  to  disavow 
these  usurpations  which  -would  inevitably 
interrupt  our  connexion  and  correspond- 
ence. They  too  have  been  deaf  to  the 
voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We 
must  therefore  acquiesce  in  the  necessity 
which  denounces  our  separation,  and  hold 
them  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  ene- 
mies in  war,  in  peace  friends. 


NOTES. 


free  and  a  great  people  together ;  but  a 
communication  of  grandeur  and  of  free- 
dom, it  seems,  is  below  their  dignity.  Be 
it  so,  since  they  will  have  it.  The  road 
to  happiness  and  to  glory  is  open  to  us 
too.  We  will  tread  it  apart  from  them, 
and  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  which  de- 
nounces our  eternal  separation. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  general  con- 
gress assembled,  do,  in  the  name  and  by 
the  authority  of  the  good  people  of  these 
states,  reject  and  renounce  all  allegiance 
and  subjection  to  the  kings  of  Great  Sri- 
tain,  and  all  others  who  may  hereafter 
claim  by,  through  or  under  them;  we 
utterly  dissolve  all  political  connexion 
which  may  heretofore  have  subsisted  be- 
tween us  and  the  people  or  parliament  of 
Great  Britain  ;  and  finally  we  do  assert 
and  declare  these  colonies  to  be  free  and 
independent  states,  and  that  as  free  and 
independent  states,  they  have  full  power 
to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alli- 
ances, establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  acts  and  things  which  independent 
states  may  of  right  do. 

And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration, 
we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our 
lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  ho- 
nour. 


We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  general  con- 
gress assembled,  appealing  to  the  supreme 
judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of 
our  intentions,  do  in  the  name,  and  by 
the  good  people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly 
publish  and  declare  that  these  united  co- 
lonies are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free 
and  independent  states;  that  they  are 
absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  Bri- 
tish crown,  and  that  all  political  con- 
nexion between  them  and  the  state  of 
Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally 
dissolved;  and  that  as  free  and  independ- 
ent states  they  have  full  power  to  levy 
war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances, 
establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other 
acts  and  things  which  independent  states 
may  of  right  do. 

And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration, 
with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of 
divine  providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to 
each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our 
sacred  honour. 

The  words  expunged  from  the  original  draft  are  distinguished  by  italics,  as  are 
the  words  that  were  introduced  by  congress. 


NOTE— No.  VII. 

"My  reasons  for  this  measure,"  said  the  Commander-in-chief  in  his  letter  to  Gene- 
ral Lee,  ordering  him  to  cross  the  Hudson,  "and  which  I  think  must  have  weight 
with  you,  are,  that  the  enemy  are  evidently  changing  the  seat  of  war  to  this  side  of 
the  North  river;  that  this  country,  therefore,  will  expect  the  continental  army  to  give 
what  support  they  can;  and,  if  disappointed  in  this,  will  cease  to  depend  upon,  or  sup- 
port a  force  by  which  no  protection  is  given  to  them.  It  is,  therefore,  of  the  utmost 
importance  that  at  least  an  appearance  of  force  should  be  made,  to  keep  this  state  in 
connexion  with  the  others.  If  that  should  not  continue,  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that 
its  influence  on  Pennsylvania  would  be  very  considerable;  and  the  public  interests 
would  be  more  and  more  endangered.  Unless,  therefore,  some  new  event  should  oc- 
cur, or  some  more  cogent  reason  present  itself,  I  would  have  you  move  over  by  the 
easiest  and  best  passage.  I  am  sensible  your  numbers  will  not  be  large,  and  that  the 


24  NOTES. 

movement  may  not  perhaps  be  agreeable  to  your  troops.  As  to  the  first,  report  will 
exaggerate  them,  and  there  will  be  preserved  the  appearance  of  an  army,  which  will, 
at  least,  have  the  effect  of  encouraging  the  desponding  here;  and,  as  to  the  other,  you 
will  doubtless  represent  to  them,  that  in  duty  and  gratitude,  their  service  is  due 
wherever  the  enemy  may  make  the  greatest  impression,  or  seem  to  intend  to  do  so." 


NOTE— No.  VIII. 

In  a  postscript,  it  is  stated,  that  an  accurate  return  could  not  be  obtained,  but  that 
from  the  best  estimate  he  could  form,  the  whole  force  in  Jersey  fit  for  duty  was  under 
three  thousand ;  all  of  whom,  except  nine  hundred  and  eighty-one,  were  militia,  who 
stood  engaged  only  until  the  last  of  that  month.  The  continental  troops  under  inocu- 
lation, including  their  attendants,  amounted  to  about  one  thousand. 

In  a  letter  of  the  sixth  of  March  to  Governor  Trumbull,  calling  on  the  state  of  Con- 
necticut for  two  thousand  militia  to  be  marched  to  Peekskill,  after  complaining  of  the 
militia  he  had  called  from  the  southern  states,  who  came  and  went  as  their  own  ca- 
price might  direct,  he  says,  "I  am  persuaded,  from  the  readiness  with  which  you  have 
ever  complied  with  all  my  demands,  that  you  will  exert  yourself  in  forwarding  the 
aforementioned  number  of  men,  upon  my  bare  request.  But  I  hope  you  will  be  con- 
vinced of  the  necessity  of  the  demand,  when  I  tell  you,  in  confidence,  that  after  the 
15th  of  this  month,  when  the  time  of  General  Lincoln's  militia  expires,  I  shall  be  left 
with  the  remains  of  five  Virginia  regiments,  not  amounting  to  more  than  as  many 
hundred  men,  and  parts  of  two  or  three  other  continental  battalions,  all  very  weak. 
The  remainder  of  the  army  will  be  composed  of  small  parties  of  militia  from  this  state 
and  Pennsylvania,  on  whom  little  dependence  can  be  put,  as  they  come  and  go  when 
they  please.  I  have  issued  peremptory  orders  to  every  colonel  in  the  regular  service, 
to  send  in  what  men  he  has  recruited,  even  if  they  amount  to  but  one  hundred  to  a 
regiment :  if  they  would  do  this,  it  would  make  a  considerable  force  upon  the  whole. 
The  enemy  must  be  ignorant  of  our  numbers  and  situation,  or  they  would  never  suf- 
fer us  to  remain  unmolested ;  and  I  almost  tax  myself  with  imprudence  in  committing 
the  secret  to  paper  j  not  that  I  distrust  you,  of  whose  inviolable  attachment  I  have  had 
so  many  proofs ;  but  for  fear  the  letter  should  by  any  accident  fall  into  other  hands 
than  those  for  which  it  is  intended." 


NOTE— No.  IX. 

Justice  to  the  unfortunate  demands,  that  an  extract  from  the  correspondence  be- 
tween Generals  Burgoyne  and  Gates  on  this  subject  should  be  inserted. 

The  British  general  had  complained  of  the  harsh  treatment  experienced  by  the  pro- 
vincial prisoners  taken  at  Bennington,  and  requested  that  a  surgeon  from  his  army 
should  be  permitted  to  visit  the  wounded  ;  and  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  furnish 
them  with  necessaries  and  attendants.  "Duty  and  principle,"  he  added,  "make  me 
a  public  enemy  to  the  Americans,  who  have  taken  up  arms;  but  I  seek  to  be  a  gene- 
rous one;  nor  have  I  the  shadow  of  resentment  against  any  individual,  who  does  not 
induce  it  by  acts  derogatory  to  those  maxims,  upon  which  all  men  of  honour  think 
alike."  In  answer  to  this  letter,  General  Gates,  who  had  just  taken  command  of  the 
American  army,  said,  "that  the  savages  of  America  should,  in  their  warfare,  mangle 
<md  scalp  the  unhappy  prisoners  who  fall  into  their  hands  is  neither  new  nor  extra- 


NOTES.  25 

ordinary,  but  that  the  famous  Lieutenant  General  Burgoyne,  in  whom  the  fine  gentle- 
man is  united  with  the  soldier  and  the  scholar,  should  hire  the  savages  of  America  to 
scalp  Europeans,  and  the  descendants  of  Europeans;  nay  more,  that  he  should  pay  a 
price  for  each  scalp  so  barbarously  taken,  is  more  than  will  be  believed  in  Europe, 
until  authenticated  facts  shall,  in  every  gazette,  confirm  the  truth  of  the  horrid  tale. 

"Miss  M'Crea,  a  young  lady,  lovely  to  the  sight,  of  virtuous  character,  and  amiable 
disposition,  engaged  to  an  officer  of  your  army,  was.  with  other  women  and  children, 
taken  out  of  a  house  near  fort  Edward,  carried  into  the  woods,  and  there  scalped  and 
mangled  in  a  most  shocking  manner.  Two  parents  with  their  six  children,  were  all 
treated  with  the  same  inhumanity,  while  quietly  resting  in  their  once  happy  and  peace- 
ful dwelling.  The  miserable  fate  of  Miss  M'Crea  was  particularly  aggravated,  by 
being  dressed  to  receive  her  promised  husband;  but  met  her  murderer  employed  by 
you.  Upwards  of  one  hundred  men,  women  and  children,  have  perished  by  the  hands 
of  the  ruffians  to  whom,  it  is  asserted,  you  have  paid  the  price  of  blood." 

To  this  part  of  his  letter,  General  Burgoyne  replied,  "I  have  hesitated,  sir,  upon 
answering  the  other  paragraphs  of  your  letter.  I  disdain  to  justify  myself  against  the 
rhapsodies  of  fiction  and  calumny,  which  from  the  first  of  this  contest,  it  has  been  an 
unvaried  American  policy  to  propagate,  but  which  no  longer  imposes  on  the  world. 
I  am  induced  to  deviate  from  this  general  rule,  in  the  present  instance,  lest  my  silence 
should  be  construed  an  acknowledgment  of  the  truth  of  your  allegations,  and  a  pre- 
tence be  thence  taken  for  exercising  future  barbarities  by  the  American  troops. 

"By  this  motive,  and  upon  this  only,  I  condescend  to  inform  you,  that  I  would  not 
be  conscious  of  the  acts  you  presume  to  impute  to  me,  for  the  whole  continent  of  Ame- 
rica, though  the  wealth  of  worlds  was  in  its  bowels,  and  a  paradise  upon  its  surface. 

"It  has  happened,  that  all 'my  transactions  with  the  Indian  nations,  last  year  and 
this,  have  been  clearly  heard,  distinctly  understood,  accurately  minuted,  by  very  nume- 
rous, and  in  many  parts,  very  unprejudiced  persons.  So  immediately  opposite  to  the 
truth  is  your  assertion  that  I  have  paid  a  price  for  scalps,  that  one  of  the  first  regula- 
tions established  by  me  at  the  great  council  in  May,  and  repeated  and  enforced,  and 
invariably  adhered  to  since,  was,  that  the  Indians  should  receive  compensation  for  pri- 
soners, because  it  would  prevent  cruelty  ;  and  that  not  only  such  compensation  should 
be  withheld,  but  a  strict  account  demanded  for  scalps.  These  pledges  of  conquest,  for 
such  you  well  know  they  will  ever  esteem  them,  were  solemnly  and  peremptorily  pro- 
hibited to  be  taken  from  the  wounded,  and  even  the  dying,  and  the  persons  of  aged 
men,  women,  children,  and  prisoners,  were  pronounced  sacred,  even  in  an  assault. 

"  In  regard  to  Miss  M'Crea,  her  fall  wanted  not  the  tragic  display  you  have  laboured 
to  give  it,  to  make  it  as  sincerely  abhorred  and  lamented  by  me,  as  it  can  be  by  the 
tenderest  of  her  friends.  The  fact  was  no  premeditated  barbarity.  On  the  contrary, 
two  chiefs  who  had  brought  her  off  for  the  purpose  of  security,  not  of  violence  to  her 
person,  disputed  which  should  be  her  guard,  and  in  a  fit  of  savage  passion  in  one, 
from  whose  hands  she  was  snatched,  the  unhappy  woman  became  the  victim.  Upon 
the  first  intelligence  of  this  event,  I  obliged  the  Indians  to  deliver  the  murderer  into 
my  hands,  and  though  to  have  punished  him  by  our  laws,  or  principles  of  justice, 
would  have  been  perhaps  unprecedented,  he  certainly  should  have  suffered  an  ignomi- 
nious death,  had  I  not  been  convinced  from  my  circumstances  and  observation,  beyond 
the  possibility  of  a  doubt,  that  a  pardon  under  the  terms  which  I  presented,  and  they 
accepted,  would  be  more  efficacious  than  an  execution,  to  prevent  similar  mischiefs. 

"The  above  instance  excepted,  your  intelligence  respecting  the  cruelty  of  *the  In- 
dians is  false. 

"  You  seem  to  threaten  me  with  European  publications,  which  affect  me  as  little 


26  NOTES. 

as  any  other  threats  you  could  make;  but  in  regard  to  American  publications,  whe- 
ther your  charge  against  me,  which  I  acquit  you  of  believing,  was  penned  from,  a 
gazette,  or  for  a  gazette,  I  desire  and  demand  of  you,  as  a  man  of  honour,  that  should 
it  appear  in  print  at  all  this  answer  may  follow  it." 


NOTE-NO,  x. 

Lord  Suffolk,  secretary  of  state,  contended  for  the  employment  of  Indians,  in  the 
war.  "Besides  its  policy  and  necessity,"  his  lordship  said,  "that  the  measure  was 
also  allowable  on  principle,  for  that  it  was  perfectly  justifiable  to  use  all  the  means  that 
God  and  nature  had  put  into  our  hands." 

This  moving  the  indignation  of  Lord  Chatham,  he  suddenly  rose,  and  gave  full 
vent  to  his  feelings  in  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  bursts  of  eloquence  that  the  pen 
of  history  has  recorded  :  "  I  am  astonished,"  exclaimed  his  lordship,  "shocked  to  hear 
such  principles  confessed ;  to  hear  them  avowed  in  this  house  or  even  this  country. 
My  lords,  I  did  not  intend  to  have  encroached  again  on  your  attention,  but  I  can  not 
repress  my  indignation.  I  feel  myself  impelled  to  speak.  My  lords,  we  are  called  upon 
as  members  of  this  house,  as  men,  as  Christians,  to  protest  against  such  horrible  barba- 
rity. That  God  and  nature  had  put  into  our  hands !  what  ideas  of  God  and  nature 
that  noble  lord  may  entertain  I  know  not,  but  I  know  that  such  detestable  principles 
are  equally  abhorrent  to  religion  and  humanity.  What,  to  attribute  the  sacred  sanc- 
tion of  God  and  nature  to  the  massacres  of  the  Indian  scalping  knife !  to  the  cannibal 
savage,  torturing,  murdering,  devouring,  drinking  the  blood  of  his  mangled  victims ! 
such  notions  shock  every  precept  of  morality,  every  feeling  of  humanity,  every  senti- 
ment of  honour.  These  abominable  principles  and  this  more  abominable  avowal  of 
them,  demand  the  most  decisive  indignation.  I  call  upon  that  right  reverend  and  this 
most  learned  bench  to  vindicate  the  religion  of  their  God,  to  support  the  justice  of  their 
country.  I  call  upon  the  bishops  to  interpose  the  unsullied  sanctity  of  their  lawn,  upon 
the  judges  to  interpose  the  purity  of  their  ermine,  to  save  us  from  this  pollution.  1 
call  upon  the  honour  of  your  lordships,  to  reverence  the  dignity  of  your  ancestors,  and 
to  maintain  your  own.  I  call  upon  the  spirit  and  humanity  of  my  country,  to  vindi- 
cate the  national  character.  I  invoke  the  genius  of  the  constitution.  From  the  tapes- 
try that  adorns  these  walls,  the  immortal  ancestor  of  this  noble  lord,  frowns  with  in- 
dignation at  the  disgrace  of  his  country.  In  vain  did  he  defend  the  liberty,  and  es- 
tablish the  religion  of  Britain  against  the  tyranny  of  Rome,  if  these  worse  than  popish 
cruelties  and  inquisitorial  practices  are  endured  among  us.  To  send  forth  the  merci- 
less cannibal  thirsting  for  blood! — against  whom1] — Your  protestant  brethren — to  lay 
waste  their  country,  to  desolate  their  dwellings,  and  extirpate  their  race  and  name,  by 
the  aid  and  instrumentality  of  these  horrible  hell-hounds  of  war!  Spain  can  no  longer 
boast  pre-eminence  of  barbarity.  She  armed  herself  with  blood-hounds  to  extirpate 
the  wretched  natives  of  Mexico,  but  we  more  ruthless,  loose  these  dogs  of  war  against 
our  countrymen  in  America,  endeared  to  us  by  every  J.ie  that  should  sanctify  hunvi- 
nity.  My  lords,  I  solemnly  call  upon  your  lordships,  and  upon  every  order  of  men 
in  the  state,  to  stamp  upon  this  infamous  procedure  the  indelible  stigma  of  the  public 
abhorrence.  More  particularly  I  call  upon  the  holy  prelates  of  our  religion  to  do  away 
this  iniquity ;  let  them  perform  a  lustration  to  purify  their  country  from  this  deep  and 
deadly  sin.  My  lords,  1  am  old  and  weak,  and  at  present  unable  to  say  more,  but  my 
feelings  and  indignation  were  too  strung  to  have  said  less.  I  could  not  have  slept 


NOTES.  27 

this  night  in  my  bed,  nor  reposed  my  head  upon  my  pillow,  without  giving  this  vent 
to  my  eternal  abnorrence  of  such  enormous  and  preposterous  principles." 


NOTE— No.  XI. 

The  following  are  the  letters  which  passed  between  the  two  generals  on  this  subject 

Albany,  December  18,  1777. 

SIR, — I  shall  not  attempt  to  describe  what,  as  a  private  gentleman,  1  can  not  help 
feeling,  on  representing  to  my  mind  the  disagreeable  situation  which  confidential  let- 
ters, when  exposed  to  public  inspection,  may  place  an  unsuspecting  correspondent  in ; 
but,  as  a  public  officer,  I  conjure  your  excellency,  to  give  me  all  the  assistance  you 
can,  in  tracing  out  the  author  of  the  infidelity,  which  put  extracts  from  General  Con- 
way's  letters  to  me  into  your  hands.  Those  letters  have  been  stealingly  copied  ;  but, 
which  of  them,  when,  or  by  whom,  is  to  me,  as  yet,  an  unfathomable  secret. 

There  is  not  one  officer  in  my  suite,  or  amongst  those  who  have  a  free  access  to  me, 
upon  whom  I  could,  with  the  least  justification  to  myself,  fix  the  suspicion ;  and  yet, 
my  uneasiness  may  deprive  me  of  the  usefulness  of  the  worthiest  men.  It  is,  I  believe, 
in  your  excellency's  power  to  do  me,  and  the  United  States,  a  very  important  service, 
by  detecting  a  wretch  who  may  betray  me,  and  capitally  injure  the  very  operations 
under  your  immediate  direction.  For  tlu's  reason,  sir,  I  beg  your  excellency  will  fa- 
vour me  with  the  proofs  you  can  procure  to  that  effect.  But,  the  crime  being,  eventu- 
ally so  important,  that  the  least  loss  of  time  may  be  attended  with  the  worst  conse- 
quences; and,  it  being  unknown  to  me  whether  the  letter  came  to  you  from  a  member 
of  congress,  or  from  an  officer,  I  shall  have  the  honour  of  transmitting  a  copy  of  this 
to  the  president,  that  congress  may,  in  concert  with  your  excellency,  obtain,  as  soon  as 
possible,  a  discovery  which  so  deeply  affects  the  safety  of  the  states.  Crimes  of  that 
magnitude  ought  not  to  remain  unpunished. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir, 
With  the  greatest  respect, 

Your  excellency's  most  Humble 
and  most  obedient  servant, 

HORATIO  GATES. 
His  excellency  General  Washington. 


Valley  Forge,  January  4, 1778. 

SIR, — Your  letter  of  the  18th  ultimo,  came  to  my  hands  a  few  days  ago,  and  to  my 
great  surprise  informed  me,  that  a  copy  of  it  had  been  sent  to  congress,  for  what  rea- 
son, I  find  myself  unable  to  account ;  but,  as  some  end  doubtless  was  intended  to  be 
answered  by  it,  I  am  laid  under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  returning  my  answer 
through  the  same  channel,  lest  any  member  of  that  honourable  body  should  harbour 
an  unfavourable  suspicion  of  my  having  practised  some  indiscreet  means  to  come  at 
the  contents  of  the  confidential  letters  between  you  and  General  Conway. 

I  am  to  inform  you  then,  that  **********)  on  his  way  to  congress  in  the  month  of 
October  last,  fell  in  with  Lord  Stirling  at  Reading :  and,  not  in  confidence  that  I  ever 
understood,  informed  his  aid-de-camp,  Major  M' Williams,  that  General  Conway  had 
written  thus  to  you,  "  heaven  has  been  determined  to  save  your  country,  or  a  weak 
general  and  bad  counsellors*  would  have  ruined  it."  Lord  Stirling,  from  motives  of 

'  One  of  whom,  by  the  by,  he  waa 


28  NOTES. 

friendship,  transmitted  the  account  with  this  remark.  "The  enclosed  was  communi- 
cated by  **********  to  Major  M' Williams;  such  wicked  duplicity  of  conduct  I  shall 
always  think  it  my  duty  to  detect." 

In  consequence  of  this  information,  and  without  having  any  thing  more  in  view, 
chan  merely  to  show  that  gentleman  that  I  was  not  unapprised  of  his  intriguing  dis- 
position, I  wrote  him  a  letter  in  these  words. 

"Sir,  a  letter  which  I  received  last  night  contained  the  following  paragraph. 

"In  a  letter  from  General  Conway  to  General  Gates,  he  says,  heaven  has  been  de- 
termined to  save  your  country,  or  a  weak  general  and  bad  counsellors  would  have 
ruined  it.  I  am,  sir,  &c." 

Neither  the  letter,  nor  the  information  which  occasioned  it,  was  ever,  directly,  or 
indirectly,  communicated  by  me  to  a  single  officer  in  this  army  (out  of  my  own  family) 
excepting  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who  having  been  spoken  to  on  the  subject,  by 
General  Conway,  applied  for,  and  saw,  under  injunctions  of  secrecy,  the  letter  which 
contained  this  information ;  so  desirous  was  I  of  concealing  every  matter  that  could, 
in  its  consequences,  give  the  smallest  interruption  to  the  tranquillity  of  this  army,  or 
afford  a  gleam  of  hope  to  the  enemy  by  dissensions  therein. 

Thus,  sir,  with  an  openness  and  candour,  which  I  hope  will  ever  characterize  and 
mark  my  conduct,  have  I  complied  with  your  request.  The  only  concern  I  feel  upon 
the  occasion,  finding  how  matters  stand,  is,  that  in  doing  this,  I  have  necessarily  been 
obliged  to  name  a  gentleman,  who,  I  am  persuaded,  (although  I  never  exchanged  a 
word  with  him  upon  the  subject)  thought  he  was  rather  doing  an  act  of  justice,  than 
committing  an  act  of  infidelity;  and  sure  I  am,  that,  until  Lord  Stirling's  letter  came 
to  my  hands,  I  never  knew  that  General  Conway,  (whom  I  viewed  in  the  light  of  a 
stranger  to  you)  was  a  correspondent  of  yours,  much  less  did  I  suspect  that  I  was  the 
subject  of  your  confidential  letters.  Pardon  me  then  for  adding,  that,  so  far  from  con- 
ceiving that  the  safety  of  the  states  can  be  affected,  or  in  the  smallest  degree  injured, 
by  a  discovery  of  this  kind,  or  that  I  should  be  called  upon  in  such  solemn  terms  to 
point  out  the  author,  that  I  considered  the  information  as  coming  from  yourself,  and 
given  with  a  friendly  view  to  forewarn,  and  consequently  forearm  me,  against  a  secret 
enemy,  or  in  other  words,  a  dangerous  incendiary,  in  which  character  sooner  or  later, 
this  country  will  know  General  Conway.  But,  in  this,  as  well  as  other  matters  of  late, 
I  have  found  myself  mistaken.  I  am,  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

GEO:  WASHINGTON. 

To  Major  General  Gates. 


NOTE— No.  XII. 

During  the  existence  of  this  faction,  an  attempt  appears  to  have  been  made  to  alien- 
ate the  affections  of  the  leading  political  personages  in  the  states  from  the  com- 
mander-in-chief.  The  following  letters  exhibit  a  very  unsuccessful  effort  of  this 
sort,  which  was  made  on  Governor  Henry,  of  Virginia,  by  a  gentleman  not  sup- 
posed to  be  a  member  of  congress  from  that  state. 

Williamsburgh,  February  20, 1778. 
DEAR  SIR, — You  will  no  doubt  be  surprised  at  seeing  the  enclosed  letter,  in  which 

the  encomiums  bestowed  on  me  are  as  undeserved,  as  the  censures  aimed  at  you  are 

unjust.     I  am  sorry  there  should  be  one  man  who  counts  himself  my  friend,  who  U 

not  yours. 


NOTES.  29 

Perhaps  I  give  you  needless  trouble  in  handing  you  this  paper.  The  writer  of  it 
may  be  too  insignificant  to  deserve  any  notice.  If  I  knew  this  to  be  the  case,  f  should 
not  have  intruded  on  your  time,  which  is  so  precious.  But  there  may  possibly  be 
some  scheme  or  party  forming  to  your  prejudice.  The  enclosed  leads  to  such  a  sus- 
picion. Believe  me,  sir,  I  have  too  high  a  sense  of  the  obligations  America  has  to 
you,  to  abet  or  countenance  so  unworthy  a  proceeding.  The  most  exalted  merit  hath 
ever  been  found  to  attract  envy.  But  I  please  myself  with  the  hope,  that  the  same 
fortitude  and  greatness  of  mind  which  have  hitherto  braved  all  the  difficulties  and  dan- 
gers inseparable  from  your  station,  will  rise  superior  to  every  attempt  of  the  envious 
partisan. 

I  really  can  not  tell  who  is  the  writer  of  this  letter,  which  not  a  little  perplexes  me. 
The  hand  writing  is  altogether  strange  to  me. 

To  give  you  the  trouble  of  this,  gives  me  pain.  It  would  suit  my  inclination  better, 
to  give  you  some  assistance  in  the  great  business  of  the  war.  But  I  will  not  conceal 
any  thing  from  you,  by  which  you  may  be  affected,  for  I  really  think  your  personal 
welfare  and  the  happiness  of  America  are  intimately  connected.  I  beg  you  will  b» 
assured  of  that  high  regard  and  esteem  witfi  which  I  ever  am, 

Dear  sir, 
Your  affectionate  friend  and  very  humble  servant, 

P.  HENRY. 

His  excellency  General  Washington. 

{Letter  enclosed  in  tlie  preceding.) 

Yorktown,  January  12,  l/Tfc. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  common  danger  of  our  country  first  brought  you  and  me  together. 
I  recollect  with  pleasure  the  influence  of  your  conversation  and  eloquence  upon  the 
opinions  of  this  country  in  the  beginning  of  the  present  controversy.  You  first  taught 
us  to  shake  off  our  idolatrous  attachment  to  royalty,  and  to  oppose  its  encroachments 
upon  our  liberties  with  our  very  lives.  By  these' means  you  saved  us  from  ruin.  The 
independence  of  America  is  the  offspring  of  that  liberal  spirit  of  thinking,  and  acting, 
which  followed  the  destruction  of  the  sceptres  of  kings  and  the  mighty  power  of  Great 
Britain. 

But,  sir,  we  have  only  passed  the  Red  Sea.  A  dreary  wilderness  is  still  before  us, 
and  unless  a  Moses  or  a  Joshua  are  raised  up  in  our  behalf,  we  must  perish  before  we 
reach  the  promised  land.  We  have  nothing  to  fear  from  our  enemies  on  the  way. 
General  Howe,  it  is  true,  has  taken  Philadelphia;  but  he  has  only  changed  his  prison. 
His  dominions  are  bounded  on  all  sides  by  his  outsentries.  America  can  only  be  un- 
done by  herself.  She  looks  up  to  her  councils  and  arms  for  protection ;  but  alas ! 
what  are  they  ?  her  representation  in  congress  dwindled  to  only  twenty -one  members 
— her  Adams — her  Wilson — her  Henry,  are  no  more  among  them.  Her  councils 
weak — and  partial  remedies  applied  constantly  for  universal  diseases.  Her  army — 
what  is  it?  a  major  general  belonging  to  it  called  it  a  few  days  ago  in  my  hearing  a 
•mob.  Discipline  unknown  or  wholly  neglected.  The  quartermaster  and  commissary's 
departments  filled  with  idleness,  ignorance  and  peculation — our  hospitals  crowded  with 
«x  thousand  sick,  but  half  provided  with  necessaries  or  accommodations,  and  more 
dying  in  them  in  one  month,  than  perished  in  the  field  during  the  whole  of  the  last 
campaign. 

The  money  depreciating  without  any  effectual  measures  being  taken  to  raise  it — 
the  country  distracted  with  the  Don  duixote  attempts  to  regulate  the  prices  of  provi- 
sions, an  artificial  famine  created  by  it,  and  a  real  one  dreaded  from  it.  The  spirit 
2  R 


30  NOTES. 

of  the  people  failing  through  a  more  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  causes  of  cur 
misfortunes — many  submitting  daily  to  General  Howe,  and  more  wishing  to  do  it,  only 
to  avoid  the  calamities  which  threaten  our  country.  But  is  our  case  desperate  1  by  no 
means.  We  have  wisdom,  virtue,  and  strength  end1  to  save  us  if  they  could  be  called 
into  action.  The  northern  army  has  shown  us  what  Americans  are  capable  of  doing 
with  A  GENERAL  at  their  head.  The  spirit  of  the  southern  army  is  no  ways  inferior  to 
the  spirit  of  the  northern.  A  Gates — a  Lee,  or  a  Conway  would,  in  a  few  weeks, 
render  them  an  irresistible  body  of  men.  The  last  of  the  above  officers  has  accepted 
of  the  new  office  of  inspector  general  of  our  army,  in  order  to  reform  abuses — but  the 
remedy  is  only  a  palliative  one.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  a  friend  he  says,  "a  great  and 
good  God  hath  decreed  America  to  be  free — or  the  **********  and  weak  counsellors 
would  have  ruined  her  long  ago" — you  may  rest  assured  of  each  of  the  facts  related  in 
this  letter.  The  author  of  it  is  one  of  your  Philadelphia  friends.  A  hint  of  his  name, 
if  found  out  by  the  hand  writing,  must  not  be  mentioned  to  your  most  intimate  friend. 
Even  the  letter  must  be  thrown  in  the  fire.  But  some  of  its  contents  ought  to  be  made 
public  in  order  to  awaken,  enlighten,  and  alarm  our  country.  I  rely  upon  your  pru- 
dence, and  am,  dear  sir,  with  my  usual  attachment  to  you,  and  to  our  beloved  inde- 
pendence, Yours,  sincerely. 
His  excellency  P.  Henry. 

WiUiamsburgh,  March  5,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR, — By  an  express  which  Colonel  Finnic  sent  to  camp,  I  enclosed  you  an 
anonymous  letter,  which  I  hope  got  safe  to  hand.  I  am  anxious  to  hear  something  that 
will  serve  to  explain  the  strange  affair,  which  I  am  now  informed  is  taken  up,  respect- 
ing you.  Mr.  Custis  has  just  paid  us  a  visit,  and  by  him  I  learn  sundry  particulars 
concerning  General  Mifflin,  that  much  surprise  me.  It  is  very  hard  to  trace  the 
schemes  and  windings  of  the  enemies  to  America.  I  really  thought  that  man  its  friend : 
however,  I  am  too  far  from  him  to  judge  of  his  present  temper. 

While  you  face  the  armed  enemies  of  our  liberty  in  the  field,  and,  by  the  favour  of 
God,  have  been  kept  unhurt,  I  trust  your  country  will  never  harbour  in  her  bosom  the 
miscreant  who  would  ruin  her  best  supporter.  I  wish  not  to  flatter;  but  when  arts 
unworthy  honest  men  are  used  to  defame  and  traduce  you,  I  think  it  not  amiss,  but  a 
duty,  to  assure  you  of  that  estimation  in  which  the  public  hold  you.  Not  that  I  think 
any  testimony  I  can  bear,  is  necessary  for  your  support,  or  private  satisfaction,  for  a 
bare  recollection  of  what  is  past  must  give  you  sufficient  pleasure  in  every  circumstance 
of  life.  But  I  can  not  help  assuring  you,  on  this  occasion,  of  the  high  sense  of  grati- 
tude which  all  ranks  of  men,  in  this  your  native  country,  bear  to  you.  It  will  give  me 
sincere  pleasure  to  manifest  my  regards,  and  render  my  best  services  to  you  or  yours. 
I  do  not  like  to  make  a  parade  of  these  things,  and  I  know  you  are  not  fond  of  it;  how- 
ever, I  hope  the  occasion  will  plead  my  excuse. 

The  assembly  have  at  length  empowered  the  executive  here  to  provide  the  Virginia 
troops  serving  with  you,  with  clothes,  &c.     I  am  making  provision  accordingly,  and 
hope  to  do  something  towards  it.  Every  possible  assistance  from  government  is  afforded 
the  commissary  of  provisions,  whose  department  has  not  been  attended  to.     It  was 
taken  up  By  me  too  late  to  do  much.     Indeed  the  load  of  business  devolved  on  me  is 
too  great  to  be  managed  well.     A  French  ship,  mounting  thirty  guns,  that  has  been 
long  chased  by  the  English  cruisers,  has  got  into  Carolina,  as  I  hear  last  night. 
Wishing  you  all  possible  felicity,  I  am,  my  dear  sir, 
Your  ever  affectionate  friend, 

and  very  humble  servant,          P.  HENRY. 

His  excellency  General  Washington. 


NOTES. 


31 


Valley  Forge,  March  27,  177& 

DEAR  SIR, — About  eight  days  past,  I  was  honoured  with  your  favour  of  the  20th 
ultimo. 

Your  friendship,  sir,  in  transmitting  me  the  anonymous  letter  you  had  received, 
lays  me  under  the  most  grateful  obligations;  and,  if  any  thing  could  give  a  still  further 
claim  to  my  acknowledgments,  it  is  the  very  polite  and  delicate  terms  in  which  you 
have  been  pleased  to  make  the  communication. 

I  have  ever  been  happy  in  supposing  that  I  held  a  place  in  your  esteem,  and  the 
proof  of  it  you  have  afforded  on  this  occasion  makes  me  peculiarly  so.  The  favourable 
light  in  which  you  hold  me  is  truly  flattering,  but  I  should  feel  much  regret  if  I  thought 
the  happiness  of  America  so  intimately  connected  with  my  personal  welfare,  as  you  so 
obligingly  seem  to  consider  it.  All  I  can  say,  is,  that  she  has  ever  had,  and,  I  trust, 
she  ever  will  have,  my  honest  exertions  to  promote  her  interest.  I  can  not  hope  that 
my  services  have  been  the  best ;  but  my  heart  tells  me  that  they  have  been  the  best 
that  I  could  render. 

That  I  may  have  erred  in  using  t!>e  means  in  my  power  for  accomplishing  the  ob- 
iects  of  the  arduous,  exalted  station  with  which  I  am  honoured,  I  can  not  doubt ;  nor 
do  I  wish  my  conduct  to  be  exempted  from  the  reprehension  it  may  deserve.  Error  is 
the  portion  of  humanity,  and  to  censure  it,  whether  committed  by  this  or  that  public 
character,  is  the  prerogative  of  freemen. 


This  is  not  the  only  secret  insidious  attempt  that  has  been  made  to  wound  my  reputa- 
tion. There  have  been  others  equally  base,  cruel,  and  ungenerous ;  because  conducted 
with  as  little  frankness  and  proceeding  from  views  perhaps  as  personally  interested. 
I  am,  dear  sir,  &c. 

GEO:   WASHINGTON. 
To  his  excellency  Patrick  Henry,  esquire,  Governor  of  Virginia. 


Camp,  March  28, 1778. 

DEAR  SIR, — Just  as  I  was  about  to  close  my  letter  of  yesterday,  your  favour  of  the 
fifth  instant  came  to  hand. 

I  can  only  thank  you  again,  in  the  language  of  the  most  undissembled  gratitude, 
for  your  friendship :  and  assure  you,  the  indulgent  disposition  which  Virginia  in  par- 
ticular, and  the  states  in  general  entertain  towards  me,  gives  me  the  most  sensible 
pleasure.  The  approbation  of  my  country  is  what  I  wish ;  and,  as  far  as  my  abilities 
and  opportunity  will  permit,  I  hope  I  shall  endeavour  to  deserve  it.  It  is  the  highest 
reward  to  a  feeling  mind ;  and  happy  are  they  who  so  conduct  themselves  as  to  merit  it. 

The  anonymous  letter  with  which  you  were  pleased  to  favour  me,  was  written  by 
***********,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  from  a  similitude  of  hands.  *  *  *  * 


My  caution  to  avoid  any  thing  that  could  injure  the  service,  prevented  me  from 
communicating,  except  to  a  very  few  of  my  friends,  the  intrigues  of  a  faction  which  I 
know  was  formed  against  me,  since  it  might  serve  to  publish  our  internal  dissension^ 


32  NOTES. 

but  their  own  restless  zeal  to  advance  their  views  has  too  clearly  betrayed  them,  and 
made  concealment  on  my  part  fruitless.  I  can  not  precisely  mark  the  extent  of  their 
views,  but  it  appeared  in  general,  that  General  Gates  was  to  be  exalted  on  the  ruin 
of  my  reputation  and  influence.  This  I  am  authorized  to  say  from  undeniable  facts 
in  my  own  possession,  from  publications  the  evident  scope  of  which  could  not  be  mis- 
taken, and  from  private  detractions  industriously  circulated,  t***********^  jt  is  com- 
monly supposed,  bore  the  second  part  in  the  cabal;  and  General  Con  way,  I  know,  was 
a  very  active  and  malignant  partisan ;  but  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  their  ma- 
chinations have  recoiled  most  sensibly  upon  themselves. 
I  am,  dear  sir,  &c. 

GEO:  WASHINGTON. 
His  excellency  Patrick  Henry,  esquire,  Governor  of  Virginia. 


The  following  extract  is  taken  from  a  letter  written  about  the  same  time  to  a  gen- 
tleman in  New  England,  who  had  expressed  some  anxious  apprehensions  occa- 
sioned by  a  report  that  the  Commander-in-chief  had  determined  to  resign  his 
station  in  the  army : 

"  I  can  assure  you  that  no  person  ever  heard  me  drop  an  expression  that  had  a 
tendency  to  resignation.  The  same  principles  that  led  me  to  embark  in  the  opposition 
to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great  Britain,  operate  with  additional  force  at  this  day ;  nor 
is  it  my  desire  to  withdraw  my  services  while  they  are  considered  of  importance  in  the 
present  contest ;  but  to  report  a  design  of  this  kind,  is  among  the  arts,  which  those 
who  are  endeavouring  to  effect  a  change  are  practising  to  bring  it  to  pass.  I  have  said, 
and  I  still  do  say,  that  there  is  not  an  officer  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  that 
would  retirYn  to  the  sweets  of  domestic  life  with  more  heartfelt  joy  than  I  should.  But 
I  would  have  this  declaration  accompanied  by  these  sentiments,  that  while  the  public 
are  satisfied  with  my  endeavours,  I  mean  not  to  shrink  from  the  cause :  but  the  mo- 
ment her  voice,  not  that  of  faction,  calls  upon  me  to  resign,  I  shall  do  it  with  as  much 
pleasure  as  ever  the  wearied  traveller  retired  to  rest. 


NOTE— No.  XIII. 

The  following  is  an  extract  of  a  letter  addressed  on  this  occasion  by  General  Wash- 
ington to  congress : 

"  Though  I  sincerely  commiserate  the  misfortune  of  General  Lee,  and  feel  much 
for  his  present  unhappy  situation  ;  yet,  with  all  possible  deference  to  the  opinion  of 
congress,  I  fear  that  their  resolutions  will  not  have  the  desired  effect,  are  founded  in 
impolicy,  and  will,  if  adhered  to,  produce  consequences  of  an  extensive  and  melan- 
choly nature. 

"Retaliation  is  certainly  just,  and  sometimes  necessary,  even  where  attended  with 
the  severest  penalties :  but  when  the  evils  which  may,  and  must  result  from  it,  exceed 
those  intended  to  be  redressed,  prudence  and  policy  require  that  it  should  be  avoided. 

"Having  premised  thus  much,  I  beg  leave  to  examine  the  justice  and  expediency 
of  it  in  the  instance  before  us.  From  the  best  information  I  have  been  able  to  obtain, 
General  Lee's  usage  has  not  been  so  disgraceful  and  dishonourable,  as  to  authorize 
the  treatment  decreed  to  these  gentlemen,  was  it  not  prohibited  by  many  other  import- 
ant considerations.  His  confinement,  I  believe,  has  been  more  rigorous  than  has  been 
generally  experienced  by  the  rest  of  our  officers,  or  those  of  the  enemy  who  have  been 
in  our  possession ;  but  if  the  reports  received  on  that  head  be  true,  he  has  been  pro- 


NOTES.  33 

vided  with  a  decent  apartment,  and  with  most  things  necessary  to  render  him  com- 
fortable. This  is  not  the  case  with  one  of  the  officers  comprehended  in  the  resolves, 
if  his  letter,  of  which  a  copy  is  transmitted,  deserves  your  credit.  Here  retaliation 
seems  to  have  been  prematurely  begun,  or  to  speak  with  more  propriety,  severities  have 
been,  and  are  exercised  towards  Colonel  Campbell,  not  justified  by  any  that  General 
Lee  has  yet  received. 

"  In  point  of  policy,  and  under  the  present  situation  of  our  affairs,  most  surely  the> 
doctrine  can  not  be  supported.  The  balance  of  prisoners  is  greatly  against  us,  and  a 
general  regard  to  the  happiness  of  the  whole  should  mark  our  conduct.  Can  we  ima- 
gine that  our  enemies  will  not  mete  the  same  punishments,  the  same  indignities,  the 
same  cruelties,  to  those  belonging  to  us  in  their  possession,  that  we  impose  on  theirs  1 
why  should  we  suppose  them  to  have  more  humanity  than  we  possess  ourselves'?  or 
why  should  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  relieve  the  distresses  of  one  brave  man,  involve 
many  more  in  misery  ?  At  this  time,  however  disagreeable  the  fact  may  be,  the  enemy 
have  in  their  power,  and  subject  to  their  call,  near  three  hundred  officers  belonging  to 
the  army  of  the  United  States.  In  this  number  there  are  some  of  high  rank,  and  the 
most  of  them  are  men  of  bravery  and  of  merit.  The  quota  of  theirs  in  our  hands 
bears  no  proportion,  not  being  more  than  fifty.  Under  these  circumstances,  we  cer- 
tainly should  do  no  act  to  draw  upon  the  gentlemen  belonging  to  us,  and  who  have 
already  suffered  a  long  captivity,  greater  punishments  than  they  now  experience.  If 
we  should,  what  will  be  their  feelings,  and  those  of  their  numerous  and  extensive  con- 
nexions? Suppose  the  treatment  prescribed  for  the  Hessian  officers  should  be  pur- 
sued, will  it  not  establish  what  the  enemy  have  been  aiming  to  effect  by  every  arti- 
fice, and  the  grossest  misrepresentations  ?  I  mean,  an  opinion  of  our  enmity  towards 
them,  and  of  the  cruel  conduct  they  experience  when  they  fall  into  our  hands ;  a  pre- 
judice which  we,  on  our  part,  have  heretofore  thought  it  politic  to  suppress,  and  to 
root  out  by  every  act  of  kindness  and  of  lenity.  It  certainly  will.  The  Hessians  will 
hear  of  the  punishments  with  all  the  circumstances  of  heightened  exaggeration,  and 
would  feel  the  injury  without  investigating  the  cause,  or  reasoning  upon  the  justice 
of  it.  The  mischiefs  which  may,  and  must  inevitably  flow  from  the  execution  of  the 
resolves,  appear  to  be  endless  and  innumerable." 


NOTE— No.  XIV. 

The  following  petition  addressed  to  Governor  Livingston,  will  furnish  some  evi- 
dence of  the  situation  to  which  that  part  of  Jersey  was  reduced. 
To  his  excellency  William  Livingston,  esquire,  governor,  captain  general,  and  com- 
mander-in-chief  in  and  over  the  state  of  New  Jersey  and  the  territories  thereunto 
belonging  in  America,  chancellor  and  ordinary  in  the  same — the  humble  petition 
of  the  officers,  civil  and  military,  whose  names  are  hereunto  subscribed, 
Showeth,— That  a  large  detachment  of  the  British  army,  a  few  weeks  ago,  made 
an  invasion  into  the  lower  counties  of  this  state  on  Delaware,  and  plundered  a  few 
of  the  inhabitants.     That  at  present  a  large  detachment  are  invading  them  a  second 
time.     That  the  enemy  in  this  second  incursion,  have,  as  we  have  been  credibly  in- 
formed, by  the  express  orders  of  Colonel  Mawhood,  the  commanding  officer,  bayoneted 
and  butchered  in  the  most  inhuman  manner,  a  number,  of  the  militia  who  have  un- 
fortunately fallen  into  their  hands.     That  Colonel  Mawhood  immediately  after  the 
massacre,  in  open  letters,  sent  to  both  officers  and  privates  by  a  flag,  had  the  effrontery 
to  insult  us  with  a  demand,  that  we  should  lay  down  our  arms,  and  if  not,  threatened 
VOL.  i.  32 


34        i  NOTES. 

to  Durn,  destroy,  and  lay  the  whole  country  waste,  and  more  especially  the  property 
of  a  number  of  our  most  distinguished  men,  whom  he  named.  That  he  has  since  put 
his  threat  into  execution,  in  one  instance,  by  burning  one  of  the  finest  dwelling  houses 
in  Salem  county,  and  all  the  other  Huildings  on  the  same  farm,  the  property  of  Colo- 
nel Benjamin  Home.  That  ntamlor,  rapine,  and  devastation  in  the  most  fertile  and 
populous  parts  of  those  r  ly  mark  their  footsteps  wherever  they  go.  That 

they  are  spreading  disa!  ••;/  are  using  every  possible  means  to  corrupt  the 

minds  of  the  people,  who,  i»itfrQ€Jjjifeir  lines,  have  so  little  virtue  as  to  purchase  from 
them. 

That  we  are  in  no  state  of  defence.  That  we  are  so  exposed  by  reason  of  our  situa- 
tion, that  some  of  our  officers,  civil  and  military,  have  moved  out  of  the  counties  for 
safety.  That  our  militia,  during  the  last  winter,  have  been  so  fatigued  out  by  repeated 
calls  and  continued  service,  and  disaffection  is  now  so  widely  diffused,  that  very  few 
can  be  called  out,  in  some  places,  none.  That  we  have  no  troops  of  light  horse  regu- 
larly embodied,  there  is  a  scarcity  of  small  arms  among  us,  and  no  field  pieces.  That 
in  these  two  incursions,  we  have  very  sensibly  felt  the  want  of  field  pieces  and  artil- 
lery men,  that  the  number  of  us  assembled  is  so  small,  that  though  we  should  use  the 
greatest  conduct  arfil  bravery,  we  could  only  provoke,  not  injure  our  enemy. 

That  the  extent  of  our  country  is  so  great,  that  our  small  number  of  men  fatigued 
out,  indifferently  armed  and  without  field  pieces,  can  not  defend  it.  That,  as  Delaware 
runs  all  along  those  counties,  we  are  liable  to  be  attacked  in  numberless  places. 

That  the  acquisition  of  these  counties  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  the  enemy. 
That  they  could  nearly  maintain  their  whole  army  a  campaign  by  the  plunder,  forage, 
and  assistance  they  could  draw  from  them.  That  although  the  United  States  might 
not  need  them,  yet  it  might  perhaps  be  adviseable  to  defend  them,  to  prevent  the  ad- 
vantage the  enemy  might  receive  from  them.  That  our  riches,  and  former  virtue, 
make  us  a  prey  to  an  enemy,  whose  tender  mercies  are  cruelties. 

That  in  short,  our  situation  is  beyond  description  deplorable.  That  the  powers 
civil  and  military  are  daily  relaxing,  and  disaffection  prevailing.  That  we  can  neither 
stay  at  our  houses,  go  out,  nor  come  in  with  safety.  That  we  can  neither  plough, 
plant,  sow,  reap  nor  gather.  That  we  are  fast  falling  into  poverty,  distress,  and  into 
the  hands  of  our  enemy.  That  unless  there  can  be  sent  to  our  relief  and  assistance  a 
sufficient  body  of  standing  troops,  we  must  be  under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of 
leaving  the  country  to  the  enemy,  and  removing  ourselves  and  families  to  distant 
places  for  safety.  That  although  the  present  detachment  may  be  fled  and  gone,  be- 
fore the  relief  reaches  us,  yet  a  body  of  troops  are  necessary  for  our  protection,  as  long 
as  the  enemy  possess  Philadelphia.  And  these  are  the  sentiments  not  only  of  us  the 
subscribers,  but  of  all  the  rest  of  the  officers  civil  and  military,  and  other  the  good  sub 
jects  of -this  state  in  these  counties. 


NOTE-NO,  xv. 

The  following  is  the  report  made  by  the  committee: 

"January  1,  1779.  The  committee  appointed  to  confer  with  the  commander-in- 
chief  on  the  operations  of  the  next  campaign,  report,  that  the  plan  proposed  by  con- 
gress for  the  emancipation  of  Canada,  in  co-operation  with  an  army  from  France,  was 
the  principal  subject  of  the  said  conference. 

That,  impressed  with  a  strong  sense  of  the  injury  and  disgrace  which  must  attend 
an  infraction  of  the  proposed  stipulations,  on  the  part  of  these  states,  your  committee 


t 


NOTES.  35 

have  taken  a  general  view  of  our  finances,  of  the  circumstances  of  our  army,  of  the  ma- 
gazines of  clothes,  artillery,  arms  and  ammunition,  and  of  the  provisions  in  store,  and 
which  can'  be  collected  in  season. 

Your  committee  have  also  attentively  considered  the  intelligence  and  observations 
communicated  to  them  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  respecting  the  number  of  troops 
and  strong  holds  of  the  enemy  in  Canada ;  their  naval  force,  and  entire  command  of 
the  water  communication  with  that  country— the  difficulties,  while  they  possess  such 
signal  advantages,  of  penetrating  it  with  an  army  by  land — the  obstacles  which  are  to 
be  surmounted  in  acquiring  a  naval  superiority — the  hostile  temper  of  many  of  the 
surrounding  Indian  tribes  towards  these  states,  and  above  all  the  uncertainty  whether 
the  enemy  will  not  persevere  in  their  system  of  harassing  and  distressing  our  sea-coast 
and  frontiers  by  a  predatory  war. 

That  on  the  most  mature  deliberation,  your  committee  can  not  find  room  for  a  well 
grounded  presumption  that  these  states  will  be  able  to  perform  their  part  of  the  pro- 
posed stipulations.  That  in  a  measure  of  such  moment,  calculated  to  call  forth,  and 
direct  to  a  single  object  a  considerable  portion  of  the  force  of  our  ally,  which  may 
otherwise  be  essentially  employed,  nothing  else  than  the  highest  probability  of  success 
could  justify  congress  in  making  the  proposition. 

Your  committee  are  therefore  of  opinion  that  the  negotiation  in  question,  however 
desirable,  and  interesting,  should  be  deferred  until  circumstances  render  the  co-opera- 
tion of  these  states  more  certain,  practicable,  and  effectual. 

That  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  these  states  at  the  court  of  Versailles,  the  mi- 
nister of  France  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  minister  of  France,  be  respectively  informed 
that  the  operations  of  the  next  campaign  must  depend  on  such  a  variety  of  contingen- 
cies to  arise,  as  well  from  our  own  internal  circumstances  and  resources,  as  the  pro- 
gress and  movements  of  our  enemy,  that  time  alone  can  mature  and  point  out  the  plan 
which  ought  to  be  pursued.  That  congress,  therefore,  can  not,  with  a  degree  of  con- 
fidence answerable  to  the  magnitude  of  the  object,  decide  on  the  practicability  of  their 
co-operating  the  next  campaign,  in  an  enterprise  for  the  emancipation  of  Canada; 
that  every  preparation  in  our  power  will  nevertheless  be  made  for  acting  with  vigour 
against  the  common  enemy,  and  every  favourable  incident  embraced  with  alacrity,  to 
facilitate,  and  hasten  the  freedom  and  independence  of  Canada,  and  her  union  with 
these  states — events  which  congress,  from  motives  of  policy  with  respect  to  the  United 
States,  as  well  as  of  affection  for  their  Canadian  brethren,  have  greatly  at  heart." 

Mr.  de  Sevelinges  in  his  introduction  to  Botta's  History,  recites  the  private  instruc- 
tions given  to  Mr.  Girard  on  his  mission  to  the  United  States.  One  article  was,  "  to 
avoid  entering  into  any  formal  engagement  relative  to  Canada  and  other  English  pos- 
sessions which  congress  proposed  to  conquer.  Mr.  de  Sevelinges  adds  that  "the  po- 
licy of  the  cabinet  of  Versailles  viewed  the  possession  of  those  countries,  especially  of 
Canada  by  England,  as  a  principle  of  useful  inquietude  and  vigilance  to  the  Ameri- 
cans. The  neighbourhood  of  a  formidable  enemy  must  make  them  feel  more  sensibly 
the  price  which  they  ought  to  attach  to  the  friendship  and  support  of  the  king  of 
France." 

The  author  has  reason  to  believe  that  this  policy  was  known  to  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette  when  his  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  United  States  induced  him  to  add 
his  influence  to  their  solicitations  for  aid  to  this  enterprise. 


86  NOTES. 

NOTE-NO,  xvi. 

A  letter  to  President  Heed  of  Pennsylvania  from  which  the  following  extracts  are 
taken,  is  selected  from  many  others  written  with  the  same  view. 

Morristown,  May  28th,  1700. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  favour  of  the  23d.  Nothing  could 
be  more  necessary  than  the  aid  given  by  your  state  towards  supplying  us  with  provi- 
sions. I  assure  you,  every  idea  you  can  form  of  our  distresses,  will  fall  short  of  the 
reality.  There  is  such  a  combination  of  circumstances  to  exhaust  the  patience  of  the 
soldiery,  that  it  begins  at  length  to  be  worn  out,  and  we  see  in  every  line  of  the  army, 
the  most  serious  features  of  mutiny  and  sedition  :  all  our  departments,  all  our  opera- 
tions are  at  a  stand ;  and  unless  a  system  very  different  from  that  which  has  for  a 
long  tinfe  prevailed,  be  immediately  adopted  throughout  the  states,  our  affairs  must 
soon  become  desperate  beyond  the  possibility  of  recovery.  If  you  were  on  the  spot, 
my  dear  sir,  if  you  could  see  what  difficulties  surround  us  on  every  side,  how  unable 
we  are  to  administer  to  the  most  ordinary  calls  of  the  service,  you  would  be  convinced 
that  these  expressions  are  not  too  strong :  arid  that  we  have  every  thing  to  dread : 
Indeed  I  have  almost  ceased  to  hope.  The  country  in  general  is  in  such  a  state  of  in- 
sensibility and  indifference  to  its  interests,  that  I  dare  not  flatter  myself  with  any 
change  for  the  better. 

The  committee  of  congress  in  their  late  address  to  the  several  states,  have  given  a 
just  picture  of  our  situation.  I  very  much  doubt  its  making  the  desired  impression; 
and  if  it  does  not,  I  shall  consider  our  lethargy  as  incurable.  The  present  juncture 
is  so  interesting,  that  if  it  does  not  produce  correspondent  exertions,  it  will  be  a  proof, 
that  motives  of  honour,  public  good,  and  even  self-preservation,  have  lost  their  influ- 
ence upon  our  minds.  This  is  a  decisive  moment,  one  of  the  most,  I  will  go  further 
and  say,  the  most  important  America  has  seen.  The  court  of  France  has  made  a 
glorious  effort  for  our  deliverance,  and  if  we  disappoint  its  intentions  by  our  supine- 
ness,  we  must  become  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  all  mankind ;  nor  can  we,  after  that, 
venture  to  confide  that  our  allies  will  persist  in  an  attempt  to  establish  what  it  will 
appear  we  want  inclination  or  ability  to  assist  them  in. 

Every  view  of  our  own  circumstances  ought  to  determine  us  to  the  most  vigorous 
efforts ;  but  there  are  considerations  of  another  kind,  that  should  have  equal  weight. 
The  combined  fleets  of  France  and  Spain  last  year  were  greatly  superior  to  those  of 
the  enemy ;  the  enemy  nevertheless  sustained  no  material  damage,  and  at  the  close 
of  the  campaign  gave  a  very  important  blow  to  our  allies.  This  campaign,  the  differ- 
ence between  the  fleets,  from  every  account  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  will  be  incon- 
siderable :  indeed  it  is  far  from  clear  that  there  will  be  an  equality.  What  are  we  to 
expect  will  be  the  case  if  there  should  be  another  campaign  ?  In  all  probability  the 
advantage  would  be  on  the  side  of  the  English,  and  then  what  would  become  of  Ame- 
rica 1  We  ought  not  to  deceive  ourselves.  The  maritime  resources  of  Great  Britain  are 
more  substantial  and  real  than  those  of  France  and  Spain  united.  Her  commerce  is 
more  extensive  than  that  of  both  her  rivals;  and  it  is  an  axiom,  that  the  nation  which 
has  the  most  extensive  commerce  will  always  have  the  most  powerful  marine.  Were 
this  argument  less  convincing,  the  fact  speaks  for  itself:  her  progress  in  the  course  of 
the  last  year  is  an  incontestable  proof. 

"It  is  true  France  in  a  manner  created  a  fleet  in  a  very  short  space,  and  this  may 
mislead  us  in  the  judgment  we  form  of  her  naval  abilities.  But  if  they  bore  any  com- 
parison with  those  of  Great  Britain,  how  comes  it  to  pass,  that  with  all  the  force  of 
ripain  added,  she  has  lost  so  much  ground  in  so  short  a  time,  as  now  to  have  scarcely 


NOTES.  37 

a  superiority.  We  should  consider  what  was  done  by  France,  as  a  violent  and  unna- 
tural effort  of  the  government,  which,  for  want  of  sufficient  foundation,  can  not  con- 
tinue to  operate  proportionable  effects. 

"  In  modern  wars,  the  longest  purse  must  chiefly  determine  the  event.  I  fear  that 
of  the  enemy  will  be  found  to  be  so.  Though  the  government  is  deeply  in  debt  and 
of  course  poor,  the  nation  is  rich,  and  their  riches  afford  a  fund  which  will  not  be 
easily  exhausted.  Besides,  their  system  of  public  credit  is  such,  that  it  is  capable  of 
greater  exertions  than  that  of  any  other  nation.  Speculatists  have  been  a  long  time 
foretelling  its  downfall ;  but  we  see  no  symptoms  of  the  catastrophe  being  very  near 
I  am  persuaded  it  will  at  least  last  out  the  war. 

"France  is  in  a  very  different  position.  The  abilities  of  the  present  financier,  have 
done  wonders ;  by  a  wise  administration  of  the  revenues,  aided  by  advantageous  loans, 
he  has  avoided  the  necessity  of  additional  taxes.  But  I  am  well  informed  if  the  war 
continues  another  campaign,  he  will  be  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  taxes  usual  in 
time  of  war,  which  are  very  heavy,  and  which  the  people  of  France  are  not  in  a  con- 
dition to  endure  for  any  length  of  time.  When  this  necessity  commences,  France 
makes  war  on  ruinous  terms,  and  England,  from  her  individual  wealth,  will  find  much 
greater  facilities  in  supplying  her  exigencies. 

"Spain  derives  great  wealth  from  her  mines,  but  it  is  not  so  great  as  is  generally 
imagined.  Of'Iate  years  the  profit  to  government  is  essentially  diminished.  Com- 
merce and  industry  are  the  best  mines  of  a  nation  ;  both  which  are  wanted  by  her.  I 
am  told  her  treasury  is  far  from  being  so  well  filled  as  we  have  flattered  ourselves.  She 
is  also  much  divided  on  the  propriety  of  the  war.  There  is  a  strong  party  against  it. 
The  temper  of  the  nation  is  too  sluggish  to  admit  of  great  exertions ;  and  though  the 
courts  of  the  two  kingdoms  are  closely  linked  together,  there  never  has  been  in  any  of 
their  wars,  a  perfect  harmony  of  measures,  nor  has  it  been  the  case  in  this ;  which  has 
already  been  no  small  detriment  to  the  common  cause. 

"  I  mention  these  things  to  show  that  the  circumstances  of  our  allies,  as  well  as  our 
own,  call  for  peace,  to  obtain  which  we  must  make  one  great  effort  this  campaign. 
The  present  instance  of  the  friendship  of  the  court  of  France,  is  attended  with  every 
circumstance  that  can  render  it  important  and  agreeable,  that  can  interest  our  grati- 
tude or  fire  our  emulation.  If  we  do  our  duty  we  may  even  hope  to  make  the  cam- 
paign decisive  of  the  contest.  But  we  must  do  our  duty  in  •earnest,  or  disgrace  and 
ruin  will  attend  us.  I  am  sincere  in  declaring  a  full  persuasion  that  the  succour  will 
be  fatal  to  us  if  our  measures  are  not  adequate  to  the  emergency. 

"Now,  my  dear  sir,  I  must  observe  to  you,  that  much  will  depend  on  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania.  She  has  it  in  her  power  to  contribute,  without  comparison,  more  to 
our  success,  than  any  other  state,  in  the  two  essential  articles  of  flour  and  transporta- 
tion. I  speak  to  you  in  the  language  of  frankness,  and  as  a  friend.  I  do  not  mean  to 
make  any  insinuations  unfavourable  to  the  state.  I  am  aware  of  the  embarrassment 
(he  government  labours  under  from  the  open  opposition  of  one  party  and  the  under- 
hand intrigues  of  another.  I  know  that  with  the  best  dispositions  to  promote  the  pub- 
lic service,  you  have  been  obliged  to  move  with  circumspection.  But  this  is  a  time  to 
hazard,  and  to  take  a  tone  of  energy  and  decision.  All  parties  but  the  disaffected  will 
acquiesce  in  the  necessity  and  give  their  support. 

"  The  matter  is  reduced  to  a  point.  Either  Pennsylvania  must  give  us  all  we  ask, 
or  we  can  undertake  nothing.  We  must  renounce  every  idea  of  co-operation,  and 
must  confess  to  our  allies  that  we  look  wholly  to  them  for  our  safety.  This  will  be  a 
state  of  humiliation  and  bitterness  against  which  the  feelings  of  every  good  American 
ought  to  revolt.  Yours  I  am  convinced  will,  nor  hare  I  the  least  doubt,  but  that  you 


38  NOTES. 

will  employ  all  your  influence  to  animate  the  legislature  and  the  people  at  large.  The 
fate  of  these  states  hangs  upon  it.  God  grant  we  may  be  properly  impressed  with  the 
consequences. 

"  I  wish  the  legislature  could  be  engaged  to  vest  the  executive  with  plenipotentiary 
powers.  I  should  then  expect  every  thing  practicable  from  your  abilities  and  zeal. 
This  is  not  a  time  for  formality  and  ceremony.  The  crisis  in  every  point  of  view  is 
extraordinary,  and  extraordinary  expedients  are  necessary.  I  am  decided  in  this  opi 
nion. 


NOTE— No.  XVII. 

Andre  having  been  unquestionably  a  spy,  and  his  sentence  consequently  just ;  and 
the  plot  in  which  he  had  engaged  having  threatened  consequences  the  most  fatal  to 
America ;  his  execution,  had  he  been  an  ordinary  person,  would  certainly  have  been 
viewed  with  cold  indifference.  But  he  was  not  an  ordinary  person.  In  a  letter  writ- 
ten at  the  time  by  Colonel  Hamilton,  who  in  genius,  in  candour,  and  in  romantic 
heroism,  did  not  yield  to  this  unfortunate  Englishman,  the  character  of  Andre  is  thus 
feelingly  and  eloquently  drawn.  "  There  was  something  singularly  interesting  in  the 
character  and  fortunes  of  Andre.  To  an  excellent  understanding,  well  improved  by 
education  and  travel,  he  united  a  peculiar  elegance  of  mind  and  manners,  and  the  ad- 
vantages of  a  pleasing  person.  It  is  said  he  possessed  a  pretty  taste  for  the  fine  arts, 
and  had  himself  attained  some  proficiency  in  poetry,  music,  and  painting.  His  know- 
ledge appeared  without  ostentation,  and  embellished  by  a  diffidence  that  rarely  accom- 
panies so  many  talents  and  accomplishments,  which  left  you  to  suppose  more  than  ap- 
peared. His  sentiments  were  elevated  and  inspired  esteem,  they  had  a  softness  that 
conciliated  affection.  His  elocution  was  handsome,  his  address  easy,  polite,  and  insi- 
nuating. By  his  merit  he  had  acquired  the  unlimited  confidence  of  his  general,  and 
was  making  rapid  progress  in  military  rank  and  reputation.  But  in  the  height  of  his 
career,  flushed  with  new  hopes  from  the  execution  of  a  project  the  most  beneficial  to 
his  party  that  could  be  devised,  he  is  at  once  precipitated  from  the  summit  of  prospe- 
rity, sees  all  the  expectations  of  his  ambition  blasted,  and  himself  ruined.  The  cha- 
racter I  have  given  of  him  is  drawn  partly  from  what  I  saw  of  him  myself,  and  partly 
from  information.  I  am  aware  that  a  man  of  real  merit  is  never  seen  in  so  favourable 
a  light  as  through  the  medium  of  adversity.  The  clouds  that  surround  him  are  so 
many  shades  that  set  off  his  good  qualities.  Misfortune  cuts  down  little  vanities,  that 
in  prosperous  times,  serve  as  so  .many  spots  in  his  virtues;  and  gives  a  tone  to  huma- 
nity that  makes  his  worth  more  amiable. 

"  His  spectators,  who  enjoy  a  happier  lot,  are  less  prone  to  detract  from  it  through 
envy ;  and  are  much  disposed  by  compassion  to  give  the  credit  he  deserves,  and  per- 
haps even  to  magnify  it." 


NOTE-NO,  xvm. 

On  the  first  of  May,  1781,  General  Washington  commenced  a  military  journal. 
The  following  is  a  brief  statement  of  the  situation  of  the  army  at  that  time.  "  I  begin 
at  this  epoch,  a  concise  journal  of  military  transactions,  &c.  I  lament  not  having 
attempted  it  from  the  commencement  of  the  war  in  aid  of  my  memory :  and  wish  the 
multiplicity  of  matter  which  continually  surrounds  me,  and  the  embarrassed  state  of 


NOTES.  39 

our  affairs,  which  is  momentarily  calling  the  attention  to  perplexities  of  one  kind  or 
another,  may  not  defeat  altogether,  or  so  interrupt  my  present  intention  and  plan,  as 
to  render  it  of  little  avail. 

"  To  have  the  clearer  understanding  of  the  entries  which  may  follow,  it  would  he 
proper  to  recite,  in  detail,  our  wants,  and  our  prospects ;  but  this  alone  would  be  a 
work  of  much  time,  and  great  magnitude.  It  may  suffice  to  give  the  sum  of  them, 
which  I  shall  do  in  a  few  words,  viz : 

"  Instead  of  having  magazines  filled  with  provisions,  we  have  a  scanty  pittance  scat- 
tered here  and  there  in  the  different  states. 

"Instead  of  having  our  arsenals  well  supplied  with  military  stores,  they  are  poorly 
provided,  and  the  workmen  all  leaving  them. — Instead  of  having  the  various  articles 
of  field  equipage  in  readiness  to  deliver,  the  quartermaster  general  is  but  now  applying 
to  the  several  states  (as  the  dernier  resort)  to  provide  these  things  for  their  troops  re- 
spectively. Instead  of  having  a  regular  system  of  transportation  established  upon  cre- 
dit— or  funds  in  the  quartermaster's  hands  to  defray  the  contingent  expenses  of  it — 
we  have  neither  the  one  or  the  other ;  and  all  that  business,  or  a  great  part  of  it,  being 
done  by  military  impressment,  we  are  daily  and  hourly  oppressing  the  people,  souring 
their  tempers,  and  alienating  their  affections.  Instead  of  having  the  regiments  com- 
pleted to  the  new  establishments  (and  which  ought  to  have  been  so  by  the 
of  agreeably  to  the  requisitions  of  congress,  scarce  any  state  in  the  union 

has,  at  this  hour,  one-eighth  part  of  its  quota  in  the  field ;  and  there  is  little  prospect 
that  I  can  see  of  ever  getting  more  than  half.  In  a  word,  instead  of  having  every 
thing  in  readiness  to  take  the  field,  we  have  nothing.  And  instead  of  having  the  pros- 
pect of  a  glorious  offensive  campaign  before  us,  we  have  a  bewildered  and  gloomy 
prospect  of  a  defensive  one ;  unless  we  should  receive  a  powerful  aid  of  ships,  land 
troops  and  money  from  our  generous  allies :  and  these  at  present  are  too  contingent  to 
build  upon. 


NOTE— No.  XIX. 

York  in  Virginia,  17th  October,  1781,  half  part  four,  P.  M. 

SIR, — I  have  this  moment  been  honoured  with  your  excellency's  letter  dated  this 
day.  The  time  limited  for  sending  my  answer  will  not  admit  of  entering  into  the  de- 
tails of  articles,  but  the  basis  of  my  proposals  will  be,  that  the  garrisons  of  York  and 
Gloucester  shall  be  prisoners  of  war  with  the  customary  honours ;  and  for  the  conve- 
nience of  the  individuals  which  I  have  the  honour  to  command,  that  the  British  shall 
be  sent  to  Britain,  and  the  Germans  to  Germany,  under  engagements  not  to  serve 
against  France,  America,  or  their  allies,  until  released  or  regularly  exchanged.  That 
all  arms  and  public  stores  shall  be  delivered  up  to  you,  but  that  the  usual  indulgence 
of  side  arms  to  officers  and  of  retaining  private  property  shall  be  granted  to  officers 
and  soldiers ;  and  the  interests  of  individuals  in  civil  capacities,  and  connected  with  us, 
shall  be  attended  to.  If  your  excellency  thinks  that  a  continuance  of  the  suspension 
of  hostilities  will  be  necessary  to  transmit  your  answer,  I  shall  have  no  objection  to  the 
hour  that  you  propose.  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

CORNWALLIS. 

His  excellency  General  Washington,  &c.  &c.  &c. 


40  NOTES. 

NOTE— No.  XX. 

Headquarters  before  York,  18th  October,  1781. 

My  LORD, — To  avoid  unnecessary  discussions  and  delays,  I  shall  at  once,  in  an- 
swer to  your  lordship's  letter  of  yesterday,  declare  the  general  basis  upon  which  a  defi- 
nitive treaty  of  capitulation  must  take  place.  The  garrison  of  York  and  Gloucester, 
including  the  seamen,  as  you  propose,  will  be  received  prisoners  of  war.  The  condi 
tion  annexed  of  sending  the  British  and  German  troops  to  the  parts,  of  Europe  to 
which  they  respectively  belong,  is  inadmissible.  Instead  of  this,  they  will  be  marched 
to  such  parts  of  the  country  as  can  most  conveniently  provide  for  their  subsistence ; 
and  the  benevolent  treatment  of  prisoners,  which  is  invariably  observed  by  the  Ameri- 
cans, will  be  extended  to  them.  The  same  honours  will  be  granted  to  the  surrendering 
army,  as  were  granted  to  the  garrison  of  Charleston. 

The  shipping  and  boats  in  the  two  harbours,  with  all  their  guns,  stores,  tackling, 
furniture,  and  apparel,  shall  be  delivered  in  their  present  state  to  an  officer  of  the  navy 
appointed  to  take  possession  of  them. 

The  artillery,  arms,  accoutrements,  military  chest,  and  public  stores  of  every  deno- 
mination, shall  be  delivered  unimpaired,  to  the  heads  of  departments,  to  which  they 
respectively  belong. 

The  officers  will  be  indulged  in  retaining  their  side  arms,  and  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers may  preserve  their  baggage  and  effects  with  this  reserve,  that  property  taken  in 
the  country  will  be  reclaimed. 

With  regard  to  the  individuals  in  civil  capacities,  whose  interests  your  lordship 
wishes  may  be  attended  to,  until  they  are  more  particularly  described,  nothing  defini- 
tive can  be  settled. 

I  have  to  add,  that  I  expect  the  sick  and  wounded  will  be  supplied  with  their  own 
hospital  stores,  and  attended  by  British  surgeons  particularly  charged  with  the  care 
of  them. 

Your  lordship  will  be  pleased  to  signify  your  determination  either  to  accept  or  re- 
ject the  proposals  now  offered,  in  the  course  of  two  hours  from  the  delivery  of  this  let- 
ter, that  commissioners  may  be  appointed  to  digest  the  articles  of  capitulation,  or  a 
renewal  of  hostilities  may  take  place. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  my  lord,  &c. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Lieutenant  General  Earl  Cornwallis. 


York,  in  Virginia,  18th  October,  1781. 

SIR, — I  agree  to  open  a  treaty  of  capitulation  upon  the  basis  of  the  garrisons  of 
York  and  Gloucester,  including  seamen,  being  prisoners  of  war  without  annexing  the 
condition  of  their  being  sent  to  Europe ;  but  I  expect  to  receive  a  compensation  in 
arranging  the  articles  of  capitulation  for  the  surrender  of  Gloucester  in  its  present  state 
of  defence. 

I  shall  in  particular  desire  that  the  Bonetta  sloop  of  war,  may  be  left  entirely  at  my 
disposal  from  the  hour  the  capitulation  is  signed,  to  receive  an  aid-de-camp  to  carry  my 
despatches  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  such  soldiers  as  I  may  think  proper  to  send  as 
passengers  in  her,  to  be  manned  with  fifty  men  of  her  own  crew,  and  to  be  permitted 
to  sail  without  examination  when  rny  despatches  are  ready;  engaging  on  my  part  that 
the  ship  shall  be  brought  back  and  delivered  to  you,  if  she  escapes  the  dangers  of  the 
•sea;  that  the  crew  and  soldiers  sent  as  passengers  shall  be  accounted  for  in  future  ex 
changes  as  prisoners ;  that  she  shall  carry  off  no  officer  without  your  consent,  no, 
public  property  of  any  kind ;  and  I  shall  likewise  desire  that  the  traders  and  inhabitants 


NOTES.  41 

may  preserve  their  property,  and  that  no  person  may  be  punished  or  molested  for 
having  joined  the  British  troops. 

If  you  choose  to  proceed  to  negotiation  on  these  grounds,  I  shall  appoint  two  field 
officers  of  my  army  to  meet  two  officers  from  you  at  any  time  and  place  you  think 
proper,  to  digest  the  articles  of  capitulation.     I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 
Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

CORNWALLIS. 
His  excellency  General  Washington,  &c.  &c.  &c. 


NOTE-NO,  xxi. 

Head  quarters,  20th  October,  1781. 

SIR, — The  surrender  of  York,  from  which  so  much  glory  and  advantage  are  de- 
rived to  the  allies,  and  the  honour  of  which  belongs  to  your  excellency,  has  greatly 
anticipated  our  most  sanguine  expectations.  Certain  of  this  event  under  your  auspi- 
ces, though  unable  to  determine  the  time,  I  solicited  your  excellency's  attention  in  the 
first  conference  with  which  you  honoured  me,  to  ulterior  objects  of  decisive  importance 
to  the  common  cause.  Although  your  excellency's  answer  on  that  occasion  was  un- 
favourable to  my  wishes,  the  unexpected  promptness  with  which  our  operations  have 
been  conducted  to  their  final  success  having  gained  us  time,  the  defect  of  which  was 
one  of  your  excellency's  principal  objections,  a  perspective  of  the  most  extensive  and 
happy  consequences,  engages  me  to  renew  my  representations. 

Charleston,  the  principal  maritime  port  of  the  British  in  the  southern  parts  of  the 
continent,  the  grand  deposite  and  point  of  support  for  the  present  theatre  of  the  war,  is 
open  to  a  combined  attack,  and  might  be  carried  with  as  much  certainty  as  the  place 
which  has  just  surrendered. 

This  capture  would  destroy  the  last  hope  which  induces  the  enemy  to  continue  the 
war;  for  having  experienced  the  impracticability  of  recovering  the  populous  northern 
states,  he  has  determined  to  confine  himself  to  the  defensive  in  that  quarter,  and  to 
prosecute  a  most  vigorous  offensive  in  the  south,  with  a  view  of  conquering  states, 
whose  spare  population  and  natural  disadvantages  render  them  infinitely  less  suscep- 
tible of  defence ;  although  their  productions  render  them  the  most  valuable  in  a  com- 
mercial view.  His  naval  superiority,  previous  to  your  excellency's  arrival,  gave  him 
decisive  advantages  in  the  rapid  transport  of  his  troops  and  supplies :  while  the  im- 
mense land  marches  of  our  succours,  too  tardy  and  expensive  in  every  point  of  view, 
subjected  us  to  be  beaten  in  detail. 

It  will  depend  upon  your  excellency,  therefore,  to  terminate  the  war,  and  enable 
the  allies  to  dictate  the  law  in  a  treaty.  A  campaign  so  glorious  and  so  fertile  in  con- 
sequences, could  be  reserved  only  for  the  Count  de  Grasse. 

It  rarely  happens  that  such  a  combination  of  means,  as  are  in  oar  hands  at  present, 
can  be  seasonably  obtained  by  the  most  strenuous  of  human  exertions. — A  decisively 
superior  fleet,  the  fortune  and  talents  of  whose  commander  overawe  all  the  naval  force 
that  the  most  incredible  efforts  of  the  enemy  have  been  able  to  collect ;  an  army  flushed 
with  success,  and  demanding  only  to  be  conducted  to  new  attacks ;  and  the  very  sea- 
son which  is  proper  for  operating  against  the  points  in  question. 

If  upon  entering  into  the  detail  of  this  expedition,  your  excellency  should  still  de- 
termine it  impracticable,  there  is  an  object  which  though  subordinate  to  that  above 
mentioned,  is  of  capital  importance  to  our  southern  operations,  and  may  be  effected  at 
infinitely  less  expense ;  I  mean  the  enemy's  post  at  Wilmington  in  North  Carolina. 


42  NOTES. 

Circumstances  require  that  I  should  at  this  period  reinforce  the  southern  army  under 
(General  Greene.  This  reinforcement  transported  by  sea  under  your  excellency's 
convoy,  would  enable  us  to  carry  the  post  in  question  with  very  little  difficulty,  and 
would  wrest  from  the  British  a  point  of  support  in  North  Carolina,  which  is  attended 
with  the  most  dangerous  consequences  to  us,  and  would  liberate  another  state.  This 
object  would  require  nothing  more  than  the  convoy  of  your  excellency  to  the  point  of 
operation,  and  the  protection  of  the  debarkation. 

I  intreat  your  excellency's  attention  to  the  points  which  I  have  the  honour  of  lay- 
ing before  you,  and  to  be  pleased  at  the  same  time  to  inform  me  what  are  your  dispo- 
sitions for  a  maritime  force  to  be  left  on  the  American  station. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


NOTE— No.  XXII. 

Late  in  October  an  irruption  was  made  into  the  country  on  the  Mohawk,  by  Major 
Ross,  at  the  head  of  about  five  hundred  men,  composed  of  regulars,  rangers,  and  In- 
dians. Colonel  Willet,  with  between  four  and  five  hundred  men,  partly  of  the  troops 
denominated  levies,  and  partly  militia,  immediately  marched  in  quest  of  them,  and  fell 
in  with  them  at  Johnstown,  where  they  were  slaughtering  cattle,  apparently  unappre- 
hensive of  an  enemy.  Before  showing  himself,  he  detached  Major  Rowley  of  Massa- 
chusetts with  the  left  wing  to  fall  on  the  rear,  while  he  should  engage  the  front.  On 
his  appearance  the  British  party  retired  to  a  neighbouring  wood,  and  the  American 
advance  was  just  beginning  to  skirmish  with  them,  when  that  whole  wing,  without 
any  apparent  cause,  suddenly  fled  from  the  field,  leaving  a  field-piece  posted  on  a 
height  in  order  to  cover  a  retreat,  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Fortunately  for 
the  party,  Rowley  appeared  in  the  rear  at  this  critical  juncture,  and  regained  what  the 
right  wing  had  lost.  Night  soon  coming  on,  Major  Ross  retired  further  into  the 
wood,  and  encamped  on  the  top  of  a  mountain.  He  seems  after  this  skirmish  to  have 
been  only  intent  onrepassing  the  dreary  wilderness  in  his  rear,  and  securing  his  party; 
an  object  not  to  be  accomplished  without  immense  fatigue  and  great  suffering,  as 
Colonel  Willet  had  cut  off  their  return  to  their  boats,  and  they  were  to  retreat  by  the 
way  of  Buck  island,  or  Oswegatchie.  With  a  select  part  of  his  troops  who  were  fur- 
nished with  five  days  provisions,  and  about  sixty  Indians  who  had  just  joined  him,  and 
who,  he  said,  "  are  the  best  cavalry  for  the  service  of  the  wilderness,"  he  commenced  a 
rapid  pursuit,  and  in  the  morning  of  the  30th,  at  a  ford  on  Canada  creek,  fell  in  with 
about  forty  whites  and  some  Indians  who  were  left  in  the  rear  to  procure  provisions. 
These  were  attacked  and  the  greater  number  of  them  killed  or  taken,  upon  which  the 
main  body  fled  with  such  rapidity  that  the  pursuit  proved  ineffectual.  In  the  party  at 
Canada  creek  was  Major  Walter  Butler,  the  person  who  perpetrated  the  massacre  at 
Cherry-valley.  His  entreaties  for  quarter  were  disregarded,  and  he  fell  the  victim 
of  that  vengeance  which  his  own  savage  temper  had  directed  against  himself. 


END  OF   VOLUME   I. 


INDEX. 


PAGB. 

BIRTH  of  Mr.  Washington,     .'--....._.      J 

His  mission  to  the  French  on  the  Ohio,         .......          3 

Appointed  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  a  regiment  of  regular  troops,  4 

Surprises  Monsieur  Jumonville,  -        ......        -ib. 

Capitulation  of  Fort  Necessity,         -        -        -        -        -'•        -        -        -5 

Is  appointed  Aid-de-camp  to  General  Braddock,  .---.-  8 
Defeat  and  death  of  that  general,  .......  ..9 

Is  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  regiment, -        11 

Extreme  distress  of  the  frontiers,  and  exertions  of  Colonel  Washington,  to  aug- 
ment the  regular  forces  of  the  colony, ib. 

Expedition  against  fort  Du  Gluesne,          --------23 

Defeat  of  Major  Grant,        ......        ...-25 

Fort  Du  Gluesne  evacuated  by  the  French,  and  taken  possession  of  by  the  English,  26 
Resignation  of  Colonel  Washington,    -       v       -        -        -        -        -  ib. 

His  marriage,          -        ...        -        .        -        -        -        -        -        -        -27 

Colonel  Washington  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  American  forces,  -        28 
Arrives  at  Cambridge,     -----...-..29 

Strength  and  disposition  of  the  two  armies,  -  •  -  -  • .  »  •  ib. 
Deficiency  of  the  Americans  in  arms  and  ammunition,  -  -  •  .  •  -30 
Distress  of  the  British  from  the  want  of  fresh  provisions,  32 

Falmouth  burnt,  ....-33 

Success  of  the  American  cruisers,         --...-•>        34 
Measures  to  form  a  continental  army,       ......--35 

Difficulty  of  re-enlisting  the  troops,        .......  36 

Plan  for  attacking  Boston,        ..........37 

Temporary  governments  formed,  ...-..«.        38 

General  Lee  detached  to  New  York,        -.....--41 

Possession  taken  of  the  heights  of  Dorchester,        •••---        43 
Boston  evacuated,  ---__..----ib. 

Correspondence  respecting  prisoners,  .......44 

Invasion  of  Canada  meditated,          _....»•.        -46 

The  Americans  enter  that  province,  .-.-.•••-47 

Siege  of  St.  John's, ....-ib. 

Capture  of  fort  Chamblee,    --....----48 

Carleton's  defeat  at  Longueisle,       -....*,       •        •        -    ib. 

St.  John's  capitulated,          --....--"-ib. 

Montreal  surrenders,       --......---49 

Arnold's  expedition,     •        ......        ....        50 

He  arrives  before  Quebec,        -......•--51 


ii  INDEX. 

PJKJE 
Retires  to  Point  Aux  Trembles,  -        -       •       •       •       •       •    .   -        52 

Montgomery  lays  siege  to  duebec,  .......        -54 

Unsuccessful  attack  on  that  place,          .......        -55 

Death  of  Montgomery,  -...-..-.-    ib. 

Blockade  of  Ctuebec,  ......        ....        60 

General  Thomas  takes  command  of  the  army,  ......    61 

The  blockade  raised,  __..._...        -62 

General  Sullivan  takes  the  command,        ........63 

Battle  of  the  Three  Rivers,  ..---.....64 

Canada  evacuated,  ...........    65 

General  Carleton  constructs  a  fleet,       ...        •        •        -        •        -        66 
enters  Lake  Champlain,        .......    ib. 

defeats  the  American  flotilla,        ......        67 

takes  possession  of  Crown  Point,  .....    ib., 

retires  into  winter  quarters,        *    . .  "f      "        *        •        •        &• 
Transactions  in  Virginia,        --        -        ••.."        •        •        •        -68 
Action  at  Great  Bridge,        ...-....--69 

Norfolk  evacuated,  ...-.-....-ib. 

Norfolk  burnt, ib. 

Transactions  in  North  Carolina,      ........        -70 

Action  at  Moore's  Creek  bridge,  ........71 

Invasion  of  South  Carolina,    -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -72 

British  fleet  repulsed  at  fort  Moultrie,  .......        ib. 

Transactions  in  New  York,     .--..-...•74 
Measures  leading  to  Independence,        --.....-76 

Independence  declared,    -------..-•80 

Lord  and  Sir  William  Howe  arrive  before  New  York,          ....        81 

Circular  letter  of  Lord  Howe,          -        -        -        -        -        •        -        -        -82 

State  of  the  American  army,         ......        ...        84 

The  British  land  in  force  on  Long  Island,        -        -        -        .      '.•,..,. ?.-       -    87 
Battle  of  Brooklyn,      -        -  -'-•'    '"       -.•.-„,•,,.,»,*,!•,.,•        9° 

Evacuation  of  Long  Island,      ------...-92 

Fruitless  negotiations,          --.,•--..-«        95 
New  York  evacuated,      -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -101 

Skirmishes  on  the  heights  of  Haerlem,  .....        -        .      103 

Letter  on  the  State  of  the  army,        --.--.---  104 
The  British  land  at  Frog's  neck,  --------      no 

The  American  army  evacuates  York  island,  except  Fort  Washington,      -        -  111 
Both  armies  move  towards  the  White  Plains,        ------        ib. 

Battle  of  the  White  Plains,  .'.        r        ..      -  113 

The  British  army  returns  to  Kingsbridge,     --..-..      H5 
General  Washington  crosses  the  North  river,  -        -'-        -        -        -116 

The  lines  of  Fort  Washington  carried  by  the  British,    -        -        -        .        -      118 
Evacuation  of  Fort  Lee,  -        -        -        -        -        -        -        •        -        -119 

Weakness  of  the  American  army,         ........      121 

General  Washington  retreats  through  Jersey,  -        -    .   "        -        •        -121 

Ineffectual  attempts  to  raise  the  militia,         .......      123 

General  Washington  crosses  the  Delaware,      -        -        »'.'«••_.•        -        -    ib. 
Capture  of  General  Lee, ---124 


INDEX.  iii 

m 

PAGE. 

Danger  of  Phikdelphia,      ---.......  134 

The  British  go  into  winter  quarters,       >--....  125 

Battle  of  Trenton,      --.--».....  133 

Battle  of  Princeton,        ---.-.-_...  133 

Firmness  of  congress,         ------..-.  134 

American  army  inoculated,    ------....  137 

General  Heath  removes  to  Kingsbridge,      -.-..-.  133 

returns  to  Peekskill,        ---.-...  ft. 

Skirmishes,        -        -  ••     -  ;-    -        -        _       .        .       .       _       .       .  139 

State  of  the  army,       •>•.,.  ^   ~        .        .        .        .        .        «,        „        _        .  ib. 

Destruction  of  stores  at  Peekskill,        -                        .....  141 

atDanbury,        y-'      ----...  143 

Expedition  to  Sagg  Harbour,      ----.....  143 

Camp  formed  at  Middlebrook,        -----.-__  145 

Sir  William  Howe  moves  out  to  Somerset  Court  House,             ...  147 

returns  to  Amboy,         --•._._       .       _       .        .  143 
attempts  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  American  army  to 

Middlebrook,           ---_.__  149 

Lord  Cornwallis  skirmishes  with  Lord  Stirling,      ......  ib. 

General  Prescot  surprised  and  taken,           ----.._  151 

The  British  army  embarks,  ------        .._ib. 

General  Washington  commences  his  march  to  the  Delaware,       ...  153 

takes  measures  for  pursuing  Burgoyne,  ib. 

Expedition  against  Staten  Island,        ---_....  153 

British  army  lands  at  Elk  River,  --...__.ib. 

General  Washington  advances  to  Brandywine,            .....  154 

Retreat  of  Maxwell, 155 

The  Battle  of  Brandywine, 157 

Slight  skirmish  near  the  White  Horse,  and  retreat  to  French  Creek,       -       -  160 

General  Wayne  surprised,          -        ..        .        -        .        .        .        .  161 

General  Howe  takes  possession  of  Philadelphia,      ---..-  163 

Removal  of  congress  to  Lancaster,      -        ...       -        -        -        -        -  ib. 

Measures  to  cut  off  the  communication  between  the  British  army  and  fleet,      -  166 

Battle  of  Germantown,       ---_...._.  168 

Measures  to  intercept  supplies  to  Philadelphia,        ......  173 

Attack  on  fort  Mifflin,       -----...-.  ib. 

on  Red  Bank, .       ...  174 

The  Augusta  blows  up,     -.--..-.--  ib. 
Fort  Mifflin  evacuated,          -..-....--178 

Skirmish  at  Gloucester  Point,     ---------  179 

Fort  Mercer  evacuated,          --_.....--  180 

The  British  open  the  communication  with  their  fleet,           -        -       -        -  ib. 

Washington  urged  to  attack  Philadelphia,      -------  181 

General  Howe  marches  out  to  Chestnut  Hill,      ------  183 

returns  to  Philadelphia,            *       •--.--  184 

General  Washington  goes  into  winter  quarters,           .       -        -       -        -  188 

Inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  General  Schuyler,         ...---  188 

Burgoyne  appears  before  Ticonderoga,        -------  ib. 

Evacuation  of  that  place,        .-._----•-  190 


iv  INDEX. 

PAGE. 

Evacuation  of  Skecnsborough,           -,-       -       -       -       •       •       •  190 

Colonel  Warner  defeated,       ----- 191 

Evacuation  of  fort  Anne,            ....«-.--  192 

Proclamation  of  Burgoyne,    --.---»---  193 

Counter  proclamation  of  Schuyler, '--------  ib. 

Burgoyne  approaches  fort  Edward,         --...---  195 

Schuyler  retires  to  Saratoga,       ..----.--  ib. 

to  Stillwater,        --..-----ib. 

St.  Leger  invests  fort  Schuyler,      +  T?  -.,»..-    ------  196 

Herkimer defeated,        -        -        -        -  .-  •-..-*.-        -        -        -        -  ib. 

Colonel  Baum  detached  to  Bennington,       -        -        -        -        .       -».       *  197 

is  defeated,      -        -        --*••'    mr^*"""'*-  >»'-     -        -        -  198 

Brechman  defeated,            -       -   -    -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -  ib. 

St.  Leger  abandons  the  siege  of  fort  Schuyler,  -...--  199 

Murder  of  Miss  M'Crea, 200 

General  Gates  takes  command,       -•.-,-        -        -        -        -        -        -  ib. 

Burgoyne  encamps  on  the  heights  of  Saratoga,    ------  201 

Battle  of  Stillwater,        -------        ...-ib. 

Battle  of  the  7th  of  October,  --.--...-204 

Burgoyne  retreats  to  Saratoga,  ««.--...--  205 

capitulates,         -        -        -        -        -        -        -        ..-«»-•••>  207 

The  British  take  forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton,    -        -        -  '     -        -        -  209 

The  forts  Independence  and  Constitution  evacuated  by  the  Americans,        -  ib. 

Ticonderoga  evacuated  by  the  British,    -        -       -./•...  '«»•.•.  .•»•"'      -        -  211 

Defects  in  the  commissary  department,        -        ...   ;  ,w ./*„',»  ;.; ••*.  214 

Distress  of  the  army  at  Valley  Forge,     -                                  «>--«».:'    -        -  215 

Representations  of  General  Washington  to  congress  on  this  subject,     -        -  216 

The  army  subsisted  by  impressment,  .  •-.    -  •».  •    •»--.,   «.._».      -        -        -  ib. 

Combination  in  congress  against  General  Washington,        -    .•  m+  '•  .'•        -  ib. 

Correspondence  between  him  and  General  Gates,    ------  217 

Distress  of  the  army  for  clothes,           .____...  220 

Washington's  exertions  to  augment  the  army,         -.._._  223 

Congress  sends  a  committee  to  camp,           ---....  ib. 

Attempt  to  surprise  Captain  Lee,  •  -..  -»..'.-  .  -  -  -  227 

Congress  determines  on  a  second  expedition  to  Canada,  -  ...  228 

abandons  it,            --.____-__  229 

General  Conway  resigns,            ..-_-....  ib. 

The  Baron  Steuben  appointed  inspector  general,    ------  230 

Congress  forbids  the  embarkation  of  Burgoyne's  army,         ....  232 

Plan  of  reconciliation  agreed  to  in  Parliament,        ------  ib. 

communicated  to  congress,  and  rejected,      ...  233 

Information  of  treaties  between  France  and  the  United  States,         ...  234 

Great  Britain  declares  war  against  France,           --_.._  236 

The  treaties  with  France  ratified  by  congress,         ......  ib. 

Complaints  of  the  treatment  of  prisoners,     ---....  237 

A  partial  exchange  agreed  to,         ----.._._  243 

Incursion  into  Jersey,         ----......  244 

General  Lacy  surprised,     ------..--  245 

Attempt  on  Lafayette  at  Barren  hill,  ........  246 


INDEX.  r 

PAGE. 

General  Howe  resigns  the  command  of  the  British  army,     ....  248 

is  succeeded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  ib. 

He  evacuates  Philadelphia  and  marches  through  Jersey,       ....  250 

A  council  of  war  decides  against  attacking  the  British  on  their  march,      -        -  251 

Battle  of  Monmouth, 254 

General  Lee  arrested,    -----......  257 

Sentenced  to  be  suspended  for  one  year,      .......  ib. 

Thanks  of  congress  to  General  Washington  and  his  army,      ....  258 

Count  D'Estaing  arrives  with  a  French  fleet,       -        -        -        .  *    .        .  259 

meditates  an  attack  on  the  British  fleet  in  New  York  harbour,  260 

relinquished,        •••"  ••-'   -"  -    -    -        .        .        .        .        .  ib. 

sails  to  Rhode  Island,           .......  jb. 

Lord  Howe  appears  off  Rhode  Island,         .......  262 

Both  fleets  dispersed  by  a  storm,      ---....._  263 

General  Sullivan  lays  siege  to  Newport,      .......  ib. 

D'Estaing  returns,         -------._._  ft. 

sails  for  Boston,         ---......  264 

Siege  of  Newport  raised,        ---..-....  265 

Action  on  Rhode  Island,        -----...        .        .  ib. 

The  Americans  retreat  to  the  continent,     .......  26G 

Sullivan  expresses  his  dissatisfaction  in  general  orders,         ....  ib. 

Count  D'Estaing  expresses  his  dissatisfaction  with  Sullivan  in  a  letter  to  congress,  ib. 

General  discontent  with  the  conduct  of  the  fleet,           .....  267 

General  Washington  labours  successfully  to  heal  these  discontents,          -        -  ib. 

Lord  Howe  resigns  the  command  of  the  British  fleet,           ....  269 

Colonel  Baylor's  regiment  surprised,       ---.....  270 

Captain  Donop  defeated  by  Colonel  Butler,         ......  ib. 

Expedition  of  the  British  against  Egg  harbour,        -        -        -        -        •        -  271 

Pulaski  surprised,    •  -     *  -        -        -        -        -        -        •        •        -        -  ib. 

Count  D'Estaing  sails  for  the  West  Indies,      .......  ib. 

The  American  army  retires  into  winter  quarters,          .....  272 

Arrival  of  the  British  commissioners,       -.'••-        .        .        .        .        .        -  273 

Terms  of  conciliation  proposed,        •»-.---.-  ib. 

Answer  of  congress  to  their  proposition,          .......  274 

Attempts  of  Mr.  Johnson  to  bribe  some  members  of  congress,      ...  275 

His  private  letters  ordered  to  be  published,      .......  ib. 

Manifesto  of  the  commissioners  and  counter  manifesto  of  congress,        -        -  277 

Arrival  of  Monsieur  Girard,  minister  plenipotentiary  of  France,       ...  279 

Hostilities  of  the  Indians,            --......-  ib. 

Irruption  into  the  Wyoming  settlement,          .......  280 

Battle  of  Wyoming,          .........       -  281 

Colonel  Dennison  capitulates  for  the  inhabitants,    --••--  283 

Distress  of  the  settlement,           .........  ib. 

Colonel  Clarke  surprises  St.  Vincent,     ...--.--  284 

Congress  determines  to  invade  Canada,       .......  285 

General  Washington  opposes  the  measure,      -------  288 

induces  congress  to  abandon  it,  ib. 

Divisions  in  congress,     --_-        ...        -        -        -        -        -        -  290 

Letters  of  General  Washington  on  the  state  of  public  affairs,       ...  ib 


PAGE. 

General  Howe  defeated  bv  Colonel  Campbell,     -                         -     "*-       »  293 

Savannah  taken,            .....                .....  294 

Sunbury  surrenders,           --.-...••-  ib. 

Georgia  reduced,            -----.                •        •        -        -  ib. 

General  Lincoln  takes  command  of  the  southern  army        ....  295 

Major  Gardner  defeated  by  General  Moultrie,         ......  296 

Insurrection  of  the  tories  in  South  Carolina,        ......  ib. 

They  are  defeated  by  Colonel  Pickens,            .......  ib. 

Ash  surprised  and  defeated,        -        -        .        ......  297 

Moultrie  retreats,           ...........  298 

Prevost  marches  to  Charleston,'       ,    . .      -        -        -    *  •        ...  ib. 

Lincoln  attacks  the  British  at  Stono  ferry  unsuccessfully,        ....  299 

Invasion  of  Virginia,      ,  ',.-'-        -        -        -        -        .        .        -        -  300 

Discontents  in  a  part  of  the  Jersey  line,      -*  •» -       -        -        -        -        -        -  303 

Letter  from  General  Washington  on  the  subject,         -        •        -        -  ib. 

Colonel  Vanschaick  destroys  an  Indian  settlement,          .....  306 

Expedition  against  the  Indians  meditated,            ......  ib. 

Stony  Point  evacuated,           _--....-,.  308 

Fort  Fayette  surrendered  to  the  British,      -..-...  ib. 

Invasion  of  Connecticut,        --'.;.        ......  309 

General  Wayne  storms  Stony  Point,            .......  311 

The  British  move  up  the  Hudson,          -        -        --        -        -        -        -312 

Stony  Point  evacuated  by  the  Americans,             -        -        -        -        -        -  313 

repossessed  by  the  British,           .......  ib. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  withdraws  to  York  Island,    ------  ib. 

Expedition  against  Penobscot,         ---------  ib. 

Powles  Hook  surprised  by  Major  Lee,        -    -    -        -        -        -        -        -  315 

Arrival  of  Admiral  Arbuthnot  at  New  York,          ......  317 

of  the  Count  D'Estaing  on  the  southern  coast,        ....  ib. 

Siege  of  Savannah,        ----.-.--.-  318 

Unsuccessful  attempt  to  storm  that  place,    -------  319 

Siege  raised,          .---._....--  320 

General  Sullivan  defeats  the  Indians  near  Newtown,            ....  322 

Spain  offers  her  mediation  to  the  belligerents,          _...--  324 

declares  war  against  England,           _.__.-.  325 
Letter  from  General  Washington  to  congress  respecting  the  annual  formation 

of  the  army.                             327 

The  army  goes  into  winter  quarters,            .__.___  328 

South  Carolina  invaded,         ----------  330 

The  British  fleet  passes  the  bar,  and  gets  possession  of  the  harbour  of  Charleston,  332 

Opinion  of  General  Washington  on  the  propriety  of  defending  that  place,        -  ib. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  invests  the  town,          '••'-•    -        -        -        -        -        -  ib. 

The  fleet  enters  the  harbour,          -        -  •       -        -        -        -        -        -        -  333 

Tarlton  surprises  an  American  corps  at  Monk's  corner        -        ...  334 

Fort  Moultrie  surrendered,    ----------  335 

Tarlton  defeats  Colonel  White,           .-....--  ib. 

General  Lincoln  capitulates,           ___..-_--  336 

Buford defeated, -st    ';.-.  337 

Arrangements  for  the  government  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,      w»: "'   -  339 


INDEX.  vii 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  embarks  for  New  York,                                 ^       .       .  339 

General  Gates  takes  command  of  the  southern  army,       .....  341 

is  defeated  near  Camden,      ---....  345 

Death  of  DeKalb, 347 

Success  of  General  Sumpter,      ----.....  343 

He  is  defeated,       ---...         ..... 

Distress  in  the  American  camp,          -----.._  350 

Expedition  against  Staten  Island,           -----.__  353 

Requisitions  on  the  states,           ------.._  353 

New  scheme  of  finance,          -------.._  355 

Committee  of  congress  deputed  to  camp,      .......  359 

Resolution  to  make  up  depreciation  of  pay,     -------  ib. 

Mutiny  in  the  line  of  Connecticut,      ---'-....  ft. 

General  Knyphausen  enters  Jersey,        ----.._.  360 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  returns  to  New  York,            ......  362 

Skirmish  at  Springfield,         -----.....  353 

Exertions  to  strengthen  the  army,       ----._..  355 

Bank  established  in  Philadelphia,  .......         -ib. 

Contributions  of  the  ladies,          -----....  366 

Tardy  proceedings  of  the  states,      -        -        -        -        -        -        -        .        -368 

Arrival  of  a  French  armament  in  Rhode  Island,           -        -        -        -        -  369 

Changes  in  the  quartermaster  department,       -        -        -        -        -        -        -  373 

Enterprise  against  New  York  abandoned,            ......  373 

Naval  superiority  of  the  British,     ---....        -        -  ib. 

Treason  and  escape  of  Arnold,     -----_...  375 

Precautions  for  the  security  of  West  Point,    .......  379 

Trial  and  execution  of  Major  Andre,          ._.....  jj, 

Letter  of  General  Washington  on  American  affairs,        -        -        -        -        -  384 

Proceedings  of  congress  respecting  the  army,        ......  337 

Major  Talmadge  destroys  the  British  stores  at  Coram.    -  390 

The  army  retires  into  winter  quarters,         --._.__  391 

Irruption  of  Major  Carleton  into  New  York,           ......  ib. 

European  transactions,        --.--.....  ib. 

Transactions  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,          ......  394 

Lord  Cornwallis  enters  North  Carolina,      .......  395 

Defeat  of  Ferguson,       _-_-.-.....  ib. 

Lord  Cornwallis  retreats  out  of  that  state,            ......  397 

Major  Wemyss  defeated  by  Sumpter,     --------  398 

Tarlton  repulsed,       ---.--.....  399 

Greene  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  southern  army,          ....  400 

arrives  in  camp,      -_.-.-....  ib. 

detaches  Morgan  over  the  Catawba,            ......  ib. 

Battle  of  the  Cowpens,       ---. -  403 

Lord  Cornwallis  drives  Greene  through  North  Carolina  into  Virginia,     -       -  405 

He  retires  to  Hillsborough,         -....-.-.  408 

Greene  recrossed  the  Dan,     ----------  409 

Loyalists  under  Colonel  Pyle  cut  to  pieces,          ......  ib. 

Battle  of  Guilford  Court  House,    -  .......411 

Lord  Cornwallis  retires  to  Ramsay's  Mills,         ......  417 

VOL.  i.  33 


*. 


viii  INDEX. 

PAGE. 

Lord  Cornwallis  retires  to  Wilmington,      .......  417 

Greene  advances  to  Ramsay's  Mills,       ........  ib. 

determines  to  enter  South  Carolina,        ......  ib. 

Lord  Cornwallis  resolves  to  march  to  Virginia,                         •        -        -        -  ib, 

Virginia  invaded  by  Arnold,        .........  418 

He  destroys  the  stores  at  Westham  and  at  Richmond,     -----  ib. 

Retires  to  Portsmouth,        ..........  419 

Mutiny  in  the  Pennsylvania  line,            ........  420 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  attempts  to  negotiate  with  the  mutineers,        ...  422 

They  compromise  with  the  civil  government,           ......  423 

Mutiny  in  the  Jersey  line,          .......         -_  424 

Mission  of  Colonel  Laurens  to  France,           .......  425 

Propositions  to  Spain,         ----------  426 

Recommendations  relative  to  a  duty  on  imported  and  prize  goods,     ...  42' 

Reform  in  the  executive  departments,          .--....  ib. 

Confederation  ratified,            ..........  428 

Military  transactions,          --......-.  430 

Lafayette  detached  to  Virginia,      ......        ....  433 

Cornwallis  arrives,     ...........  435 

Presses  Lafayette,          .........        .-ib. 

Expedition  to  Charlottesville,      .........  436 

to  the  Point  of  Fork,  -       ...       -        -       -       -       -ib. 

Lafayette  forms  a  junction  with  "Wayne,     .......  437 

Cornwallis  returns  to  the  lower  country,         .......  ib. 

General  Washington's  letters  are  intercepted,      ......  438 

Action  near  Jamestown,        ---.......  439 

Farther  state  of  affairs  in  the  year  1781,       .......  441 

Measures  of  Mr.  Morris,  superintendent  of  finance,         .....  444 

Designs  of  General  Washington  against  New  York,            ....  445 

Count  Rochambeau  marches  to  the  North  River,    -.«-•-  446 

Intelligence  from  the  Count  de  Grasse,        -        .......  447 

Plan  of  operations  against  Lord  Cornwallis,            ......  ib. 

Naval  engagement,    ------...--  448 

The  combined  armies  march  for  the  Chesapeake,    ..•«•«  449 

Expedition  against  New  London,        ........  ib. 

Yorktown  invested,       --_.....---  452 

Surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis,    -.--••--•  457 


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